32 Questions on the Syrian Uprising

32 Questions on Syria 8/31/11
1 - What’s going on in Syria?

Since March 2011, inspired by uprisings across the Arab world, millions of Syrians
have taken to the streets to peacefully demand the end of Bashar al-Assad’s brutal
regime and a change to a democratic form of government.

2 - What was the trigger for the protests?

Triggered by the torture of children who, inspired by revolutions in Tunisia & Egypt,
sprayed anti-regime graffiti in the southern Syrian city of Daraa, what began as
provincial grievances against corruption, nepotism, and human rights abuses has now
reached a tipping point, with large segments of the Syrian population supporting
change – there are major protests in every city, every day.

3 - How has the Assad regime responded?

The Assad regime’s response to the peaceful pro-democracy demands has been
terrible and violent. As of mid-August 2011:

• The United Nations has conservatively reported that more than 2,200
civilians have been murdered, including hundreds of children
• More than 350 Syrian soldiers have been killed by the regime for
disobeying orders to shoot unarmed protestors
• More than 3,000 civilians have disappeared
• Approximately 50,000 persons have been detained. They face torture
and, in many cases, death
• More than 15,000 people have become externally-displaced refugees in
Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan
• There are tens of thousands of internally-displaced civilians

4 - What are the Syrian people demanding?

Political platforms are evolving with a focus on developing a nation free from
sectarian privileges and that represents all Syrians equally.

Since March 2011, protestors have been calling for the fall of the Assad regime and
have rejected the regime's disingenuous announcements of so-called reforms. There
is no room for dialogue with the regime – there is no going back, as too many lives
have been shattered and the regime has lost credibility and any opportunity to deliver
substantive, meaningful reforms.

The protest movement has held three key pillars to date:

www.AllianceForSyria.org www.facebook.com/AllianceForSyria www.twitter.com/alliance4syr 1

 This is a peaceful revolution – no to violent resistance
 The Syrian people are ONE – no to sectarianism
 This is a Syrian people’s revolution – no to foreign military intervention

5 - But wasn’t Bashar elected by the people?

Assad “inherited” Syria in July 2000 after the death of his father Hafez Al-Assad,
who ruled Syria as a police state for 30 years. At the age of 34, Bashar al-Assad, an
ophthalmologist who studied in England, was thrust into power through the regime’s
nomination. His election was rubberstamped by a referendum vote of over 97%
(according to government statistics), but he was the only candidate on the ballot.

Interestingly, the Syrian constitution’s age requirement for President was changed
within hours, from 40 to 34, to allow this nomination. Does this sound like Bashar
al-Assad was freely elected?

6 - But doesn't Bashar al-Assad need time to reform the country?

This regime had 11 years to deliver reforms, yet provided only symbolic reforms
until street demonstrations started in March 2011. In fact, even the little relaxation of
the police state that occurred after Bashar al-Assad’s “inheritance” of the throne (in a
republic) was followed by serious repression, imprisonment, and torture of peaceful
activists (the Damascus Spring).

The regime is a de facto continuation of the one Bashar al-Assad inherited from his
father, Hafez Al-Assad. While the president himself changed, the inner circle and the
“mafia” running the nation has not.

7 - Didn’t Bashar improve the nation?

Actually, he did not. The gap between rich and poor has grown exponentially in Syria
over the past 10 years. By opening Syria’s protected economy to the world market,
and by favoring certain members of the regime elite to engage in business deals,
Bashar al-Assad has enabled the wealthy to become wealthier, while the poor have
become poorer.

The president’s cousin, Rami Makhlouf, is but one example of a business tycoon
who monopolized Syrian industries – most famously the cell phone industry – and
who charges a 10% tax on nearly every major business contract in Syria. As such,
Rami Makhlouf has earned the nickname “Mr. 10 Percent.”

Stability has not been a problem in Syria over the past 40 years as it has been at the
expense of personal freedoms. The GDP in Syria is still one of the lowest in the
region and three-fourths of Syrians live on less than $70 / month. The
unemployment rate is as high as 20 % (exact figures are not provided by the
government).


Furthermore, Syria’s national resources, such as oil and natural gas, go directly into
the presidential budget, and are unaccounted for in the national budget.

