1. Why Such Low 1
Running head: WHY SUCH LOW GRADATION RATES AMONG BLACK MALES
Why Such Low Graduation Rates Among Black Male High School Students?
Loretta H.V. Faheem
Capella University

2. Why Such Low 2
Abstract
Graduation rates have become a prominent feature in the landscape of high school reform and
within the larger world of educational policy. Studies conducted over the past several years have
repeatedly demonstrated that far fewer American students are completing high school with
diplomas than had previously been realized (Swanson 2008). Whereas the conventional wisdom
had long placed the graduation rate around 85 percent, a growing consensus has emerged that
only about seven in 10 students are actually successfully finishing high school. Graduation rates
are even lower among certain student populations, particularly racial and ethnic minorities and
males. We must do more for every high school student. Almost half of African-American and
Hispanic students will not graduate at all (Gates 2004).

3. Why Such Low 3
Table of Contents
I. Introduction 4
II. Background and Statement to the Problem 5
III. Research Question 7
Figure 1: National High School Graduation Rates, 2003-2004 7
IV. Rationale 7
V. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework 9
VI. Literature Review 11
VII. Proposed Methodology 16
A. Qualitative Research
1. Educator’s perspective
2. Student’s perspective
B. Research Questions 17
C. Data Collection Procedures 17
VIII. Expected Results 17
IX. Implications for Research and Practice and Diversity and Ethics Considerations 18
X. Conclusion 19
References 21

4. Why Such Low 4
I. Introduction
The purpose of this proposal is to study graduation rates in school districts serving
America’s 50 most-populous cities as well as the larger metropolitan areas where they are
situated.
Such rates are considerably lower in the largest cities than they are in the average urban setting.
Intense disparities emerge in many of the largest metropolitan areas. About 70% of students
graduate on time with a regular diploma. For Hispanic and Black students, the percentage drops
to
about half. Not surprisingly, students served by suburban school systems may be twice as likely
as
their urban counterparts to graduate from high school (The Associated Press 2008).
“Dropout factory” is how a high school is viewed when no more than 60 percent of
students who begin as freshmen make it to their senior year. This describes nearly four in 10
across this country; about 1,700 either regular or vocational high schools. This is according to an
analysis of Education Department data conducted by Johns Hopkins for The Associated Press.
That is 12 percent of all such schools, about the same level as a decade ago (The Associated
Press
2007). The highest cluster of dropout factories is either in large cities or high-poverty rural areas
in
the South and Southwest. Minority student enrollment is significant. The challenges these
students
face are well beyond the academic ones. Oftentimes, they need to work as well as go to school
or
they are in need of social services (The Associated Press 2008).
Disconnected youth is the term that refers to young people who have been out of school
and work for a year or more. They are not temporarily “idle” but are fully disconnected from the
mainstream worlds of schooling and work. Young Black men are by far the most likely to

5. Why Such Low 5
become
“disconnected”. To reverse the negative trends in education and employment that afflicts this
population, a comprehensive set of efforts is needed that will improve their skills and early
employment and prevent disconnection from school and work (Holzer, H. R. (2007) .
II. Background and Statement to the Problem
Of all racial and gender groups, young Black men are by far the most likely to become
“disconnected” from school and work. At the end of the 1990’s, employment rates among less-
educated, young Black men (ages 16 through 24) who were not enrolled in school and not
institutionalized were nearly 30 percentage points below the employment rates of young whites
and Latinos with comparable characteristics. These gaps grew even larger during the labor
market downturn that began in the year 2001. According to recent data from the National
Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY97), over 30 percent of young Black men drop out of high
school – a higher rate than is observed for any other group – and by some estimates, the dropout
rates among inner-city youth are much higher than that (Holzer, 2007).
The curricula in most public schools also fail to adequately engage Black students.
Disinterested students who are labeled as problems or disruptive often become the victims of
“zero tolerance” policies. These policies disproportionately impact African American students
and, thereby, contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline, especially among Black males (Knaus,
2007).
The risk of prison incarceration rises steeply with lower levels of education. Among
Black males, 30.2 percent of those who did not attend college had gone to prison by 1999.
Nearly 60 percent of Black high school dropouts born from 1965 through 1969 had served time
in state or federal prison by the time they reached their early 30’s. Thus, over the past 30 years,

