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Are the categories of sex, gender, and sexuality stable? :
Queer as a counter theory to stability
Besire Paralik
Department of Psychology, Lund University
Abstract
The purpose of this literature review is to address the queer theory as an opposed to the idea
of unchanging characteristics of identities related to human body and mind. According to the
queer theory people are able to place themselves in different identities at different times.
Accordingly it stresses the role of systematic power in which human bodies are connected and
controlled both in private and public spheres. The focus of this literature review will be
comparison of the key studies and the main arguments held by queer theory and social
identity theories within the framework of sex, gender, and sexuality categories. In the first
part of the paper traditional theories as well as related recent findings will be presented.
Accordingly the human perception towards sex, gender, and sexuality categories will be
discussed within the frame of essentialist and constructionist positions. Accordingly,
development of male, female, masculinity, femininity, heterosexuality, and homosexuality
categories will be compared in the light of normativity including hetero- and homo-
normativity. In the second part, general outlines of queer theory which has non-normative
structure will be introduced and compared with the idea of categories’ presumed stability and
essence. Mainly the arguments of Judith Butler will be presented with supporting research
studies in this field.
Key words: categorization, gender,performativity,norms,non-normativity,essentialism,constructivism,stability
Introduction
Recent years have witnessed an increasing number of research articles in queer theory which
emerged from post-structural insight. Queer theory as a phenomenon is unaligned with any
specific identity category and resists the stability model of chromosomal sex, gender, and
sexual desire (Jagose, 1996). On the other hand biological determinism defines the 'male' and
'female' as two categories which are based on nature. Ortner (1972) disagrees with the
biological basis of the categories of men and women. Rather she stresses the universality of
culturally attributed gender roles in every society. Ortner claims that biological determinism
has failed to convince the academic anthropology. However she does not reject the relevance
of biological facts, rather affirms the biological differences only within the framework of
culturally defined value systems. Accordingly culture in her papers was defined as follows:
Every culture, or, generically, "culture," is engaged in the process of generating and
sustaining systems of meaningful forms (symbols, artifacts,etc.) by means of which
humanity transcends the givens of natural existence, bends them to its purposes,
controls them in its interest (pp 1-10).
In particular, people are categorized by sex into two groups as ‘male’ and ‘female’.
A social identity theory which explains intergroup behavior and stability of the categories was
originally formulated by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in 1970s. The main focus of the theory
is to address the reasons of individual’s self-definitions in terms of one group membership.
Tajfel et al. (1973) found that similarity and social categorization are important determinants
in an ingroup favoritism. In this manner, there is a need for individuals to define and place
themselves in stable groups. In order to achieve togetherness people may perform to rigid
gender role beliefs and behaviors which may also lead to the loss of individuality (Cobb et al.,
2009). For example, a woman may feel a part of the family through her role as a mother. By
performing her duties as a mother, she may feel valued and accepted by her family also feel a
lack of individuality if she thinks that her place in the family is threatened if she does not
perform her role (Walsh et al., 2009).
According to social learning theory formed by Bandura (1999), individuals learn how to
behave through modeling and reinforcement. However Berenbaum et al. (1992) found that
prenatal hormones are also related to behaviors. The findings of the study showed that 3- to 8-
years-old girls with congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH) who were exposed to high levels of
androgen in the prenatal and early postnatal periods play with boys’ toys more than girls’
toys. Hence it was suggested that the social or illness factors are not determinant in behavioral
changes. Moreover Berenbaum and colleagues claimed that hormones may have indirect
effect –such as through activity level, motor skills, abilities, temperament- on toy choices of a
child (1992). Similarly, Berenbaum and Snyder (1995) was conducted another study with
children in which playmate preferences was assessed by showing pictures of children and
asking them whom they would like to play. Findings of the study showed that the girls with
CAH mostly preferred boys as playmates. However the results were concluded as providing a
little evidence of a relationship between activity and playmate preferences. In regard of the
playmates choice and its stability over time, Martin et al. (2001) found that children's partner
preferences were highly sex differentiated and stable over time in a study consisted 53 months
mean age children. The data suggested the determinant effect of social dosage in which the
more both girls and boys played with same-sex partners, the more their behavior became sex
differentiated. Additionally the children were observed during six months in terms of stability.
Accordingly, the data showed that same-sex interactions are consistent over time. Moreover
the group interactions demonstrated consistency with gender-stereotyped expectations.
Similarly Hines et al. (2008) reported that sex-typed behavior increases through the preschool
years and remains stable up to age 8.
Regarding to the categories some critical questions rise within social sciences and lead to the
debate of nature versus nurture. The arguments of social scientists are mostly underline the
role of social world in constructing the categories. According to Hacking (1999) gender is not
an inevitable result of biology; in other words biological differences do not determine gender.
Rather it is historically and socially constructed. Hence male and female categories are not
inherently different, but actually products of the society. Similarly he explains the sense of
self as a construction of social process. On the other hand essentialism is a concept which
claims that social categories have deeply rooted biological underpinnings (Haslam et al.,
2000). In social sciences ‘essence’ refers to permanence, unlike constructionist view it
opposes the thought of social change.
The debate between gender essentialists and gender constructionists ranges over broad
arguments. More generally, the concept of essentialism can be seen in Aristotle’s
metaphysics, which is actually compatible with a historical and social understanding of
gendered individuals. Witt (2011) characterized Aristotle’s model to gender and drew a
conclusion of essentialism as a membership which could be defined by a common, stable, and
homogenous property of natural kinds.
Are the categories of sex, gender, and sexuality stable?
Even though ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ broadly used interchangeably, the terms differ in definitions.
Sex refers to a person’s biological status and is typically categorized as male, female, or
intersex; whereas gender refers to the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture
associates with a person’s biological sex. On the other hand the term sexuality, which can be
also called sexual orientation refers to the sex of those to whom one is sexually and
romantically attracted (APA, 2011). The term gender identity was coined by John Money
which implies inner sense of being male or female. He argues that socialization, rather than
genetics, is a critical factor in one’s determination of own gender identity (Okami, 2014).
The Bruce/Brenda case, which came into attention in late 1990s in research area, raised
critical questions related to the debate of essentialism versus constructionism regarding to
gender identity. In 1965 a boy called Bruce whose genital organ was accidentally burnt in the
hospital during the circumcision process shortly after his born had been attempted
reconstructive surgery for recovery. Since the chances of success to recreate male genital
organ were small, external female genitals was created and the child, renamed Brenda, was
raised as a girl by parents. A doctor, John Money, who suggested the parents to raise their
child in congruence with the reassigned anatomical sex was a main figure in that case. During
this period Money was publishing papers that represent the success of the operation. However
by age two Brenda started to act like a boy, in the following years she was found to have
sexual attraction to girls (Okami, 2014). Furthermore, a critical point in Brenda’s case
overlooked in Money’s arguments; Brenda was a member of a monozygotic twin pair which
refers to shared identical genetic trait of two members of the pair. Another pair of the twins,
who did not experience same accident as Brenda in the hospital was raised in congruent with
his anatomical male sex identity. In other terms, one of the pairs of same-sex identical twins
faced with sex-gender incongruence in preadolescent years, while other pair did not. After
Brenda’s declaration of self-discomfort gender identity, essentialist view seems more
convincing than Money’s theory which highlights social learning in forming gender identity
development.
Thus Brenda’s observed case call socialization into question. Apart from essential and
constructive arguments, Butler (2004) proceeds the debate in the view of performativity
theory. Her arguments reflected different account of social construction than offered by
Money. Instead she formed a theory unconnected with gender normativity. Moreover she
emerged a question of “why” is the Y chromosome considered as a primary determinant of
maleness; which actually overshadows all other factors. According to Butler gender and its
relation to anatomy is complex (2004: 63), and both identities are different from each other. In
her arguments she approached the issue of Brenda from different perspective than nature and
nurture binaries. Butler preferred to use the name David as it was used by Brenda after her
surgical sex operation. More importantly, Butler pointed out the uncertainty of David’s belief
whether he wanted to change his sex primarily by the force of the Y chromosome. What is
known was David’s will to return who he was; thus he allegorized transsexuality in order to
achieve sense of naturalness. Butler emphasized the understanding of David within the frame
of ‘norms’ that dictates how he was supposed to be (pp. 64). Obviously the identity of Brenda
failed to meet with normality criteria in terms of femininity, hence in order to achieve
normality he performed sex surgery. At this point Butler questions the limits of normality as
well as conditions he survived in by evaluating David’s reported words; “I looked at myself
and said I don’t like this type of clothing”. According to Butler an important determinant of
his self-concept underlines the norms which made David to see himself something between
the norms and to feel as in the wrong gender (pp. 68). Butler criticized the social
constructionist claim of Money in which the absence of the phallus was thought to make the
social case for rearing the child as a girl (pp.63). Butler exemplified the position of
constructionism as well as essentialism which is thought to be trapped in normality with this
statement:
We might say that Brenda/David together went through two transsexualsurgeries: the
first based on a hypothetical argument about what gender should be, given the ablated
nature of the penis; the second based on what the gender should be, based on the
behavioral and verbal indications of the person in question. In both cases,certain
inferences are made, ones that suggest that a body must be a certain way for a gender to
work, another which says that a body must feela certain way for a gender to work (pp.