8 - But didn't Bashar announce reforms to address protesters’ demands?

Bashar’s announcements have been purely symbolic and designed to appease the
masses. The so-called reforms have not led to any tangible or meaningful change in
the Syrian society.

For example, in April 2011, the decades-old Emergency Law was repealed as an
empty concession to the ongoing protests. This law was never the problem in itself;
rather, the problem is that the regime is above the law. The invasiveness of the
security forces into every aspect of life, with or without emergency laws, has only
fueled the problem.

Bashar even “decreed” in August 2011 a multi-party system. This is also a farce:
How can a multi-party system exist when Article 8 in the Syrian Constitution
guarantees the Ba’ath Party as “protectors of the nation”?

With every announcement that Bashar makes, we see his so-called “reform” in action
as protesters are shot in the streets for calling for change.

9 - Will the regime fall?

Absolutely – Syria has reached a tipping point, with large segments of the Syrian
population supporting change – there are major protests in every city, every day.

The regime will fall – it is just a matter of when, and how many more people will be
killed in the process.

The regime has so much blood on its hands that it is past the point of return –
almost every family in Syria has had a family member killed, tortured, or imprisoned.
It is personal for people.

10 - Why will the regime fall?

The brutality we have seen has only strengthened the resolve of the Syrian masses –
with every Syrian who is tortured, detained, or murdered, more people who may
have been “on the fence” realize that the regime has lost legitimacy, and is no longer
in a sustainable position.

Also, the momentum of the Arab streets is substantial – after witnessing the fall of
dictators such as Ben Ali, Mubarak, and Gaddhafi, the Syrian people understand that
this may be their only chance for a better life.


11 - How will the regime fall?

Many scenarios are plausible, with a combination of the following resulting in a
situation where the regime can no longer survive:

 In-fighting within the regime, among the brothers, as we saw in the mid-80s
between Hafez al-Assad and his brother Rifaat. Ultimately, Rifaat was exiled
from Syria.
 Bankruptcy of the Syrian economy (currently on a lifeline from Iran) – the
economy has been at a standstill since the protests began.
 Divisions within the army – defections are increasing daily, and it is only a
matter of time before a “free Syrian army” is mobilized.
 Continued peaceful civil disobedience further keeps the nation in paralysis,
ensuring that the regime can no longer govern.
 Foreign international pressure, both economic and diplomatic, which is
slowly tightening the noose around the regime’s neck.

Please note, most Syrians living in Syria, as well as their expatriate counterparts, have
been opposed to foreign military intervention.

12 - But wait, aren’t there many Syrians who are pro-regime? We saw the protests!

While there is a diverse set of opinions in Syria, the pro-regime rallies (aka the
“minhibak” or “we love you” rallies) have been orchestrated directly by the regime.

 They always take place on workdays so that government workers and
students can be pressured to attend. For government workers, it’s a day out
of the office; for students it’s an opportunity to get out of class. Often, these
rallies are compulsory, where government workers and students are not
permitted to miss them.
 They are always choreographed with flags and celebrities, despite being
publicized as spontaneous.

Finally, there are no attacks on “mnhibik” rallies from the so-called Salafists,
infiltrators, armed gangs, or foreign agents accused of being behind the protest
movement – if there were, how many would still protest?

Although there are pro-regime elements within Syrian society, the overwhelming
majority of Syrians have made their voices clear. They have demanded an alternative
to the ruling regime. The Syrian people have spoken.

13 - Who makes up the Syrian opposition?

The opposition is extremely diverse. For more than 40 years, being vocally opposed
to the Syrian regime has not been an option. Naturally, this has led to a political
vacuum in Syria, which is now being filled by:


 Youth activists, who are the backbone of the revolution and who organize
communities into local and national committees.
 Syrian intellectuals and members of banned parties within and outside Syria
who have long demanded democratization but have been crushed in the past.
 Syrian artists, including actors, political cartoonists, and singers, who have
high profiles in Syrian society, yet are being treated violently by the regime.
 Syrian expatriates, who had to leave their home country for a variety of
reasons – political, financial, or other.
 Religious figures from different sects (e.g., Sunni and Alawi leaders) who
have refused to “worship” the president.
 Others who have worked with and benefited from the Syrian regime in the
past, but who lost their privileges. These people left to live abroad and now
are eager to return to Syria. These individuals (e.g., Rifaat Al-Assad, Abdul
Halim Khaddam) have been marginalized by the Syrian people, and are not
taken seriously in any circles.

