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5. Table of Contents
Introduction 5
Part One - Legitimacy 7
Legal 8
Power Sharing 9
Moral Leadership 10
Reform 11
Legitimacy - Conclusion 13
Part Two - Governing 15
Economy 16
Education 17
Infrastructure 21
Productivity 22
Governing - Conclusions 25
Endnotes 26
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6. Introduction
The recent general election in Thailand has caught the imagination of the international press who
have heralded Yingluck Shinawatra 1as a “young, female leader *sic, who+ could drastically alter the
polarized nation.”2
Source - Aljazeera3 - How long will the honeymoon last?
Thais love drama, known as Lakorn4, and politics in Thailand has played out as drama for a long time
through intrigues or military intervention or street protests. The Election Commission’s (ECT)5
endorsement of Yingluck Shinawatra as Thailand’s first female Prime Minister-designate provides an
opportunity to change that, but she will face a daunting task starting, and some say ending, with her
coming out from under the shadow of her brother exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
Source – BBC6 - Can Yingluck come out from her brother’s shadow?
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7. Imagine building a house, if the foundation is not solid or if the columns cannot support the weight,
the entire house could fall down. This is similar to the situation that Thailand’s new government will
be facing.
So what are the challenges faced by the new government to overcome?
First, the new government will have to navigate challenges to its legitimacy.
If successful, then the second challenge will be successfully governing a divided country
as it prepares for 2015 and Asean Economic Community (EAC).
On Shaky Footing?
The first part will review some of the elements that could contribute to undermining the legitimacy
of the new government. While the second part will review the elements that could derail Yingluck’s
ability of effectively govern.
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8. Part One - Legitimacy
The political landscape in Thailand today is continuing to mature. For each successive government
establishing its credibility as the legitimate ruling party is a primary concern. This is usually
accomplished after the party has risen to power rather than through the election itself. In the short-
term, this is normal in a fractious political environment where there rarely is a clear winner.
However, there is a long-term risk that democratic institutions will become vulnerable to
demagoguery.
In recent years, successive governments have succumbed to issues surrounding their legitimacy.
Particularly governments affiliated with deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra where the
challenges successfully brought down three governments to-date. Challenges to the legitimacy of a
Yingluck Shinawatra led government will provide a trial-by-fire and could possibly prove the undoing
for a Prime Minister with little direct experience in Thai Politics.
Challenges of legitimacy are more than likely to come from five directions.
Legal
Reconciliation
Power Sharing
Moral Leadership, or the lack thereof
Reform
Source – The International 7- Same same but different?
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9. Legal
The dust has barely settled from the election and the ECT has already begun investigating allegations
of electoral impropriety. While this is not new in Thailand, there is a significant risk that allegations
from either side will lead to a return of protests (either Red- or Yellow-shirts)8, and ultimately an
erosion of confidence in the government’s ability lead.
A partial list of identified legal risks includes:
Allegations, as yet unproven, that Puea Thai Party officials bribed journalists for
favorable coverage during the election campaign.
Potential party dissolution cases regarding the involvement of banned politicians and
the use of coercive tactics during the campaign.
Legal cases to nullify the election as well as a petition campaign to dissolve parliament.
Legal questions regarding the status of Red-shirt leaders elected to parliament which
could weaken the government’s majority.
Questions whether traditional power brokers allow for and accept the decisions of an
impartial judiciary.
While there are other risks, this list highlights the tenuous position of the newly elected Puea Thai
Government. As with the past 3 governments since the 2007 election questions of the government’s
legality could cripple its ability to move towards reconciliation.
Reconciliation
The ‘R-word’ has become a catchphrase for fixing Thailand. It is not that simple.
While earnest efforts towards reconciliation would help, interests on both sides are entrenched and
resilient. As non-Thais we simply cannot comprehend the lengths that Thais will go to avoid conflict.
The unrest as witnessed on the streets of Bangkok in recent years shocked the international
community, but to date a sense of pragmatism has helped to pull Thailand back from the abyss.