71).
Accordingly, Butler put forward the argument of transsexuals, who identify themselves as
oppose to their anatomical sexs, and drag performers, who dresses in female clothes for
entertaining, in her 1999 preface to Gender Trouble. The argument draws attention to the
‘naturalized knowledge’ of gender perceptions. Butler emphasized that when one, who holds
naturalized perspective, see a man dressed as a woman or a woman dresses as a man considers
this actions as ‘unreal’. In other terms, since the ‘reality’ of gender is shaped within the frame
of gender norms based on cultural inferences, actions outside of the normative terms reflects
unreality. Butler claims that the normative perception results in imputations of
inappropriateness of such actions, as well as artificial characteristics of non-normative gender
appearances. In a similar way Butler starts questioning the definitions of ‘gender reality’ and
concludes the dilemma by asserting the changeable and revisable possibilities of gender
reality (1993: 23-27).
Regarding to Brenda/David case, Kettenis (2005) came up with important results found in his
research that can be considered as an evidence contradictory to the arguments of Money.
Despite considerable number of gender role changes reported in adulthood in such cases,
Kettenis’ data represented a significant number of affected individuals who still lived in the
female role. According to Kettenis in a case where individuals who were raised as girls but
make a switch after puberty has different determinant factors including biological,
environmental, and psychological reasons. Biological factor underlines the severity of the
mutation in terms of the in vitro enzyme production deficiency. This might in turns causes
more or less (prenatal) exposure of the brain to androgens. On the other hand the data showed
that societies which may pressure individuals to change remained in the female role.
Surprisingly the same data reported that role changes occurred in gender equal societies. In
this manner, a question may arise regarding to the process of the sex and gender categories.
Even though most theories underline the early years of age, there is a debate between
essentialism and social constructionism related to the question of ‘how’ those categories are
developed. Considerable number of research findings demonstrated that recognition of one’s
own sex as well as of other persons’ are formed in early years of age. In one aspect of view
gender schema theorists emphasize social experiences as a determinant of gender formation in
early stages of childhood; in other terms sex, gender, and sexuality categories are learnt
through social experiences rather than held inherently. According to Martin (1995) gender
schemas lead to expectations and stereotypes associated with perceived sex of others. The
findings of Martin’s study showed that adults hold some specific belief on gender-typed
behaviors related to children. Similarly behavioral psychologists Bussey and Bandura (1999)
argue that gender development is fundamental which regulates people’s lives, influence self-
perceptions as well as towards others. Accordingly Slab and Frey (1975) argued that when
children begin to realize male-female distinction in the society, they begin to adopt gender-
typed behaviors which in turn lead to the understanding that everyone including themselves is
either a male or a female and this condition is stable and consistent throughout life. On the
other hand biological theories emphasize the biological bases of gender. In accordance with
heredity, evolutionary theorists argue that gender appropriate behaviors are actually innate
and are developed in preverbal stage through human psychological adaptation (Okami, 2014).
Archer (1996) theorized evolutionary psychology in accordance with the Darwinian principle
of sexual selection. According to the argument, sex differences in social behavior can be
explained in terms of sexuality, mate choice, and aggression which are presumed as inherent
characteristics of humans. However Archer did not undermine the role of socialization
regarding to the differences between sexes. In his evolutionary theory, socialization was
described as an adaptive tool of biological characteristics (Archer, 1996). Similar with
evolutionary perspective, Freud argued that sex differences have anatomical basis. Differently
from evolutionary aspect, Freud pointed out early years of age in gender development, which
presumed to occur through an identification with same sex parent between age 3 and 5. In
Freud’s work, a case in which a male identifies himself with an opposite sex parent was
described as an inversion which was used to describe homosexuality in psychoanalysis. From
Freudian points of view the term inversion refers to the reverse of the normal, in other terms it
is a deviation of the anatomical sexes (Freud& Brill, 1995). Another theory regarding to
gender role process combines social learning through observation and cognitive growth. The
evidence for gender-sex congruency through cognitive growth was found in Slab and Frey’s
study (1975) with fifty five children of average age two in the United States. The study
recorded amount of time children watched a male and a female models in the film. The results
showed that children were more likely to observe same sex models. Between two sessions of
the film an interview about gender constancy was conducted with the children. Overall
findings suggested that children develop sex-gender constancy as they grow up based on their
cognitive development. It was concluded that the cognitive growth in turn leads to the
cognitive understanding that gender is a constant human attribute (Slab& Frey, 1975).
More recently, and Eagly (2002) conducted a cross-cultural meta-analysis in which the
findings of gender role behaviors of men and women were compared in the light of
evolutionary psychology. In order to draw universal conclusion, the data of observed societies
consisted different context; both industrial and non-industrial societies. Results of the study
mainly revealed existence of the patriarchal structure in which men are more likely to
participate in dominant contests whereas women have orientation to take care of offspring in
both contexts. Wood and Eagly evaluated the results by biosocial perspective in which
observed gender role diversity among men and women imputed to the interaction between
biological basis and social influence. Accordingly they denied the universality of gender
roles; rather stated that patriarchal structures has emerged from the need of high status and
power, which are held by men, to be able to facilitate the tasks within the contexts.
Oppositely, status of women was described as in conflict with power due to reproductive
activities.
Regarding to the arguments of evolutionary theory men and women hold essential
characteristics which in turn emerges as everyday practices within societies. The results of
meta-analysis can be read by evolutionary theorists as universal dispositions of sexes.
However this conclusion overlook the fact that gender roles may vary across cultures and
time. The evidence can be seen in societies at variance of gender-typed behaviors. Despite it
is inappropriate for men to wear skirts in most Western nations, for instance, it is normal in
traditional Scotland and present-day India or Southeast Asia, for men to wear skirt-like
garments frequently (Okami, 2014). Additionally a question might arise at this point related to
the diverse gender practices in non-patriarchal societies. Further research could address the
arguments of how evolutionary theorists evaluate the gender roles in non-patriarchal societies.
Although a study by Lepowsky on non-patriarchal society, Vanatinai, was represented in this
meta-analysis it lacks information related to the essential theorists’ views on it. Thus a
criticism towards Wood and Eagly’s meta-analysis can be addressed on inadequate
information of non-patriarchal societies as well as lack of debate on universal gender roles on
it.
Moreover people’s opinions about the categories of sex, gender, and sexuality draw attention
to ingroup-outgroup involvements in social psychology. Considerable number of research
highlight that people are more likely to hold the idea of sex, gender, and sexuality are stable,
congruent with each other as well as consisting of two distinctive parts within themselves.
Namely sex has two parts as male and female; gender is separated as masculinity and
femininity; and sexuality involves mainly heterosexuality and homosexuality. In early study
of Meehan and Janik (1990), it was found that sex role stereotypes are maintained set of
beliefs that place genders in specific roles. This cognitive adoption also seems to be formed
early years of age in human life. Results of the data showed that second and fourth graders are
likely to match male and female pictures with the traditional gender stereotypes such as male
firefighter, and female nurse. Similarly, Hock and colleagues supported the argument with
findings of a recently conducted research that sex and gender categories are early social
process of life span. In this developmental psychology research, photographs of females and
males were combined to create sex-incongruent images and were shown to the infants (Hock
et al., 2015). Overall results reported that sex information from bodies and faces are started to
be derived at the age of 5-month-old. Additionally the same study represented 3.5-month-olds
as failed to discriminate mismatch of sexes on the images. Although these results provide
adequate answers related to the question of ‘when’, they do not assert to the issue of ‘how’
sex and gender categories are formed. Thus a fine line between evolutionary and gender-
construction theories remain questionable.
The debate between essentialism and constructionism is associated with nature versus nurture
dichotomy. These approaches which stand in sharp contrast to each other have been examined
extensively in social sciences. Furthermore the vast body of research within sociology
emphasizes the role of social determinants that posits nurture characteristics in human gender-
related behavior; whereas natural sciences underlines biological bases which are considered as
a part of nature. Moreover, twin studies which has demonstrated relatively different results in
comparison with single individuals enhance thought-provoking characteristics of the debate.