14 - Why isn't the opposition united?

Much has been made of the lack of an organized and united opposition, whether
within Syria or abroad. This has been a major success for the regime. Brutality pays:
over the past 40 years, through massacres, human rights violations, the culture of
fear, sectarian divisions, and military and political impotency, virtually no institutions
that could have been used as a means of opposing the regime have been left intact.

With this reality, this explains why at the outset of the uprising, the organized
opposition inside Syria was weak, and externally not very cohesive.

However, despite the systematic assault on activists and community leaders across
Syria (estimates are that one activist disappears every hour), the opposition and
decentralized protest movement is maturing into a well-connected network of
organizers, activists, and community leaders. All are preparing for the inevitable
collapse of the Assad regime by electing local representatives and connecting them
nationally and internationally, and formalizing political platforms.

15 - Is the opposition cozying up to anti-Arab, anti-Syrian elements in the west?

The Syrian opposition is very diverse. As with any fragmented network, many
opportunists have jumped on board without keeping in mind the best interests of the
revolution.

It is critical to note that the Syrian people will not accept an externally-fabricated
opposition that does not reflect the aspirations of the Syrian people. A classic
example is Farid Ghadry (the Syrian Chalabi), based in Washington, DC who has
previously appeared before Israel's Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee
to address interests in Syria. He has been summarily rejected within opposition
circles.


In addition, the Syrian people will not accept former agents of the regime, who have
now switched sides. Perfect examples of this are Abdul Halim Khaddam and Rifaat
al-Assad, who had at some point been as brutal to the Syrian people as the regime
itself.

There are also examples of human rights advocates speaking at Zionist organizations.
While it is impossible to monitor every individual statement, these people do not
represent the movement itself, and the general consensus is that Syrians oppose
these sort of engagements.

16 - Is the opposition serving a foreign agenda?

The opposition started from within Syria for political, humanitarian, and socio-
economic reasons, and will remain centered in Syria. Syrian expatriates are providing
as much financial, political, and moral support as possible to the peaceful movement;
however, the revolution remains grounded in serving one priority: the average Syrian
citizen’s agenda.

17 - Does the opposition have a plan for “What’s Next”?

Rebuilding the nation after 40 years of systematic destruction of all civil society in
Syria is no easy task. There is a lot of work to be done; the goal is to implement a
practical foundation behind which Syrians of all backgrounds can rally.

The opposition has matured and become much more organized, holding conferences
in cities such as Ankara, Istanbul, Paris, and Brussels. These opposition groups are
already connecting with groups inside Syria and laying the foundation for the “day
after” the inevitable fall of the Assad regime.

18 - But who will lead Syria if the regime falls?

There are thousands of activists and community leaders who are willing to unite and
lead their nation forward.

Despite the systematic assault on activists and community leaders across Syria
(estimates are that one activist disappears every hour), the opposition and
decentralized protest movement is maturing into a well-connected network of
organizers, activists, and community leaders. All are preparing for the
inevitablwww.allianceforsyria.org Page 6 8/31/11e collapse of the Assad
regime by electing local representatives and connecting them nationally and
internationally, and formalizing political platforms.

Many have raised the concern that no key personalities are known entities – while
this is true, the future stability of Syria will no longer need to depend on the cult of
personality that has been dominant over the last 40 years of Assad rule.

19 - But the regime says these people are foreign infiltrators?


In a country that has been ruled by an extremely harsh dictatorship for 40 years, it is
ludicrous to presume that foreign infiltrators would be able to spring up overnight
and continue to have a presence in Syria for months on end.

The only evidence of foreign infiltrators has been that of Hezbollah and Iranian
snipers and guards, who have assassinated peaceful demonstrators and trained
regime security forces to continue their brutality against a peaceful civilian
population.