“Over the past 20 years, Thailand has been on the brink of chaos a few times. There
were a couple of times when we had a toe or two in the realm of anarchy. But we
never really went there. Cooler heads prevailed and compromises were made. The
government's crackdown on the Ratchaprasong occupation on May 19 last year may
have brought an end to our latest flirtation with anarchy. But it wouldn't have ended
there if the key people on both sides did not stop and say, ''Wait a second, this is
bad for business.''9
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10. However this view is a bit simplistic as trends can change and with each incident there is an
escalated opportunity that ‘this’ time will be different than the last.
Finding out the truth might prove to be impossible. According to sources, currently military
leadership will not tolerate a loss of power or prestige. But the military is not the only obstacle
towards reconciliation as all sides are unwilling to accept a loss of face and there appears a lack of
political will to see the process through.
Will Thailand see a South African style Truth and Reconciliation Commission10? Probably not. The
end result of ‘Reconciliation’ will be uniquely Thai in its approach and delivery.
Source – In Asia11 - Who will accept responsibility?
Power Sharing
This is one of the most difficult challenges to quantify, while the true root causes of the 2006 coup
will never be known, it would appear that former prime minister’s meddling in military affairs played
a role. To successfully govern in Thailand the ruling party must collaborate with vested interests and
there is no guarantee that they will share the same agenda as the government. If past performance
is any indication this balancing act is difficult and will require commitment to work. With neither
side trusting the other it would appear that Thailand is entering a political cycle similar to the mid-
1970’s. In a cycle such as this, small missteps or misunderstandings could ultimately undermine the
government’s mandate.
One of Yingluck’s first obstacles to power sharing will be the naming a Minster of Defence who the
current military leadership will accept. This will provide a test of Yingluck’s ability to achieve a
working partnership with the entrenched interests who really run the country.
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11. Source – Bangkok Post12 - What’s behind door number 1?
Moral Leadership
Moral leadership, by definition, requires leaders to act, follow, and hold others to a higher standard.
This standard should be for the common good and not pit the needs of one special interest over
another. Organizations, governments included, tend to distort moral worth based on the interests
of the most active/vocal stakeholders; according to March13, some of the sources of distortion
include:
Decision-making involving multiple actors with inconsistent preferences.
Strategic exchange of information, rather than neutrally informative, i.e. done with
“ulterior” purposes in mind; misrepresentation is assumed.
Absence of time and attention in the decision-making process.
Simply put, the squeaky wheel gets the grease.
This distortion commonly results in in policies that are inefficient or ineffective at best and solutions
that create problems in other areas.
If the government carries out an agenda that is too one-side or seeks to extract vengeance the push
back could undermine the government’s standing. At the same time if Yingluck is too successful in
establishing her credentials as moral leader she could be perceived as a threat from the more
traditional seats of power. This balancing act might prove difficult to sustain and given the record of
previous governments, Yingluck’s relative inexperience in politics, and the need to share power and
prestige with various interest groups the outlook is not positive.
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12. Reform
How do you enact reforms when those in power do not see the necessity for such reforms and the
general public is complicit in perpetuating the status quo?
By all accounts corruption in Thailand is a problem. The Thai Chamber of Commerce and the Board
of Trade listed corruption as one of the most urgent issues to address.14 While successive
governments have attempted to curtail corruption Thailand’s relative position, as per Transparency
International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI), has slid backward in recent years. Given the
increased constraints on foreign business operating under the long arm of the UK Bribery Act and
the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), an alternative approach to reform would be to legalize
all forms of corruption. This would eliminate some of the legal constraints for foreign business
operating in Thailand and would help the market to better identify the true cost of doing business in
Thailand.
Ironically, the 2006 coup which was meant to target the corrupt practices of the Thai Rak Thai
Government under Thaksin Shinawatra did little to end corruption.