In their study Knafo and Spinath (2010) highlighted shared genetic heritage effects on gender
roles in twin pairs. The study which conducted among same-sex German monozygotic and
dizygotic twin pairs was designed to investigate genetic and environmental effects based on
self-reported questionnaires of gender-stereotypical values. The values system consisted of
two dimensions: (a) self-enhancement (promotion of self-interests; power and achievement
values) versus self-transcendence (caring for others; universalism and benevolence) and (b)
openness to change (stimulation and self-direction) versus conservation (tradition, security,
and conformity). Results of the study demonstrated that both monozygotic and dizygotic
twins gave similar importance to all the values. However, despite twin pairs’ scores seem not
independent of each other, questions may arise related to the opposite sex dizygotic twin pairs
who share average half of their genes. Since the data was only consisted of same-sex
monozygotic and dizygotic twins, the conclusion of mere genetic factors in gender-typed
values becomes uncertain.
Accordingly the data suggests a genetic effect in findings where both boys and girls
monozygotic twins represented higher concordance rates on gender-stereotypical values than
were dizygotic twins. Knafo and Spinath also reported that gender-stereotypical values, in
which girls scored higher on benevolence, whereas boys scored higher on power and
achievement, are highly dependent on heritability for both sexes. On the other hand different
picture emerged for the gender-atypical values; for boys, differently from girls, it was found
that gender-atypical values did not depend on genetic factors. Instead, environmental factors
accounted for their gender-atypical values. This surprising results may lead to the criticism of
social factors as having more effect on boys’ some specific gender roles. In this case Knafo
and Spinath argued that it is likely that additional genetic factors operate on girls’ values on
gender.
In a similar manner, earlier study of Hurtig and Pichevin (1990) found that while sex category
perceived as permanent identity marker for women, it was likely to be seen by men as a social
marker which only becomes adopted and useful in certain situations. The reported
incongruence between sexes in terms of the way gender is shaped brings about more
questions about dichotomy of masculinity and femininity. From the aspect of social
constructionism, people identify themselves as well as others in accordance with specific
social categories. This socialization process occurs early in human life. According to Waxman
(2010) children in pre-school age perceive social categories as natural kinds. The findings
suggested that children perceive members of different kinds of people, including gender, as to
share commonalities. These results lead to the conclusion of inductive characteristics of
perception towards gender starts in preschool years. The following question might be
addressed related to the stability of the perceptions towards gender category: Is it formed in
childhood and become flexible in following years or is it formed in childhood and remain
stable later in life?
As reported by the vast body of research findings, formed categories of sex and gender seem
stable and likely to turn into stereotypes as well as self-concepts later in human life. People
are likely to behave in congruent with their sex, similarly the category of gender that one
place themselves predict daily choices and behaviors. Westerwick and Hoplamazian (2012)
found that one’s biological sex is a strong determinant in preference for the type of a
magazine to be browsed. The study which was conducted with adults support the theory that
self-identified femininity and masculinity lead to gender-appropriate magazines to be
preferred. More importantly, analysis of the data showed that longer exposure to specific
gender typed magazines increased the levels of femininity and masculinity of its holders.
Overall the findings underline the importance of media as a socialization agent in terms of
conformity to gender norms.
It is important to note that sex and gender are sometimes not, and not have to be always
congruent with each other. Although gender norms might be rewarding in some societies,
gender categories extend male and female dichotomy. Transgender refers to a category in
which person is not comfortable with the sex that was assigned at the birth (Okami, 2014).
Individuals might consider themselves to androgynous (both sexes) or place themselves in
third gender (neither male nor female). However transgender people are not always behave as
they like in public. Recent research on disclosure rate of transgender identity among the
participants of transgender conference in US demonstrated that the number of the ones who
dress as they like in public reflects 65 per cent only part time, and 29 per cent full time
(Maguen et al. 2007). The reasons behind the acts of concealment seem to have religious
factors; The Hebrew Bible states that a woman or man who wears the clothing of the opposite
sex is an abomination to the Lord (Deut. 22:5), as well as legal roots; beginning in the 1840s
US in general enacted gender-normative rules regarding behavior (Reis, 2014). Transgender
individuals may seek psychological help for social and psychological difficulties associated
with depression, anxiety, relationship problems, and others. Moreover, the need of health
services is exacerbated by feelings of shame for being different from others, isolation and a
lack or loss of social support, discrimination, and the resulting housing, employment,
financial, and other problems that result from discrimination (Borden, 2015). Similarly
transgender women in their romantic relationship with cisgender men, who identify their
gender same as their biological sex, experience stress (Gamarel et al., 2014). Pinto and
Moleiro (2015) found that transgender people faced with psychological distress in forming
gender identity which is not socially valued in the context. The data which was collected in
Portuguese demonstrated that gender expressions/roles of participants were not tolerated in
childhood by parents. The questions may arise at that point regarding to gender roles which
are attributed to heredity by evolutionary theorists; why cross-dressing within the frame of
presumed inherent gender roles were punished by the laws in the past; similarly by the social
norms in recent years? If sex, gender, and sexuality are essential characteristic of individuals,
what does social control on gender roles serve for?
In contrast with essentialist view, Lev (2004) stated that all human identities are constructed
within the specific cultural and social context. In India, individuals who do not identify
themselves as neither man nor woman –named hijras- are given a special place in Indian
society. Hijras who belong to a religious community consist of men who dress and act like
women, are identified with the Mother Goddess in the culture after undergo a genital remove
operation (Nanda, 1999). The different gender expectations across cultures induce uncertainty
towards the universality of gender categories.
Like the identity category of transgender, homosexuality as a type of sexual orientation
belonged to the category of serious offenses against normality; beginning in the late 1860s,
American physicians adopted the terms ‘‘contrary sexual feeling’’ and ‘‘inversion’’ to
describe homosexual desire (Reis 2014). Since the statement of physicians reflected an
authority of medical science its impact on the society cannot be underestimated. It is not just
society at large that has rigid expectations of appropriately gendered behavior; rather many
individuals who identify themselves as homosexual have internalized the same gender role
assumptions in their desire to assimilate into the wider population (Doan, 2007). Self-
uncertainty could be the reason that motivates people to identify themselves with social
groups, particularly groups that provide a distinctive and clearly defined identity and
associated normative beliefs and behavioral prescriptions (Peters, 2005).
In 1990’s British author Andrew Sullivan, who is openly gay and catholic stated the demand
of being perceived as normal for homosexual identities in society. In his words gay people
was stated as the ones who accept their sexual orientation as normal and emphasize the wish
to be integrated into society as they are (Warner, 2000). According to Doan (2007) many gay
and lesbian activists’ wish to present themselves as ‘normal’ is ironic because 1969 Stonewall
revolution which lead to gay liberation and political fight for the community of lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and trans rights in the United States was a method of signifying non-normality; prior
to the Stonewall riots sex-gender mismatch was mostly tolerated by the gay community.
Recently it is likely to for ‘masculine’ gay men to describe themselves as ‘normal’ whereas
exclude ‘effeminate’ gay men from the community (Bogetić, 2013). There are different
perceptions related to the origins of homosexual orientation. It is often assumed that
essentialist understandings of homosexuality are conservative, on the other hand
constructionists lend themselves to progressive or even radical insights (Jagose, 1996).
While neuroscientists emphasize essential biological origins, social constructionists point out
the social world. In accordance with constructionism Hacking (1999) questioned whether the
construction refers to homosexual culture, practices, or a kind of person (identity). During
imperial times of China some male emperors were known to have same-sex relationships with
male harems as a natural and acceptable ways; even though this was not identified as
homosexual relationships it implies opposition to psychological essence and gives evidence
regarding to the determinant role of social context in human gender-typed behaviors (Hinsch,
1992). Although considerable number of research regarding to the origins of homosexual
orientation exists, researchers have little interest in theoretical arguments related to origins of
heterosexual orientation. Heterosexuality which has been remarked is somehow more self-
evident, natural or stable construction (Jagose, 1996). Due to naturalized or common-sense
understandings of heterosexuality, it has been maintained as unproblematic state which
requires no explanation. Accordingly the assumption of heterosexual naturalness place
homosexuality into derivative position; hence equally constructed characteristics of
heterosexuality which also depends on changing cultural and historical models is
underestimated (Jagose: 16-18).