6. Why Such Low 6
the risk of incarceration has grown for both Blacks and whites. However, it has grown the
fastest among men who have a high school diploma or less (Pettit, 2004).
Jimerson et al (2000) found a long dropout pathway. Psychosocial factors early
in development in the family, including the home environment, the quality of care giving and
maternal attachment, were powerful predictors of high school status at the age of 19. Strong
predictors in their analysis included being male; poor quality of early care giving; problem
behaviors and low achievement in 1st grade; low parent involvement in 6th grade; and poor peer
relations, problem behaviors and low achievement at age 16.
Other predictors that a student is likely to drop out are family characteristics such as:
socioeconomic status, family structure, family stress (such as death, divorce, family relocations),
as well as the mother's age. Students who come from low-income families, are the children of
single, young, unemployed (or underemployed) mothers are considered to be contributing
factors. Low socioeconomic status has been shown to bear the strongest relationship to students'
tendency to drop out. In one study, for example, students of lower socioeconomic status had a
dropout rate four times higher than that of students of a higher socioeconomic status (Alexander,
etal, 2001).
The tendency for students to drop out is also associated with their school experiences.
According to the U.S. Department of Education, among the reason students drop out of school
are: dislike of school; low academic achievement; retention at grade level; A sense that teachers
and administrators do not care about students; and inability to feel comfortable in a large,
depersonalized school setting (U.S. Department of Education 1999).
It has been argued that dropping out is a developmental process with significant markers
on a pathway to dropping out (Jimerson et al., 2000). It’s been discovered that patterns seemed to
be set by 3rd grade and that early events interact with later events to change progress on this

7. Why Such Low 7
pathway. Early care giving starts the process and failing grades or discipline problems in
elementary or middle schools should be seen as “midcourse markers”. Truancy or failing grades in
high school should be viewed as “advanced markers” on this pathway.
III. Research Question
What are the Reasons Behind the High Dropout Rate Among Black Male High School Students?
IV. Rationale
Three new theories devoted to the inequitably poor academic outcomes experienced by
young males of color that may prove to be promising in studying this population are: Steele’s

8. Why Such Low 8
(1997) stereotyped threat model; Ogbu’s (1992) cultural-ecological perspective; and Majors and
Billson’s (1992) cool pose theory. While preliminary, these theories begin to explore the social
and cultural factors that can inhibit academic excellence. Steele (1997) argues that while all
students experience anxiety over possible failure in academic settings, individuals who are
members of groups that are viewed as intellectually inferior experience increased anxiety
because personal failure could confirm the negative group stereotype. Accordingly, because
anxiety is aversive, he proposed that members of these groups would seek to reduce anxiety by
detaching their self-esteem from academic outcomes or disidentifying. Theoretically, this
disidentification protects the student’s self-esteem from adverse academic outcomes. Students
who are more identified with academics are more motivated to succeed because there is a direct
linked to higher academic performance. Students not identified with academics, such as Black
males, are less motivated to succeed because there is no contingency between academic
outcomes and self-esteem – good performance is not rewarding and poor performance is not
punishing – leaving those who have disidentified with no compelling incentives to expend effort
in academic endeavors. Disidentified individuals may, therefore, be at higher risk for academic
problems, especially poor grades and dropping out, but also absenteeism, truancy and
delinquency. Steele (1997) further argues that young Black males do not begin schooling
disidentified and that identification with academics can be easily persuaded provided that
appropriate interventions are introduced.
Significant focus has been extended toward a rite-of-passage program as a course of
action
for successfully transitioning Black young people into adulthood and fostering positive outcomes
in their lives. The program draws upon traditional African culture in order to impart values,
improve self-concept and develop cultural awareness. Participants perceived the rite-of-passage