20 - Isn’t Bashar providing security & defending Syria against violence by “armed
gangs”?

In a nation that has been ruled by a harsh dictatorship for more than 40 years, it is
absurd to presume that armed gangs have suddenly appeared in every town, village,
and city across the country.

The only evidence of armed gangs has been that of pro-regime “Shabiha” (the
regime’s armed thugs and death squads) who have brutalized the population at the
orders of the regime.

21 - But the regime says these protests are religious fanatics, Salafists?

It is clear that the protest movement represents every corner of Syria – from Lattakia
on the coast, to Deir Ezzor near the Iraqi border, to Damascus. To claim that these
millions are religious fanatics is not only ludicrous, but also a gross distortion of
reality.

For one, there is no organized religious opposition in Syria, as it was effectively
wiped out by Hafez Al-Assad in the 1980s. Even the word “Salafi” was only
introduced into Syrian discourse by the regime within the last 6 months.

In addition, one of the main chants throughout Syria has been “Alshaab Alsoory
wahid” or “The Syrian people are one!” – that doesn’t sound like fanaticism, does it?

The regime has tried to play this card for a few reasons:
 To convince the population that only the current regime can ensure stability.
 To play on the fears of sectarian strife, which run deep in the minds of many
Syrians, given the history of brutal minority rule and the civil wars in
Lebanon and Iraq.
 To scare religious minority groups (e.g., Christians and Druze) into
continued submission.
 To prey on Western fears of Islamic fundamentalist penetration.

22 - Who says the protestors are peaceful?

While a small number of protesters may have resorted to violence, there is no
organized armed resistance. In cases of violence, it is mostly in response to security


force / Shabiha attacks, but even then, they are a small minority of those involved in
the uprising.

The few of those who have resorted to violence have largely used Molotov cocktails,
stones, and hunting rifles, which are no match for the full military power of Syrian
forces, including tanks and helicopter gunships.

Army defectors have repeatedly confirmed that they were ordered to fire on
unarmed protesters. These are the terrorists and armed gangs to which the regime
refers to.

23 - Who is killing the brave Syrian soldiers?

There are very few documented accounts of Syrian security personnel being killed by
protestors; however, there are numerous eyewitness reports from military defectors
recounting situations in which soldiers who defected or refused to take up arms were
shot by officers or fellow soldiers.

24 - But the regime says the revolution will benefit Syria’s “enemies”?

This regime is the enemy of Syria, and for decades has compromised the national
ideals and aspirations of the Syrian people.

For example, more bullets have been fired at Syrian protesters on any single day
since the uprising began than on the Golan front over the past 40 years.

The Assad regime has gladly collaborated with the US to support the War on Terror.
Even Rami Makhlouf, Bashar al-Assad’s cousin, recently stated, “If there is no
stability here, there’s no way there will be stability in Israel.”

It is time for the Syrian people to control their own destiny by building a strong
nation that protects the nation, not the interests of the regime.

25 - But isn’t this fabricated by the media? This is all blown out of proportion!

With very little access by international press (as it has been restricted by the regime
to enter the country) the people have become citizen-journalists documenting the
atrocities, protests, and funerals across the nation.

If this is blown out of proportion and all footage is skewed, one must ask, why is the
regime not allowing foreign press into the country? Or, why doesn’t the regime allow
UN observers to freely move around the country?

26 - But won’t revolution will destroy the economy?

The Syrian economy has been at a standstill; however, the nation’s economy has
been manipulated for the personal benefit of the regime, specifically, the Assad
family for generations.


The gap between rich and poor has grown exponentially in Syria over the past 10
years. By opening Syria’s protected economy to the world market, and by favoring
certain members of the regime elite to engage in business deals, Bashar Al-Assad has
enabled the wealthy to become wealthier, while the poor have become poorer.

The GDP in Syria is still one of the lowest in the region and three-fourths of Syrians
survive on less than $70 / month. The unemployment rate is as high as 20% (exact
figures are not provided by the government).

Furthermore, Syria’s national resources, such as oil and natural gas, go directly into
the presidential budget, and are unaccounted for in the national budget.

One of the goals of the revolution is to ensure that the wealth of the nation is
directly invested into the country, and not into the pockets of the regime.