CPI Ranking
85
80
75
70
65
60
55
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Source – Transparency International15
While TI’s rankings lag behind actual instances of corrupt practice it would appear that a first step
would be an end to extra-electoral influences on the transition of power (i.e. military, street
protests, or a less-than-impartial judiciary).
Commitment to the transition of power through electoral/parliamentary means is only a first step
toward eliminating corrupt practices other obstacles remain and will continue to weigh heavy on
Thailand’s competitiveness, such as:
Bloated civil service, police, and military ranks that are more interested in generating
revenue for themselves than actually serving the country.
Lack of a full understanding of the need for an independent judiciary.16
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13. Legal enforcement that does not recognize the need for equal protection.
Overhaul of promotion practices in all state agencies.
State ownership and intimidation of media outlets.
State owned enterprises that are often inefficient and uncompetitive.
Lack of genuine efforts to reform to the labor market to promote competitiveness and
sustainability.
Government abuse of dubious laws that seek to limit or curtail civil liberties.
Overall lack of urgency to address these issues.
The recent debt collection case in Germany provides a case study for how governments perceive the
role of the judiciary. Whereas German officials repeatedly stated that they had no control over the
actions of the courts and they respected the independence of the judiciary the Thai side was
“genuinely astonished that the German government cannot influence its judiciary.”17
Given the government’s need to broker with the traditional seats of power to achieve legitimacy and
the general lack of interest to change, the outlook for reform in the short term is not promising. If
the government acts too quickly it will increase the risk of counter actions from entrenched
stakeholders who feel threatened by moves towards liberalization or modernization and this could
eventually unseat the government.
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14. Legitimacy – Conclusion
So what does this mean? At this point we have focused on the known factors but unknown factors
will heavily influence the ability of Yingluck and the Peau Thai Party to overcome challenges to their
legitimacy and remain in power for at least the next two years. For example, if party dissolution
cases go to the Constitutional Court, will the cases be decided impartially? What are the risks to
establishing moral leadership?
Reform
Reconciliation
>18 Months
Moral Leadership
6~18 Months
<6 Months
Power Sharing
Legal
0 2 4 6 8 10
Chances of success, short- to long-term
The government will have a relatively low chance for success and it is more than likely that one of
more elements will combine to undermine its legitimacy. From the current perspective, it would
appear that the biggest risks are legal challenges or the inability to establish an agreeable
mechanism for sharing power.
This tenuous hold on power will weigh heavy on a Prime Minister with little direct political
experience and will cause her to seek refuge among advisers that will not be accepted by many. This
will increase the risk that the government will not serve out its full term. Depending on the
circumstances, dissolution might redefine the ‘norm’ in Thailand.
For businesses, the events of the past 5 years have had limited impact on the economy as economic
fundamentals remain sound, for now. As one of the most developed markets in ASEAN, Thailand
represents significant potential. Given the current political environment it is more than likely that
this potential will remain unfulfilled well into the next decade.
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15. Change of Success
>18 Months
Yes
28%
No
72%
Long-term chance of success
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16. Part Two - Governing
While the recent endorsement of the new government clears the first hurdle to legitimacy the more
immediate task is to overcome the challenges to governing a divided country. The new government
will need to do a lot of heavy lifting to position Thailand for the AEC in 2015; however, the
consequences of getting it wrong are greater than at any point in Thailand’s post-war history. Given
the failure of previous governments to achieve meaningful results along with the speed of
integration both regionally and globally the outlook is murky at best. The recent political situation
has led to a state of inertia and it will take cooperation and adept leadership to position Thailand to
achieve its full potential in the near-future.