9. Why Such Low 9
as
a community endeavor that facilitated their transition into adulthood (Piert, H. J. (2007) .
This study proves the social theory that has been espoused for a number of years within
the
Black community. If and when positive re-enforcements are extended to young Black males,
they
will emulate positive role models. More specifically, if they can see it, they can achieve it.
V. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework
Criminological theory suggests a number of mechanisms linking juvenile justice
sanctions
to educational outcomes. Labeling, deterrence and propensity theories suggest different
effects of juvenile justice sanctions on education, and different mediating mechanisms. Labeling
theories predicts a negative relationship between official sanctions and educational attainment.
Deterrence theories predict the opposite, while propensity theories suggest that both official
sanctions and educational outcomes can be explained by stable individual characteristics
(Lemert,
1951).
Two versions of labeling theory predict different mechanisms between juvenile justice
involvement and dropout. One version of labeling theory proposes that labeling induces a deviant
self-concept (Matsueda, 1992; Matsueda & Heimer, 1996). This, in turn, leads to deviant
behavior
including delinquency, truancy and poor school performance. Disengagement from school,
particularly if it leads to grade retention, increases the likelihood of dropout (Finn, 1989;
Jimerson,
Anderson, & Whipple, 2002). Another stream of labeling theory contends that official labeling
leads to further delinquency due to reduced conventional opportunities (Becker, 1963;

10. Why Such Low 10
Paternoster
& Iovanni, 1989; Sampson & Laub, 1997). This may also increase the likelihood of dropout due
to
reduced resources available to “labeled” youth. Institutional responses to juvenile arrest can lead
to increased risk of dropout through disruption of educational progress. Between 79 and 94
percent
of schools have zero tolerance policies which impose automatic penalties, including suspension
and expulsion, for student offenses (US Department of Education, 1998). While these
zero-tolerance policies are designed to increase school safety, they may also induce labeled
students to drop out.
Sampson and Laub’s (1997) life-course theory of cumulative disadvantage further
suggests
that the negative consequences of labeling accumulate faster for those in disadvantaged structural
positions, particularly for the urban poor. According to this theory, disadvantaged youths are less
able to avoid the negative consequences of labeling because they have less access to social
networks.
In contrast to both of these perspectives, propensity theories point to stable individual
traits
that account for both offending and high school dropout (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990; Wilson &
Herrnstein, 1985). Propensity theories suggest that any apparent link between sanctions and
dropout is in fact false, as both are caused by common individual traits. In other words, the
justice
system adjudicates the most serious offenders, who are prone to drop out of school and continue
on
a path of deviant behavior.
A negative and statistically significant relationship would indicate support for deterrence
theory. Positive and statistically significant results would support some form of labeling theory.

11. Why Such Low 11
Furthermore, stronger labeling effects for minorities or those living below the poverty level
would
be consistent with Sampson and Laub’s (1997) life course theory of cumulative disadvantage.
Jimerson (et al, 2000) argue that dropping out of school is a developmental process, not
an
event, but a process influenced by social, political and economic factors. They argue that
dropping
out of school is impacted by the coming together of one’s developmental history, educational
experiences and current circumstances. Each of these factors occurs within an arena of power.
In the case of Black males, many well-intentioned reform agendas have missed the mark.
Many face daunting challenges in school just as they are at risk in the larger spheres of society. It
is
due, in part, to historical and ongoing inequality in society and institutionalized racism. The
criminalization of Black males such as in racial profiling, the continual disparaging media
images
challenged by the NAACP, and the overrepresentation of Black males in state and federal prisons
are similar phenomena that are inextricably linked to educational at-risk conditions Waller (1932).
VI. Literature Review
In response to unparalleled federal support and public interest, an unprecedented number
of high school reform efforts have emerged in recent years. High schools are rapidly emerging as
the “next frontier” of education reform. Philanthropic agencies such as the Gates Foundation, the
Carnegie Foundation, and the Open Society Institute have contributed tens of millions of dollars
to innovative programs for reforming American high schools. The No Child Left Behind Act is
largely an elementary education law, however, high schools are also required to meet its
challenges and reform, if necessary, to address the needs of adolescents who enter unprepared to
do high school–level work. Improving high schools is also immensely important because