Regarding to the congruency between sex, gender, and sexuality, Cobb et al. (2009)
developed a model called Cognitive-Active Gender Role Identification Continuum (CAGRIC)
in which the presumed stability and consistency of the related categories are criticized. The
model represents cognition and flexibility continuums on the axis. Center of the axis which is
labelled as the zone of androgyny shows greater levels of flexibility. Each two axis has two
endings for gender-reversed action rigidity versus traditional action rigidity and gender-
reversed cognitive rigidity versus traditional cognitive rigidity. Overall model evaluate
flexibility of cognition and of action as opposes to rigidity of cognition, and of action. The
main concept was described as follows:
Someone who is flexible in cognition is not necessarily flexible to the same extent in
actions. Someone who is rigid in cognitions may be more flexible in actions, or vice
versa. Someone who is flexible in both cognition and action can be considered more
androgynous than someone who is less flexible on either dimension. (Walsh et al.,
2009).
The CAGRIC model suggests that using it in therapeutic context can help individuals to
overcome their crisis caused by cognitive dissonance. The model is presumed to provide an
awareness of gender identity and to explore possibilities of flexibility by generating
discussion about gender stereotypes as well as gender cognitions and actions (Priest et al.,
2009). Although the framework may help clients in therapeutic context for a greater sense of
individuality without losing togetherness, it could have feasibility problems. Since gender
congruent behaviors are mostly rewarding in societies, one might hold the belief that acting in
a normal way is better solution than having cognitive dissonance. Assimilation into a wider
population might be resulted from internalized gender role assumptions, which is actually an
automatic process (Doan, 2007). The CAGRIC model holds similarities with queer theory of
Butler which emphasizes the necessity of gaining recognition for one’s status as a sexual
minority for survival (Butler, 1999). Butler argues that a life which is systematically
foreclosed to be performed fails to approximate the norms, thus it is violated and suspended to
be ‘living’ (1999).
According to Butler (1990) categories have emerged from multiple effects of institutions,
practices, discourses with diffuse points of origin. By institution she implies phallogocentrism
-which is connected with Freud’s psychoanalysis- and compulsory heterosexuality within
societies (Butler, 1990). Recent studies confirm the assumption of compulsory characteristics
of heterosexual identities in societies where foundational categories of sex, gender, and desire
are specific formations of power. The societies that posit greater stigma associated with
gender-specific behaviors in men compared with women, represented more fluid
characteristics of sexuality in women (Ross et al.,2012; Fahs, 2009). Accordingly Reback et
al. (2010) found that despite their identifications as heterosexual, men who engaged in
occasional sexual relations with other men did not consider their same-sex behaviors as
threatening to their heterosexual identity as these activities were coded as occasional,
infrequent, or accidental. Some people suffer terror and anxiety in ‘becoming gay’ due to the
fear of losing own place in gender or of not knowing who one will be if one sleeps with
someone of the ‘same’ gender (Butler, 1999).
At this point non-normative sexual practices call into question the stability of sex, gender, and
sexuality categories. Butler’s performative theory (2004) points out the insufficient
characteristics of binary categories of male/female, masculine/feminine,
heterosexual/homosexual, and normal/abnormal. In her earlier statements Butler (1999) had
stressed the complex link between gender and sexuality in terms of how under some
conditions normative heterosexuality policing gender as a way of securing heterosexuality.
Accordingly she claims that normative gender and sexuality perceptions determine the
qualifications of the ‘human’ and the ‘livable’. Butler deals with the possibilities of recreating
full range of sexual and gender identities which have been constrained by an ideal
classification systems historically in every society (1990). More importantly, she has been
claimed the possible queer practices can be implemented without disturbing or reorienting
normative sexuality at all (1999).
Queer as a counter theory to stability:
Queer theorists concern with genders, sexual practices, and identities that do not fit into
norms of sex and binaries of gender. Even though there is no critical consensus on the
definitional limits of queer its general outline resists the stable categories of sex, gender, and
sexuality (Jagose, 1996). Queer theory is rapidly growing field which might be linked
somehow with social constructive insights in terms of the claim of non-stable and inconstant
characteristics of knowledge and meanings. However Butler’s queer performativity theory
corrodes normative approach of traditional constructionist view on gender identities (Butler,
2004). She starts her theory by asking the meanings of two clear-cut groups; women and men
within the frame of normativity that account to answer of which expressions of gender are
acceptable, and which are not (Butler, 1990).
Before the term ‘queer’ produced as political strategy, it was used to label homosexual people
in Western societies in 1980s. More extensively in 1990s queer discussions has been emerged
not merely by lesbian and gay politics; rather produced by historical knowledge of post-
structuralism. Unlike naturalized categories of heterosexual insights, as well as lesbian, gay,
bisexual, trans (lgbt) movements which emphasize the notion of identity politics; queer has
been adopted post-structuralist theorization of identity as provisional and contingent (Jagose:
77). In other terms queer theory is not about identities but about actions and way of living
which deals with different lives and sexual practices (Morland & Willox, 2005). Butler’s
argument of queer purports ‘opening up possibilities’ for gender which is expected to be
realized by the ones who has understood what is to live in society within the framework of
‘impossibilities’ (Butler, 1999). Butler’s queer theory also criticizes a feminist argues in
which gender deals with to be overthrown, eliminated, or rendered fatally. According to
Butler (1990) feminist views adopt a sign of subordination for women within the normative
terms of gender concept. Queer theory, differently from traditional feminist views, seeks to
oppose the acceptance of description which already operates as powerful ideology.
Butler addresses criticism in her arguments towards the stability of gender categories by
insisted upon the meaning of gender as a performance that comes into being only when it is
expressed (1990, 2004). The hallmark of her arguments is the description of gender which not
refers to something people have, rather something people do at specific times and in specific
circumstances. In other terms the performance itself refers to the gender (Butler, 2004). In
opposed to earlier essential and constructionist theories gender in the papers of Butler were
regarded as a verb than a noun. In the same manner gender refers to ‘doing’; thus there is no
possibility to mention the existence of gender without the action of a performance (2004:
218). By ‘performativity’ she remarks everyday practices of individuals such as the way of
clothing and communication; moreover performances were described as context dependent
which actually transcend individual experiences and continually reproduce or challenge
images of femininity and masculinity within societies (1990, 2004). On the other hand
performances which are ‘queer’ was described as any routine actions other than what is
considered as normal (Butler, 1993).
Beyond the arguments regarding to stability of the categories, a degree of a connection
between sex, gender, and sexuality has been also taken into account by queer theorists.
Sexuality, which involves different types of forms requires critical evaluation in terms of the
aspect of normativity. Since there is an evidence related to an incongruence between self-
reports and sexual orientation based on recorded genital arousal measures (Chivers, 2004),
crucial question has been addressed related to how sexuality is regulated and determines one’s
gender position in societies. Long before such evidences has found on sexual arousal
measures, Butler (1993) came up with the argument that posits non-causality between
sexuality and gender. In other terms, forms of sexuality do not determine gender. According
to Butler (1993: 27) the relation between sexuality and gender is structurally determined
under social impacts which implies to the cultural norms. In this circumstances, one who
performs homosexual acts may face with a terror of losing own gender position in the social
world. That fear, which can be read as “no longer being a real or proper man/woman” (pp27)
might be the primary reason for one to seek maintaining their heterosexual identity in
congruence with anatomical sex.
In her paper Critically Queer (1993), Butler criticized Sedgwick’s argument which pointed
sexual practices as stronger link that affiliate people more than gender identity. Butler has
been called attention to different forms of ‘gender’ within heterosexuality as well as
homosexuality, which may open the possibilities to discuss the categories of ‘masculine’ and
‘feminine’ (pp27). She has expanded the discussion by identifying heterosexual matrix which
reduce gender identity to sexuality. In other terms, Butler stated that naturalized heterosexual
knowledge conclude a self-identified woman’s desire necessarily to a man (pp 28). Butler
opposes to this normative doctrine and underlines the fact that ones who identify themselves
as a given gender, do not necessarily have to desire a different gender (1993).
Regarding to the sexuality categories, Wrangalova and Williams (2012) found how sexual
orientation can hold a continuous characteristic. In a study with total 1,784 individuals, nature
of the sexual orientation continuum was examined. More interestingly, Wrangalova and
Williams added two new sexual orientation identities in the study: mostly heterosexual and
mostly gay/lesbian. Participants were asked to choose one of the labels among six: six
heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, bisexual, mostly gay/lesbian, gay/lesbian,
questioning/uncertain. The online survey was mainly focused on the components of sexual
orientation identity, sexual attraction, and sex partners. Overall findings suggested that
recently created labels were found personally meaningful by the participants. Furthermore an
expanded sexual orientation suggested an appropriate alternative to the traditional system.