Now the real heavy lifting
Will Yingluck and her team prove to be the right people at the right time? The answer will depend
on the perspective of various constituencies. While the preferred approach varies from group to
group, there is, at some level, alignment on what the challenges are:
Economy
Education
Infrastructure
Productivity
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17. Economy
The first priority for the new government will be the economy and with good reason. The global
economic outlook for 2012 is uncertain and the potential slowdowns in China, Europe, and the U.S.
pose significant risk for an export-reliant economy such as Thailand’s. Also Thailand risks losing out
in the competition for capital and skills as progress towards a more open market-based economy lag
behind several of its neighbors. While these changes, or lack thereof, will be less immediate to the
government’s electoral base, balancing populist promises with sound fiscal policy may prove
difficult. According to a recent report in the Wall Street Journal, “concerns about inflation and other
problems that could threaten the vibrancy of Southeast Asia's second-largest economy.”18
Time for restructuring19
The proposed rise in minimum wage will have a minimal effect on the broader economy in the mid-
term and an almost negligible effect on growth industries. Raising minimum wage without
addressing some of the structural issues that have held back Thailand’s competitiveness for years
including the outsized portion of casual labor to the total labor force and the need to rationalize the
country’s tax regime to promote investment at all levels of industry will have almost no impact as
real wage growth will become capped in the long-term.
Many voters listed the economy as their number one concern during the election and if the Puea
Thai government is unable to address these they might find themselves surrounded by disgruntled
constituencies.
Can the government balance populist policies with sound fiscal policy? To a large extent this
depends on the acceptance of certain economic models over others. In the case of Thailand, a
round investment would help to the country out of the ‘middle-income trap’. But given the
contentiousness of these policies and the self-serving nature of spending in the past, the
government will have to implement reforms along with investments to achieve sustainable results.
Required economic reforms include:
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18. Price liberalization and reduction in subsidies.
Fiscal and tax reforms, including broadening the tax base.
Financial sector and banking reforms.
Establishing favorable legal and regulatory framework for enterprise growth and
development.
The challenge for the new government will be pursuing policies that achieve these goals without
alienating interests that are already skeptical of the government’s ability to perform.
Casual Labor to Monthly and Daily
Labor
21,000,000
Monthly Wage
Casual Labor
Daily Wage
9,000,000
8,000,000
Source – Thailand Macro Economic Briefing20
Education
Thailand has made significant strides in improving the quality of education, especially in Bangkok,
but progress has been uneven and Thai students are generally less proficient in English and IT than
their peers around the world. Fundamentally, the education system does not support developing
the necessary skills for a knowledge economy such as problem solving and project management.
While there is a cultural disposition towards creativity, translating creativity into innovation is a
challenge for the vast majority of students. To a large extent this is a byproduct of an education
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19. system that puts more emphasis on rote learning than research and development, the consequence
is a middle-income country with a workforce that for the most part has a low-income skill set.
Left unchecked, Thailand’s education system will continue to churn out fresh graduates who are
unprepared for the harsh realities of a global integration. The responsibility for preparing Thailand
for the enactment of the AEC in 2015 will fall on the shoulders of the new government and with it
will come the challenges creating a stable platform for the development leaders who can achieve a
move up the Value Chain to compete in an integrated marketplace without legislated barriers to
protect monopolies.
According to one visiting professor, ‘Thai students are 20 years behind their counterparts in
Singapore.’ The system is being hollowed out through competition as illustrated by the rise of
international schools in Thailand. According to a presentation by Dr. Virachai Techavijit the “main
conclusion that can be drawn from the rapid expansion of the international school ‘industry’ in
Thailand is the fact that economic growth in Thailand and the effects of globalization are the major
factors that have contributed to this phenomenon.”21 This is actually an oversimplification as it fails
to recognize another possible cause; those with means are choosing to take their children outside of
the Thai education system altogether. The new schools are just a reaction to that choice and not the
cause of it.
Rise of International Schools in
Thailand - 1950 to 2010
112
67
38
1 3 10
Source – The International Schools Phenomenon in Thailand22
Primary and secondary schools are not the only part of the system falling behind. A review of the
university system shows that need for reorganization and reinvestment as universities are unable to
recruit the ‘best and brightest’. The 2010 World University Rankings23 does not include one
university from Thailand in its Top 200 and the QS World University Rankings®24 only includes
Chulalongkorn University (number 180). This is surprising for the 19th largest country 25 by
population and the 30th largest economy26 but is telling of the effectiveness of the system as a
whole. However the focus has not been on improving the standing of Thailand’s educational system.