27 - What about sectarianism? Minority rights?

Everyone in Syria has suffered at the hands of the regime, whether Sunni, Christian,
Alawi, Druze, Kurd, Circassian, or any of the other ethnicities which make up the
Syrian cultural fabric. This is the shared experience of the Syrian people under the
Assad rule.

The issue in Syria is not about minority rights; rather, it is about basic human rights
and equality for all, regardless of sect or ethnicity.

This is what is meant when protestors chant “Alshaab alsoory wahid” “The Syrian
people are one!”

Furthermore, the regime is desperately trying to instigate sectarian responses by
using sectarian tactics:
 Alawite-dominated military units (Republican Guard, Maher Al-Assad’s 4th
Brigade) and militias and gangs (Shabiha) have been responsible for most of
the killings.
 These groups are aiming to provoke Sunnis across the nation by attacking
religious institutions, burning Korans, and targeting religious leaders.

28 - Won’t this revolution lead to a civil war?

This revolution will hopefully not lead to civil war, especially if the regime fails in its
attempt to divide the Syrian society. Sectarian strife is being promoted by the regime
to create chaos in order to justify its existence.

Bashar Al-Assad has already indicated that if the regime is forced out, they will burn
the nation. However, as many in Syria have stated, the revolution must succeed, as
the alternative to a new Syria will be too terrible to imagine.


29 - But doesn’t the Assad regime defend the causes of the Arab people?

The Assad regime has perpetuated a myth of resistance since it took over Syria. They
have, for a long time, aligned their public narrative with the desires of the people,
hence creating the illusion, both internally and across the Arab world, that they are
brave protectors of Arab ideals.

Their narrative, however, couldn’t be further from the truth. For example, more
bullets have been fired at Syrian protesters on any single day since the uprising began
in March 2011 than on the Golan front over the past 40 years.

The Assad regime has gladly collaborated with the US to support the War on Terror.
Even Rami Makhlouf, Bashar al-Assad’s cousin, recently stated, “If there is no
stability here, there’s no way there will be stability in Israel.”

Lebanese and Palestinian people have also been longtime targets of the regime; more
Lebanese have been killed in the past 20 years by Syrians than by Israelis. Moreover,
as confirmed by UNRWA, thousands of Palestinian refugees fled their camps in the
city of Lattakia due to regime bombardment in August 2011.

It is about self-preservation for the regime – if you are a threat to their control you
will be dealt with accordingly.

30 - What role does the international community play?

The international community has an obligation to support the people of Syria in their
time of need through political and economic isolation of the regime. Specifically the
following five actions are required:
 Declare Bashar Al-Assad’s regime illegitimate and call for him to step down.
 Impose further sanctions on the regime and the industrial sectors propping
up the regime (e.g., oil and gas).
 Exert pressure through the United Nations to isolate the regime (e.g., UN
Security Council resolution; referral to the International Criminal Court).
 Pressure Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan to declare Syrians seeking refuge as
refugees, not visitors, to enable UN access to provide protection and
assistance.
 Showcase solidarity with the pro-democracy movement by severing or
minimizing diplomatic relations with the Assad regime.

31 - What role should the UN play?

The UN has a very specific role to play, and should focus on:
 Adopting a UNSC resolution declaring the Assad regime illegitimate.
 Pushing for the temporary suspension of all Syrian activities in the UN.
 Pressuring the UNSC to refer regime leaders to the International Criminal
Court.


 Assigning a special representative of the Secretary-General to go to Syria, act
as a monitor, and report back to UN until the crisis is over.
 Leveraging the full resources of UN humanitarian response to support Syrian
refugees.

32 - Why is Syria important to the US?

Syria is essential for most US foreign policy goals in the Middle East: Syria is a key
influencer in ensuring stability in Iraq; is at the core of both Iran’s and Turkey’s
regional policy; is still in a state of war with Israel; and it is a major stakeholder in
Lebanon’s political landscape.

A democratic Syria will without a doubt be of interest to the US, especially if the
Syrian people view the US as a friend in their time of need rather than a nation that
stood on the sidelines while Syrians bravely demanded their freedom from a ruthless
regime.


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