The data shows important results regarding to the consistency between reported identity labels
and sexual orientation components. Results suggested that ‘mostly heterosexual’ identity
reported more same-sex pattern of attraction and partners than did heterosexuals. Accordingly
‘mostly gays/lesbians’ reported a more same-sex pattern of attraction and partners than did
bisexuals, but less so than gays/lesbians. Taken together, the data suggest that sexual
orientation holds a continuously distributed characteristic and decisions to categorize it into
discrete units (Wrangalova & Williams (2012). The results of the study also draw a
conclusion congruent with the queer performativity theory of Butler in which the tenuousness
of the ‘reality’ of gender and sexuality counter the presumption of stability of sex, gender, and
sexuality categories. As it was stated by Butler (1990) possibilities for a livable life of the
ones who live, or try to live, on the sexual margins seem to be able to build new frontiers in
the research area.
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literature review - besire paralik

  • 1. Are the categories of sex, gender, and sexuality stable? : Queer as a counter theory to stability Besire Paralik Department of Psychology, Lund University Abstract The purpose of this literature review is to address the queer theory as an opposed to the idea of unchanging characteristics of identities related to human body and mind. According to the queer theory people are able to place themselves in different identities at different times. Accordingly it stresses the role of systematic power in which human bodies are connected and controlled both in private and public spheres. The focus of this literature review will be comparison of the key studies and the main arguments held by queer theory and social identity theories within the framework of sex, gender, and sexuality categories. In the first part of the paper traditional theories as well as related recent findings will be presented. Accordingly the human perception towards sex, gender, and sexuality categories will be discussed within the frame of essentialist and constructionist positions. Accordingly, development of male, female, masculinity, femininity, heterosexuality, and homosexuality categories will be compared in the light of normativity including hetero- and homo- normativity. In the second part, general outlines of queer theory which has non-normative structure will be introduced and compared with the idea of categories’ presumed stability and essence. Mainly the arguments of Judith Butler will be presented with supporting research studies in this field. Key words: categorization, gender,performativity,norms,non-normativity,essentialism,constructivism,stability
  • 2. Introduction Recent years have witnessed an increasing number of research articles in queer theory which emerged from post-structural insight. Queer theory as a phenomenon is unaligned with any specific identity category and resists the stability model of chromosomal sex, gender, and sexual desire (Jagose, 1996). On the other hand biological determinism defines the 'male' and 'female' as two categories which are based on nature. Ortner (1972) disagrees with the biological basis of the categories of men and women. Rather she stresses the universality of culturally attributed gender roles in every society. Ortner claims that biological determinism has failed to convince the academic anthropology. However she does not reject the relevance of biological facts, rather affirms the biological differences only within the framework of culturally defined value systems. Accordingly culture in her papers was defined as follows: Every culture, or, generically, "culture," is engaged in the process of generating and sustaining systems of meaningful forms (symbols, artifacts,etc.) by means of which humanity transcends the givens of natural existence, bends them to its purposes, controls them in its interest (pp 1-10). In particular, people are categorized by sex into two groups as ‘male’ and ‘female’. A social identity theory which explains intergroup behavior and stability of the categories was originally formulated by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in 1970s. The main focus of the theory is to address the reasons of individual’s self-definitions in terms of one group membership. Tajfel et al. (1973) found that similarity and social categorization are important determinants in an ingroup favoritism. In this manner, there is a need for individuals to define and place themselves in stable groups. In order to achieve togetherness people may perform to rigid gender role beliefs and behaviors which may also lead to the loss of individuality (Cobb et al., 2009). For example, a woman may feel a part of the family through her role as a mother. By performing her duties as a mother, she may feel valued and accepted by her family also feel a lack of individuality if she thinks that her place in the family is threatened if she does not perform her role (Walsh et al., 2009). According to social learning theory formed by Bandura (1999), individuals learn how to behave through modeling and reinforcement. However Berenbaum et al. (1992) found that prenatal hormones are also related to behaviors. The findings of the study showed that 3- to 8- years-old girls with congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH) who were exposed to high levels of androgen in the prenatal and early postnatal periods play with boys’ toys more than girls’
  • 3. toys. Hence it was suggested that the social or illness factors are not determinant in behavioral changes. Moreover Berenbaum and colleagues claimed that hormones may have indirect effect –such as through activity level, motor skills, abilities, temperament- on toy choices of a child (1992). Similarly, Berenbaum and Snyder (1995) was conducted another study with children in which playmate preferences was assessed by showing pictures of children and asking them whom they would like to play. Findings of the study showed that the girls with CAH mostly preferred boys as playmates. However the results were concluded as providing a little evidence of a relationship between activity and playmate preferences. In regard of the playmates choice and its stability over time, Martin et al. (2001) found that children's partner preferences were highly sex differentiated and stable over time in a study consisted 53 months mean age children. The data suggested the determinant effect of social dosage in which the more both girls and boys played with same-sex partners, the more their behavior became sex differentiated. Additionally the children were observed during six months in terms of stability. Accordingly, the data showed that same-sex interactions are consistent over time. Moreover the group interactions demonstrated consistency with gender-stereotyped expectations. Similarly Hines et al. (2008) reported that sex-typed behavior increases through the preschool years and remains stable up to age 8. Regarding to the categories some critical questions rise within social sciences and lead to the debate of nature versus nurture. The arguments of social scientists are mostly underline the role of social world in constructing the categories. According to Hacking (1999) gender is not an inevitable result of biology; in other words biological differences do not determine gender. Rather it is historically and socially constructed. Hence male and female categories are not inherently different, but actually products of the society. Similarly he explains the sense of self as a construction of social process. On the other hand essentialism is a concept which claims that social categories have deeply rooted biological underpinnings (Haslam et al., 2000). In social sciences ‘essence’ refers to permanence, unlike constructionist view it opposes the thought of social change. The debate between gender essentialists and gender constructionists ranges over broad arguments. More generally, the concept of essentialism can be seen in Aristotle’s metaphysics, which is actually compatible with a historical and social understanding of gendered individuals. Witt (2011) characterized Aristotle’s model to gender and drew a conclusion of essentialism as a membership which could be defined by a common, stable, and homogenous property of natural kinds.
  • 4. Are the categories of sex, gender, and sexuality stable? Even though ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ broadly used interchangeably, the terms differ in definitions. Sex refers to a person’s biological status and is typically categorized as male, female, or intersex; whereas gender refers to the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that a given culture associates with a person’s biological sex. On the other hand the term sexuality, which can be also called sexual orientation refers to the sex of those to whom one is sexually and romantically attracted (APA, 2011). The term gender identity was coined by John Money which implies inner sense of being male or female. He argues that socialization, rather than genetics, is a critical factor in one’s determination of own gender identity (Okami, 2014). The Bruce/Brenda case, which came into attention in late 1990s in research area, raised critical questions related to the debate of essentialism versus constructionism regarding to gender identity. In 1965 a boy called Bruce whose genital organ was accidentally burnt in the hospital during the circumcision process shortly after his born had been attempted reconstructive surgery for recovery. Since the chances of success to recreate male genital organ were small, external female genitals was created and the child, renamed Brenda, was raised as a girl by parents. A doctor, John Money, who suggested the parents to raise their child in congruence with the reassigned anatomical sex was a main figure in that case. During this period Money was publishing papers that represent the success of the operation. However by age two Brenda started to act like a boy, in the following years she was found to have sexual attraction to girls (Okami, 2014). Furthermore, a critical point in Brenda’s case overlooked in Money’s arguments; Brenda was a member of a monozygotic twin pair which refers to shared identical genetic trait of two members of the pair. Another pair of the twins, who did not experience same accident as Brenda in the hospital was raised in congruent with his anatomical male sex identity. In other terms, one of the pairs of same-sex identical twins faced with sex-gender incongruence in preadolescent years, while other pair did not. After Brenda’s declaration of self-discomfort gender identity, essentialist view seems more convincing than Money’s theory which highlights social learning in forming gender identity development. Thus Brenda’s observed case call socialization into question. Apart from essential and constructive arguments, Butler (2004) proceeds the debate in the view of performativity theory. Her arguments reflected different account of social construction than offered by Money. Instead she formed a theory unconnected with gender normativity. Moreover she