According to Chulalongkorn University Vice President MR Kalaya Tingsabadh "We categorize CU as
world-class in the 'national' university division, not world-class in an 'international' university
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20. division.”27 While the goal to serve the nation’s development is commendable, shouldn’t Thai
universities set an example for the improvement of educational standards?
Universities in Top 200
6
5
4 4 4
2
0
China Hong Kong Japan Korea Singapore Taiwan Thailand
Source - World University Rankings powered by Thomson Reuters28
According to a recent editorial in the Bangkok Post, “Thailand's education budget, at 30% of the total
national budget, is already among the highest in the world. Yet its quality is in a shambles. The
school system is oppressive. The children do not think independently.”29 Shockingly, neighboring
countries use the Thai system to measure the ineffectiveness of their educational systems as noted
by Datin Azimah Rahim, President of Malaysia’s Parent Action Group for Education (PAGE), “Our
education system was once on par with Singapore but it has since dropped to the level of
Thailand.”30
For Thailand to be competitive in the future, the government must find a way to increase the
effectiveness of its human capital investments at all levels as the system continually fails to prepare
students for the integration demands of a global knowledge based economy. If change does not
come soon the result will be a growing ‘donut-hole’ in Thailand’s human capital that will render the
country incapable of competing in an integrated knowledge based economy.
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21. Bucks but no Buck Rogers31
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22. Infrastructure
After 5 years of infighting the need for infrastructure investment has grown even more.
In Bangkok, the road network has continued to improve and the Bangkok region is fortunate to have
direct access modern air and sea ports. However, integrated logistics is difficult to achieve on scale.
This is exacerbated by the growth in the countries second level cities, a trend that consumer product
companies and retailers have had a difficult time adjusting to.
Increase in the number of employed persons in municipal
areas with > 15k montly income between 2002 and 2009
3,748
75% of the increase is outside
Bangkok and vicinities
2,897
2002 Bangkok Vicinities Other Provinces 2009
32
Source – Thailand Macro Economic Briefing
Rail links are poor and the State Railway of Thailand (SRT) has proven to be incapable of
modernization. What is required is bold action and leadership, such as joint ventures, privatization,
and wholesale reorganization to balance labor/management issues. While there is some hope with
recent announcements of a high-speed rail link with China in all likelihood this project will probably
delivered behind schedule and over budget.
The telecom space is another example slow pace of development. With mobile operators choosing
to roll out 3G service on their own rather than waiting for the government and government owned
telcos. This is a high risk game as aggressive moves to launch 3G service under current contracts
might bring about reviews of the true shareholding structures of the number one (AIS) and number
two (DTAC) mobile operators. Internet connectivity in Thailand also lags far behind other countries
in the region, this constraint has actually slowed adoption of SaaS and IaaS solutions for mid-size
enterprises as the IT infrastructure lack the bandwidth to support these applications.
Continuing to ignore the need to improve its infrastructure will cap the country’s economic potential
at current levels. In the midst of this, the country’s internet usage rates are far behind more
advanced countries in the region and there is some evidence suggests that real usage is much lower
when deducting internet users who are only online at work.
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23. Internet Users per 100 People
81
73
61
58
26
1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009
Hong Kong SAR, China Korea, Rep. Malaysia Singapore Thailand
Source - International Telecommunication Union, World Telecommunication/ICT Development Report and database, and World Bank
estimates.33
The new government will have to address the following to spur:
Increased access to markets (mostly agricultural) for the government’s political base.
Investment in so-called ‘mega’ projects to improve Thailand’s competitive advantages.
Adoption of reforms mandated under the AEC.
The government needs to plot a course that will position Thailand for future growth without
upsetting the interests that run the country today, something that previous governments have found
difficult to accomplish.
Productivity
Innovation and productivity tend to suffer in low-cost countries as there is little incentive for either.
For the government the challenge is to motivate private industry to take real steps out of the
‘middle-income trap’. Activity in high-tech industries has grown in recent years the country must
establish new competitive advantages. Regional integration through the AEC will eventually tear
down some of the barriers that have shielded certain industries for so long. The proposed increase
in the daily minimum wage will put further pressure on lagging productivity rates to remain
competitive in the global market.
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24. According to a joint project of The National Economic and Social Development Board and the World
Bank,
“Labor productivity fell sharply during the 1997-98 financial crisis and has remained
stagnant ever since. The generally poor productivity performance of the services
industry in recent years raises concerns about the potential of this sector to be an
engine for gains in the real wages and living standards of Thai workers in the
future.”34
According to one economist, there are three areas in which industry can help move the focus from
low-cost labor towards world-class competitive advantages:35
Appropriate education and training
Capital investment
Cutting edge research and development
While a certain amount of automation is required to for industries to compete the fear is that over-
reliance on automation will put pressure on cash flows and prove to be highly inflexible in the long-
term leaving Thai companies in an even weaker position. Instead Thai companies should follow the
Japanese model of utilizing automation with a human touch and not the wholesale replacement of
workers which could further reduce the willingness to improve.
Stagnation in productivity is not limited to the service sector; according to USDA Global Rice Yield
data, yield improvements from Thailand’s fertile rice growing regions lags behind other countries in
the region. In a country where the phrase for eating is literally ‘eat rice’, continued poor
performance could have significant ramifications for the country as a whole.
Rough Rice Yield (t/ha)
7.00
5.00
3.00
1.00
1972
1994
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
World China Japan Thailand Vietnam
Source – USDA - Rough rice yield, by country and geographical region 36
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25. When yields in Thailand are compared to Vietnam, a country that went through a prolonged period
of armed conflict, the picture is disturbing as it points to structural defects in the agriculture sector.
Rough Rice Yield - Thailand & Vietnam
5.50
3.50
1.50
1994
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
Vietnam Thailand
Source – USDA - Rough rice yield, by country and geographical region 37
So where does this leave Thailand? Productivity must improve to support strategies to move up the
value chain, but without a significant restructuring of the labor force to dramatically reduce the
number of casual laborers38, business will lack the impetus to invest in continuous improvement
programs on a grand scale. The risk for companies doing business in Thailand is that the recent
debate surrounding wages and productivity will lead to more cost uncertainty in the short-term and
with exports representing 70% of Thailand’s GDP, the new government needs to navigate this issue
correctly.
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26. Governing - Conclusion
Can the new government implement policies to overcome these challenges? Yes and No. Yes, the
government will deliver a policy statement, but their ability to get buy-in from the civil service and
industry will depend on which methods the government and its ministers employ to reach
consensus. In a country where there is a cultural bias towards passive-aggressiveness this will not be
easy. The more progressive the government’s plan, the more likely it is fail simply because various
interest groups won’t appreciate the need for change; as the saying goes there is rice in the fields
and fish in the stream.
For business, now is a time to tread carefully when considering Thailand. Beyond the potential
implications of continued political unrest, the country is falling behind in terms of its
competitiveness. If a company already has significant assets in Thailand, they need to think through
contingencies for these assets to ensure they are viable in an integrated marketplace. If a company
is considering investment in Thailand it really needs to uncover the motivations behind the decision
by asking how this decision will support the creation of value. This is not to say don’t invest in
Thailand, depending on the industry and where in the value chain the investment will be, Thailand
can offer significant advantages. If the decision brings the company closer to its supply base or its
customers the decision might be the correct one. But in an integrated ASEAN market, Thailand is no
longer the only choice and through its policies the government must act to correct this.