  • 5. emerged a question of “why” is the Y chromosome considered as a primary determinant of maleness; which actually overshadows all other factors. According to Butler gender and its relation to anatomy is complex (2004: 63), and both identities are different from each other. In her arguments she approached the issue of Brenda from different perspective than nature and nurture binaries. Butler preferred to use the name David as it was used by Brenda after her surgical sex operation. More importantly, Butler pointed out the uncertainty of David’s belief whether he wanted to change his sex primarily by the force of the Y chromosome. What is known was David’s will to return who he was; thus he allegorized transsexuality in order to achieve sense of naturalness. Butler emphasized the understanding of David within the frame of ‘norms’ that dictates how he was supposed to be (pp. 64). Obviously the identity of Brenda failed to meet with normality criteria in terms of femininity, hence in order to achieve normality he performed sex surgery. At this point Butler questions the limits of normality as well as conditions he survived in by evaluating David’s reported words; “I looked at myself and said I don’t like this type of clothing”. According to Butler an important determinant of his self-concept underlines the norms which made David to see himself something between the norms and to feel as in the wrong gender (pp. 68). Butler criticized the social constructionist claim of Money in which the absence of the phallus was thought to make the social case for rearing the child as a girl (pp.63). Butler exemplified the position of constructionism as well as essentialism which is thought to be trapped in normality with this statement: We might say that Brenda/David together went through two transsexualsurgeries: the first based on a hypothetical argument about what gender should be, given the ablated nature of the penis; the second based on what the gender should be, based on the behavioral and verbal indications of the person in question. In both cases,certain inferences are made, ones that suggest that a body must be a certain way for a gender to work, another which says that a body must feela certain way for a gender to work (pp. 71). Accordingly, Butler put forward the argument of transsexuals, who identify themselves as oppose to their anatomical sexs, and drag performers, who dresses in female clothes for entertaining, in her 1999 preface to Gender Trouble. The argument draws attention to the ‘naturalized knowledge’ of gender perceptions. Butler emphasized that when one, who holds naturalized perspective, see a man dressed as a woman or a woman dresses as a man considers
  • 6. this actions as ‘unreal’. In other terms, since the ‘reality’ of gender is shaped within the frame of gender norms based on cultural inferences, actions outside of the normative terms reflects unreality. Butler claims that the normative perception results in imputations of inappropriateness of such actions, as well as artificial characteristics of non-normative gender appearances. In a similar way Butler starts questioning the definitions of ‘gender reality’ and concludes the dilemma by asserting the changeable and revisable possibilities of gender reality (1993: 23-27). Regarding to Brenda/David case, Kettenis (2005) came up with important results found in his research that can be considered as an evidence contradictory to the arguments of Money. Despite considerable number of gender role changes reported in adulthood in such cases, Kettenis’ data represented a significant number of affected individuals who still lived in the female role. According to Kettenis in a case where individuals who were raised as girls but make a switch after puberty has different determinant factors including biological, environmental, and psychological reasons. Biological factor underlines the severity of the mutation in terms of the in vitro enzyme production deficiency. This might in turns causes more or less (prenatal) exposure of the brain to androgens. On the other hand the data showed that societies which may pressure individuals to change remained in the female role. Surprisingly the same data reported that role changes occurred in gender equal societies. In this manner, a question may arise regarding to the process of the sex and gender categories. Even though most theories underline the early years of age, there is a debate between essentialism and social constructionism related to the question of ‘how’ those categories are developed. Considerable number of research findings demonstrated that recognition of one’s own sex as well as of other persons’ are formed in early years of age. In one aspect of view gender schema theorists emphasize social experiences as a determinant of gender formation in early stages of childhood; in other terms sex, gender, and sexuality categories are learnt through social experiences rather than held inherently. According to Martin (1995) gender schemas lead to expectations and stereotypes associated with perceived sex of others. The findings of Martin’s study showed that adults hold some specific belief on gender-typed behaviors related to children. Similarly behavioral psychologists Bussey and Bandura (1999) argue that gender development is fundamental which regulates people’s lives, influence self- perceptions as well as towards others. Accordingly Slab and Frey (1975) argued that when children begin to realize male-female distinction in the society, they begin to adopt gender- typed behaviors which in turn lead to the understanding that everyone including themselves is
  • 7. either a male or a female and this condition is stable and consistent throughout life. On the other hand biological theories emphasize the biological bases of gender. In accordance with heredity, evolutionary theorists argue that gender appropriate behaviors are actually innate and are developed in preverbal stage through human psychological adaptation (Okami, 2014). Archer (1996) theorized evolutionary psychology in accordance with the Darwinian principle of sexual selection. According to the argument, sex differences in social behavior can be explained in terms of sexuality, mate choice, and aggression which are presumed as inherent characteristics of humans. However Archer did not undermine the role of socialization regarding to the differences between sexes. In his evolutionary theory, socialization was described as an adaptive tool of biological characteristics (Archer, 1996). Similar with evolutionary perspective, Freud argued that sex differences have anatomical basis. Differently from evolutionary aspect, Freud pointed out early years of age in gender development, which presumed to occur through an identification with same sex parent between age 3 and 5. In Freud’s work, a case in which a male identifies himself with an opposite sex parent was described as an inversion which was used to describe homosexuality in psychoanalysis. From Freudian points of view the term inversion refers to the reverse of the normal, in other terms it is a deviation of the anatomical sexes (Freud& Brill, 1995). Another theory regarding to gender role process combines social learning through observation and cognitive growth. The evidence for gender-sex congruency through cognitive growth was found in Slab and Frey’s study (1975) with fifty five children of average age two in the United States. The study recorded amount of time children watched a male and a female models in the film. The results showed that children were more likely to observe same sex models. Between two sessions of the film an interview about gender constancy was conducted with the children. Overall findings suggested that children develop sex-gender constancy as they grow up based on their cognitive development. It was concluded that the cognitive growth in turn leads to the cognitive understanding that gender is a constant human attribute (Slab& Frey, 1975). More recently, and Eagly (2002) conducted a cross-cultural meta-analysis in which the findings of gender role behaviors of men and women were compared in the light of evolutionary psychology. In order to draw universal conclusion, the data of observed societies consisted different context; both industrial and non-industrial societies. Results of the study mainly revealed existence of the patriarchal structure in which men are more likely to participate in dominant contests whereas women have orientation to take care of offspring in both contexts. Wood and Eagly evaluated the results by biosocial perspective in which
  • 8. observed gender role diversity among men and women imputed to the interaction between biological basis and social influence. Accordingly they denied the universality of gender roles; rather stated that patriarchal structures has emerged from the need of high status and power, which are held by men, to be able to facilitate the tasks within the contexts. Oppositely, status of women was described as in conflict with power due to reproductive activities. Regarding to the arguments of evolutionary theory men and women hold essential characteristics which in turn emerges as everyday practices within societies. The results of meta-analysis can be read by evolutionary theorists as universal dispositions of sexes. However this conclusion overlook the fact that gender roles may vary across cultures and time. The evidence can be seen in societies at variance of gender-typed behaviors. Despite it is inappropriate for men to wear skirts in most Western nations, for instance, it is normal in traditional Scotland and present-day India or Southeast Asia, for men to wear skirt-like garments frequently (Okami, 2014). Additionally a question might arise at this point related to the diverse gender practices in non-patriarchal societies. Further research could address the arguments of how evolutionary theorists evaluate the gender roles in non-patriarchal societies. Although a study by Lepowsky on non-patriarchal society, Vanatinai, was represented in this meta-analysis it lacks information related to the essential theorists’ views on it. Thus a criticism towards Wood and Eagly’s meta-analysis can be addressed on inadequate information of non-patriarchal societies as well as lack of debate on universal gender roles on it. Moreover people’s opinions about the categories of sex, gender, and sexuality draw attention to ingroup-outgroup involvements in social psychology. Considerable number of research highlight that people are more likely to hold the idea of sex, gender, and sexuality are stable, congruent with each other as well as consisting of two distinctive parts within themselves. Namely sex has two parts as male and female; gender is separated as masculinity and femininity; and sexuality involves mainly heterosexuality and homosexuality. In early study of Meehan and Janik (1990), it was found that sex role stereotypes are maintained set of beliefs that place genders in specific roles. This cognitive adoption also seems to be formed early years of age in human life. Results of the data showed that second and fourth graders are likely to match male and female pictures with the traditional gender stereotypes such as male firefighter, and female nurse. Similarly, Hock and colleagues supported the argument with findings of a recently conducted research that sex and gender categories are early social process of life span. In this developmental psychology research, photographs of females and
  • 9. males were combined to create sex-incongruent images and were shown to the infants (Hock et al., 2015). Overall results reported that sex information from bodies and faces are started to be derived at the age of 5-month-old. Additionally the same study represented 3.5-month-olds as failed to discriminate mismatch of sexes on the images. Although these results provide adequate answers related to the question of ‘when’, they do not assert to the issue of ‘how’ sex and gender categories are formed. Thus a fine line between evolutionary and gender- construction theories remain questionable. The debate between essentialism and constructionism is associated with nature versus nurture dichotomy. These approaches which stand in sharp contrast to each other have been examined extensively in social sciences. Furthermore the vast body of research within sociology emphasizes the role of social determinants that posits nurture characteristics in human gender- related behavior; whereas natural sciences underlines biological bases which are considered as a part of nature. Moreover, twin studies which has demonstrated relatively different results in comparison with single individuals enhance thought-provoking characteristics of the debate. In their study Knafo and Spinath (2010) highlighted shared genetic heritage effects on gender roles in twin pairs. The study which conducted among same-sex German monozygotic and dizygotic twin pairs was designed to investigate genetic and environmental effects based on self-reported questionnaires of gender-stereotypical values. The values system consisted of two dimensions: (a) self-enhancement (promotion of self-interests; power and achievement values) versus self-transcendence (caring for others; universalism and benevolence) and (b) openness to change (stimulation and self-direction) versus conservation (tradition, security, and conformity). Results of the study demonstrated that both monozygotic and dizygotic twins gave similar importance to all the values. However, despite twin pairs’ scores seem not independent of each other, questions may arise related to the opposite sex dizygotic twin pairs who share average half of their genes. Since the data was only consisted of same-sex monozygotic and dizygotic twins, the conclusion of mere genetic factors in gender-typed values becomes uncertain. Accordingly the data suggests a genetic effect in findings where both boys and girls monozygotic twins represented higher concordance rates on gender-stereotypical values than were dizygotic twins. Knafo and Spinath also reported that gender-stereotypical values, in which girls scored higher on benevolence, whereas boys scored higher on power and achievement, are highly dependent on heritability for both sexes. On the other hand different picture emerged for the gender-atypical values; for boys, differently from girls, it was found that gender-atypical values did not depend on genetic factors. Instead, environmental factors