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27. Endnotes
1
Yingluck Shinawtra (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved 6 July 2011, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yingluck_Shinawatra (Thai: , RTGS: Yinglak Chinnawat, Thai
pronunciation: *jîŋ.lák tɕʰīn.nā.wát+)
2
Macan-Marker, M (4 July 2011) Rural Thais roar to political forefront. In Aljazeera. Retrieved 6 July 2011,
from http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/07/20117415539124100.html
3
Profile: Yingluck Shinawatra (n.d.) In Aljazeera. Retrieved 24 July 2011 from
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/spotlight/thaielection/2011/06/2011630133948265426.html
4
Lakorn (n.d.) In Wikipedia. Retrieved 6 July 2011, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lakorn
5
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6
Pongsudhirak, T (12 July 2011) Thailand's Shinawatras: From clan to dynasty. In BBC. Retrieved 24 July 2011
from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-14075218
7
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Brandon, J. J. (29 June 2011) Will Thaksin Outmaneuver Thailand’s Military and Traditional Elites? In Asia.
Retrieved, 24 July 2011 from http://asiafoundation.org/in-asia/2011/06/29/will-thaksin-outmaneuver-
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Prateepchaikul, V. (23 June 2011). Gen Prayuth, erratic and worrisome. Bangkok Post. Retreived 24 July 2011
from http://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/243602/general-prayuth-erratic-move
13
March, J.G. (1989) The Allocation of Attention: in Decisions and Organizations (pp. 3-12). Cambridge:
Blackwell.
14
Pratruangkrai, P (16 June 2011) Next Govt must handle corruption: private companies. The Nation. Retrieved
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companies-30157916.html
15
Walker, A (9 July 2011) Thailand’s corruption record. In New Mandala. Retrieved 19 July 2011, from
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Correspondent, Retrieved 20 July 2011 from http://asiancorrespondent.com/60414/the-impounded-thai-
aircraft-and-lessons-from-the-thai-media/
17
Ibid.
26
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28. 18
Murray, L. & Barta, P (6 July 2011) Fears Rise Country's New Populism Could Boost Inflation, Cut Growth. The
Wall Street Journal Asia. Retrieved 7 July 2011, from
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Project. Project Preparation Technical Assistance Report for named project, ADB, Manila, p. 39.
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Suthiwart-Narueput, S (22 February 2011). Macro Briefing: Some things to watch in the business landscape
in 2011 and beyond. Presentation to the American Chamber of Commerce of Thailand.
21
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Implementation of the International Baccalaureate”, Delivered at Oxford University.
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Techavijit, V, (1 March 2007), P. 8 “The International Schools Phenomenon in Thailand and the
Implementation of the International Baccalaureate”, Delivered at Oxford University.
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from http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2011/02/21/national/Worldclass-standards-and-boosting-
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The World University Rankings powered by Thomson Reuters. Retrieved 19 July 2011, from
http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/world-university-rankings/2010-2011/top-200.html
29
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Victor, C (19 July 2011) More 'thinking' students needed. The Malay Mail. Retrieved 19 July 2011 from
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Adapted from Schwab, Porter and Sachs (2002).
32
Suthiwart-Narueput, S (22 February 2011). Macro Briefing: Some things to watch in the business landscape
in 2011 and beyond. Presentation to the American Chamber of Commerce of Thailand.
33
International Telecommunication Union, World Telecommunication/ICT Development Report and database,
and World Bank estimates. Retrieved 20 August 2011 from http://www.worldbank.org/
34
Bosworth, B Dr., Bhaopichitr, K Dr., Mahakit, W., Nararak, W, Thamsermsukh, A., Phoosakul, S. Khlaisuan,
W., Wuttisorn, P. Dr. Limpanonda, S., Termpittayapaisith, S., Matin, K. Dr., Thongampai, R. Measuring Output
and Productivity in Thailand’s Service-producing Industries A joint project of The National Economic and Social
Development Board and the World Bank
27
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Trairatvorakul, P. (21 July 2011) ‘Thailand’s investment environment – looking forward’ Delivered to the Joint
Foreign Chamber of Commerce of Thailand.
36
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Ibid.
38
casual labour. (2011). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 20 July 2011 from
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/690768/casual-labour
28
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