  • 10. accounted for their gender-atypical values. This surprising results may lead to the criticism of social factors as having more effect on boys’ some specific gender roles. In this case Knafo and Spinath argued that it is likely that additional genetic factors operate on girls’ values on gender. In a similar manner, earlier study of Hurtig and Pichevin (1990) found that while sex category perceived as permanent identity marker for women, it was likely to be seen by men as a social marker which only becomes adopted and useful in certain situations. The reported incongruence between sexes in terms of the way gender is shaped brings about more questions about dichotomy of masculinity and femininity. From the aspect of social constructionism, people identify themselves as well as others in accordance with specific social categories. This socialization process occurs early in human life. According to Waxman (2010) children in pre-school age perceive social categories as natural kinds. The findings suggested that children perceive members of different kinds of people, including gender, as to share commonalities. These results lead to the conclusion of inductive characteristics of perception towards gender starts in preschool years. The following question might be addressed related to the stability of the perceptions towards gender category: Is it formed in childhood and become flexible in following years or is it formed in childhood and remain stable later in life? As reported by the vast body of research findings, formed categories of sex and gender seem stable and likely to turn into stereotypes as well as self-concepts later in human life. People are likely to behave in congruent with their sex, similarly the category of gender that one place themselves predict daily choices and behaviors. Westerwick and Hoplamazian (2012) found that one’s biological sex is a strong determinant in preference for the type of a magazine to be browsed. The study which was conducted with adults support the theory that self-identified femininity and masculinity lead to gender-appropriate magazines to be preferred. More importantly, analysis of the data showed that longer exposure to specific gender typed magazines increased the levels of femininity and masculinity of its holders. Overall the findings underline the importance of media as a socialization agent in terms of conformity to gender norms. It is important to note that sex and gender are sometimes not, and not have to be always congruent with each other. Although gender norms might be rewarding in some societies, gender categories extend male and female dichotomy. Transgender refers to a category in which person is not comfortable with the sex that was assigned at the birth (Okami, 2014).
  • 11. Individuals might consider themselves to androgynous (both sexes) or place themselves in third gender (neither male nor female). However transgender people are not always behave as they like in public. Recent research on disclosure rate of transgender identity among the participants of transgender conference in US demonstrated that the number of the ones who dress as they like in public reflects 65 per cent only part time, and 29 per cent full time (Maguen et al. 2007). The reasons behind the acts of concealment seem to have religious factors; The Hebrew Bible states that a woman or man who wears the clothing of the opposite sex is an abomination to the Lord (Deut. 22:5), as well as legal roots; beginning in the 1840s US in general enacted gender-normative rules regarding behavior (Reis, 2014). Transgender individuals may seek psychological help for social and psychological difficulties associated with depression, anxiety, relationship problems, and others. Moreover, the need of health services is exacerbated by feelings of shame for being different from others, isolation and a lack or loss of social support, discrimination, and the resulting housing, employment, financial, and other problems that result from discrimination (Borden, 2015). Similarly transgender women in their romantic relationship with cisgender men, who identify their gender same as their biological sex, experience stress (Gamarel et al., 2014). Pinto and Moleiro (2015) found that transgender people faced with psychological distress in forming gender identity which is not socially valued in the context. The data which was collected in Portuguese demonstrated that gender expressions/roles of participants were not tolerated in childhood by parents. The questions may arise at that point regarding to gender roles which are attributed to heredity by evolutionary theorists; why cross-dressing within the frame of presumed inherent gender roles were punished by the laws in the past; similarly by the social norms in recent years? If sex, gender, and sexuality are essential characteristic of individuals, what does social control on gender roles serve for? In contrast with essentialist view, Lev (2004) stated that all human identities are constructed within the specific cultural and social context. In India, individuals who do not identify themselves as neither man nor woman –named hijras- are given a special place in Indian society. Hijras who belong to a religious community consist of men who dress and act like women, are identified with the Mother Goddess in the culture after undergo a genital remove operation (Nanda, 1999). The different gender expectations across cultures induce uncertainty towards the universality of gender categories. Like the identity category of transgender, homosexuality as a type of sexual orientation belonged to the category of serious offenses against normality; beginning in the late 1860s,
  • 12. American physicians adopted the terms ‘‘contrary sexual feeling’’ and ‘‘inversion’’ to describe homosexual desire (Reis 2014). Since the statement of physicians reflected an authority of medical science its impact on the society cannot be underestimated. It is not just society at large that has rigid expectations of appropriately gendered behavior; rather many individuals who identify themselves as homosexual have internalized the same gender role assumptions in their desire to assimilate into the wider population (Doan, 2007). Self- uncertainty could be the reason that motivates people to identify themselves with social groups, particularly groups that provide a distinctive and clearly defined identity and associated normative beliefs and behavioral prescriptions (Peters, 2005). In 1990’s British author Andrew Sullivan, who is openly gay and catholic stated the demand of being perceived as normal for homosexual identities in society. In his words gay people was stated as the ones who accept their sexual orientation as normal and emphasize the wish to be integrated into society as they are (Warner, 2000). According to Doan (2007) many gay and lesbian activists’ wish to present themselves as ‘normal’ is ironic because 1969 Stonewall revolution which lead to gay liberation and political fight for the community of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans rights in the United States was a method of signifying non-normality; prior to the Stonewall riots sex-gender mismatch was mostly tolerated by the gay community. Recently it is likely to for ‘masculine’ gay men to describe themselves as ‘normal’ whereas exclude ‘effeminate’ gay men from the community (Bogetić, 2013). There are different perceptions related to the origins of homosexual orientation. It is often assumed that essentialist understandings of homosexuality are conservative, on the other hand constructionists lend themselves to progressive or even radical insights (Jagose, 1996). While neuroscientists emphasize essential biological origins, social constructionists point out the social world. In accordance with constructionism Hacking (1999) questioned whether the construction refers to homosexual culture, practices, or a kind of person (identity). During imperial times of China some male emperors were known to have same-sex relationships with male harems as a natural and acceptable ways; even though this was not identified as homosexual relationships it implies opposition to psychological essence and gives evidence regarding to the determinant role of social context in human gender-typed behaviors (Hinsch, 1992). Although considerable number of research regarding to the origins of homosexual orientation exists, researchers have little interest in theoretical arguments related to origins of heterosexual orientation. Heterosexuality which has been remarked is somehow more self- evident, natural or stable construction (Jagose, 1996). Due to naturalized or common-sense understandings of heterosexuality, it has been maintained as unproblematic state which
  • 13. requires no explanation. Accordingly the assumption of heterosexual naturalness place homosexuality into derivative position; hence equally constructed characteristics of heterosexuality which also depends on changing cultural and historical models is underestimated (Jagose: 16-18). Regarding to the congruency between sex, gender, and sexuality, Cobb et al. (2009) developed a model called Cognitive-Active Gender Role Identification Continuum (CAGRIC) in which the presumed stability and consistency of the related categories are criticized. The model represents cognition and flexibility continuums on the axis. Center of the axis which is labelled as the zone of androgyny shows greater levels of flexibility. Each two axis has two endings for gender-reversed action rigidity versus traditional action rigidity and gender- reversed cognitive rigidity versus traditional cognitive rigidity. Overall model evaluate flexibility of cognition and of action as opposes to rigidity of cognition, and of action. The main concept was described as follows: Someone who is flexible in cognition is not necessarily flexible to the same extent in actions. Someone who is rigid in cognitions may be more flexible in actions, or vice versa. Someone who is flexible in both cognition and action can be considered more androgynous than someone who is less flexible on either dimension. (Walsh et al., 2009). The CAGRIC model suggests that using it in therapeutic context can help individuals to overcome their crisis caused by cognitive dissonance. The model is presumed to provide an awareness of gender identity and to explore possibilities of flexibility by generating discussion about gender stereotypes as well as gender cognitions and actions (Priest et al., 2009). Although the framework may help clients in therapeutic context for a greater sense of individuality without losing togetherness, it could have feasibility problems. Since gender congruent behaviors are mostly rewarding in societies, one might hold the belief that acting in a normal way is better solution than having cognitive dissonance. Assimilation into a wider population might be resulted from internalized gender role assumptions, which is actually an automatic process (Doan, 2007). The CAGRIC model holds similarities with queer theory of Butler which emphasizes the necessity of gaining recognition for one’s status as a sexual minority for survival (Butler, 1999). Butler argues that a life which is systematically foreclosed to be performed fails to approximate the norms, thus it is violated and suspended to be ‘living’ (1999).
  • 14. According to Butler (1990) categories have emerged from multiple effects of institutions, practices, discourses with diffuse points of origin. By institution she implies phallogocentrism -which is connected with Freud’s psychoanalysis- and compulsory heterosexuality within societies (Butler, 1990). Recent studies confirm the assumption of compulsory characteristics of heterosexual identities in societies where foundational categories of sex, gender, and desire are specific formations of power. The societies that posit greater stigma associated with gender-specific behaviors in men compared with women, represented more fluid characteristics of sexuality in women (Ross et al.,2012; Fahs, 2009). Accordingly Reback et al. (2010) found that despite their identifications as heterosexual, men who engaged in occasional sexual relations with other men did not consider their same-sex behaviors as threatening to their heterosexual identity as these activities were coded as occasional, infrequent, or accidental. Some people suffer terror and anxiety in ‘becoming gay’ due to the fear of losing own place in gender or of not knowing who one will be if one sleeps with someone of the ‘same’ gender (Butler, 1999). At this point non-normative sexual practices call into question the stability of sex, gender, and sexuality categories. Butler’s performative theory (2004) points out the insufficient characteristics of binary categories of male/female, masculine/feminine, heterosexual/homosexual, and normal/abnormal. In her earlier statements Butler (1999) had stressed the complex link between gender and sexuality in terms of how under some conditions normative heterosexuality policing gender as a way of securing heterosexuality. Accordingly she claims that normative gender and sexuality perceptions determine the qualifications of the ‘human’ and the ‘livable’. Butler deals with the possibilities of recreating full range of sexual and gender identities which have been constrained by an ideal classification systems historically in every society (1990). More importantly, she has been claimed the possible queer practices can be implemented without disturbing or reorienting normative sexuality at all (1999).
  • 15. Queer as a counter theory to stability: Queer theorists concern with genders, sexual practices, and identities that do not fit into norms of sex and binaries of gender. Even though there is no critical consensus on the definitional limits of queer its general outline resists the stable categories of sex, gender, and sexuality (Jagose, 1996). Queer theory is rapidly growing field which might be linked somehow with social constructive insights in terms of the claim of non-stable and inconstant characteristics of knowledge and meanings. However Butler’s queer performativity theory corrodes normative approach of traditional constructionist view on gender identities (Butler, 2004). She starts her theory by asking the meanings of two clear-cut groups; women and men within the frame of normativity that account to answer of which expressions of gender are acceptable, and which are not (Butler, 1990). Before the term ‘queer’ produced as political strategy, it was used to label homosexual people in Western societies in 1980s. More extensively in 1990s queer discussions has been emerged not merely by lesbian and gay politics; rather produced by historical knowledge of post- structuralism. Unlike naturalized categories of heterosexual insights, as well as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans (lgbt) movements which emphasize the notion of identity politics; queer has been adopted post-structuralist theorization of identity as provisional and contingent (Jagose: 77). In other terms queer theory is not about identities but about actions and way of living which deals with different lives and sexual practices (Morland & Willox, 2005). Butler’s argument of queer purports ‘opening up possibilities’ for gender which is expected to be realized by the ones who has understood what is to live in society within the framework of ‘impossibilities’ (Butler, 1999). Butler’s queer theory also criticizes a feminist argues in which gender deals with to be overthrown, eliminated, or rendered fatally. According to Butler (1990) feminist views adopt a sign of subordination for women within the normative terms of gender concept. Queer theory, differently from traditional feminist views, seeks to oppose the acceptance of description which already operates as powerful ideology. Butler addresses criticism in her arguments towards the stability of gender categories by insisted upon the meaning of gender as a performance that comes into being only when it is expressed (1990, 2004). The hallmark of her arguments is the description of gender which not refers to something people have, rather something people do at specific times and in specific circumstances. In other terms the performance itself refers to the gender (Butler, 2004). In
  • 16. opposed to earlier essential and constructionist theories gender in the papers of Butler were regarded as a verb than a noun. In the same manner gender refers to ‘doing’; thus there is no possibility to mention the existence of gender without the action of a performance (2004: 218). By ‘performativity’ she remarks everyday practices of individuals such as the way of clothing and communication; moreover performances were described as context dependent which actually transcend individual experiences and continually reproduce or challenge images of femininity and masculinity within societies (1990, 2004). On the other hand performances which are ‘queer’ was described as any routine actions other than what is considered as normal (Butler, 1993). Beyond the arguments regarding to stability of the categories, a degree of a connection between sex, gender, and sexuality has been also taken into account by queer theorists. Sexuality, which involves different types of forms requires critical evaluation in terms of the aspect of normativity. Since there is an evidence related to an incongruence between self- reports and sexual orientation based on recorded genital arousal measures (Chivers, 2004), crucial question has been addressed related to how sexuality is regulated and determines one’s gender position in societies. Long before such evidences has found on sexual arousal measures, Butler (1993) came up with the argument that posits non-causality between sexuality and gender. In other terms, forms of sexuality do not determine gender. According to Butler (1993: 27) the relation between sexuality and gender is structurally determined under social impacts which implies to the cultural norms. In this circumstances, one who performs homosexual acts may face with a terror of losing own gender position in the social world. That fear, which can be read as “no longer being a real or proper man/woman” (pp27) might be the primary reason for one to seek maintaining their heterosexual identity in congruence with anatomical sex. In her paper Critically Queer (1993), Butler criticized Sedgwick’s argument which pointed sexual practices as stronger link that affiliate people more than gender identity. Butler has been called attention to different forms of ‘gender’ within heterosexuality as well as homosexuality, which may open the possibilities to discuss the categories of ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ (pp27). She has expanded the discussion by identifying heterosexual matrix which reduce gender identity to sexuality. In other terms, Butler stated that naturalized heterosexual knowledge conclude a self-identified woman’s desire necessarily to a man (pp 28). Butler opposes to this normative doctrine and underlines the fact that ones who identify themselves as a given gender, do not necessarily have to desire a different gender (1993).
  • 17. Regarding to the sexuality categories, Wrangalova and Williams (2012) found how sexual orientation can hold a continuous characteristic. In a study with total 1,784 individuals, nature of the sexual orientation continuum was examined. More interestingly, Wrangalova and Williams added two new sexual orientation identities in the study: mostly heterosexual and mostly gay/lesbian. Participants were asked to choose one of the labels among six: six heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, bisexual, mostly gay/lesbian, gay/lesbian, questioning/uncertain. The online survey was mainly focused on the components of sexual orientation identity, sexual attraction, and sex partners. Overall findings suggested that recently created labels were found personally meaningful by the participants. Furthermore an expanded sexual orientation suggested an appropriate alternative to the traditional system. The data shows important results regarding to the consistency between reported identity labels and sexual orientation components. Results suggested that ‘mostly heterosexual’ identity reported more same-sex pattern of attraction and partners than did heterosexuals. Accordingly ‘mostly gays/lesbians’ reported a more same-sex pattern of attraction and partners than did bisexuals, but less so than gays/lesbians. Taken together, the data suggest that sexual orientation holds a continuously distributed characteristic and decisions to categorize it into discrete units (Wrangalova & Williams (2012). The results of the study also draw a conclusion congruent with the queer performativity theory of Butler in which the tenuousness of the ‘reality’ of gender and sexuality counter the presumption of stability of sex, gender, and sexuality categories. As it was stated by Butler (1990) possibilities for a livable life of the ones who live, or try to live, on the sexual margins seem to be able to build new frontiers in the research area.
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