12. Why Such Low 12
Americans continue to view education as a primary mechanism for redressing inequalities in
social life (Knaus, 2007).
Despite efforts to improve ineffective schools and raise academic achievement, there is a
well-documented, lingering achievement gap between affluent and poor students as well as
between White and Black students (Grissmer & Flanagan, 2001). Moreover, there is growing
evidence that low socioeconomic students of color are disproportionately taught by less qualified
teachers and attend deteriorated schools that are racially and socioeconomically isolated
(Darling-Hammond, 1997). In the report “What Matters Most: Teaching for America’s Future,”
Darling-Hammond and her colleagues (National Commission of Teaching and America’s Future,
1996) contended students enrolled in high-poverty and racially isolated high schools are unlikely
to have classroom teachers with certification or college degrees in their field. Such students, they
reported, have less than a 50% probability of taking a course with a math or science teacher
holding a state-issued license and undergraduate degree in the field she or he teaches (National
Commission of Teaching and America’s Future, 1996).
The educational system is the sole compulsory institution in the nation. As such, public
elementary and secondary schools must absorb disproportionate responsibility for ameliorating
the negative effects of inequality in society. Thus, the problems of many public schools are not
necessarily problems that are caused or cured by the schools. They are, instead, rooted in various
societal ills such as poverty, social class biases, and institutional racism. Conventional wisdom
suggests one of the core purposes of schooling is to embody egalitarian principals such as
democracy and the maintenance of an equal opportunity social structure. It is believed, therefore,
that an ideal American educational system would be both transformative and reproductive. More

13. Why Such Low 13
specifically, schools should act as a vehicle of social mobility for poor and minority students
while simultaneously helping middle-class students reproduce their social status. Good schools
encourage at-risk students to surpass the level of education of their parents to obtain social
progress (transformative) while allowing affluent students to at least reach the same level as their
parents (reproductive).
Recent national trends suggest Black and other minority students continue to be
disproportionately enrolled in schools in central cities (U.S. Department of Education, 2002). For
many Black high school students, this translates into overrepresentation in large, urban
comprehensive or “zoned” schools that are situated in racially isolated and high-poverty areas.
Academic achievement and graduation rates at these high schools are often very low in
comparison with affluent suburban schools. In the worst cases, less than one quarter of the
student body reaches 12th grade on time (Balfanz & Legters, 1998).
In light of the intractable nature of concentrated poverty, proliferating urbanization and
racial isolation, many scholars and educators have summarily concluded that little can be done
within the context of the existing educational system to significantly improve the conditions for
poor students in general and Black male students in particular (Alexander 2001). Despair about
the current conditions of education is at the core of the ongoing school choice debate. As a result,
some have advocated for establishing alternatives such as innovative all-male academies aimed
at addressing the unique needs of Black males and to buffer them from potential pitfalls.
Although controversial, several such academies have been created during past decades,
beginning in the Milwaukee Public School District and spreading to other districts throughout
the nation.

14. Why Such Low 14
The concept of Black adolescent male students as endangered is not new. For decades,
Black male students have been disproportionately at risk of school failure and diminishing life
chances. Numerous studies have chronicled the troubled status of Black male youth in school
and in social life. The metaphor, “endangered species” was based mainly on the increasing
numbers of Black men at risk of school failure and in the criminal justice system coupled with
their shrinking numbers in the higher education pipeline and in gainful employment. Compared
with other groups, Blacks men have higher dropout rates, lower standardized achievement
scores, higher suspension and expulsion rates, higher infant mortality rates, the highest
incarceration rates and the shortest life expectancy (Gibbs, 1998).
Whether it is perceived failure in the labor market or in educational pursuits, Black men
are socialized to view their self-worth as somewhat less than that of others (Hare, 1988) and their
locus of control as relatively lower. Kunjufu (1986) asserted that the social institution that
contributes most flagrantly to the destruction of the aspirations of Black men is the public
education system. He contended that educational institutions have historically evolved a series of
complex features that deny Black men equal access to opportunity. Special education, tracking
and ability grouping and standardized testing are examples of structural educational barriers. In
some cases, according to Kunjufu, learning and school engagement gaps between Black men and
other groups can be observed as early as the fourth grade. Unfortunately, many Black men never
recover from the initial slippage and are relegated to a poor-quality education with few chances
for upward mobility.
Considering the normative cultural values embedded in the social, political and economic
institutions of our society, Black men have come to resemble an endangered species. The
endangered status of Black males results from a combination of institutional racism, the inertia

15. Why Such Low 15
of intergenerational poverty, and an inability to execute and sustain meaningful educational
reform and community development. In the crudest sense and with the exception of a few who
are widely admired, young Black males are largely perceived and stereotyped by one or more of
the five Ds: dumb, deprived, dangerous, deviant and disturbed (Gibbs, 1988). Although these
words are seldom spoken or written, they can reflect mainstream cultural values and are often
reflected in educational policy and practice.
A review of the literature by Jordan, McPartland, Legters, and Balfanz (2000) identified
the following three main components of comprehensive school reform models in high schools:
(a) structural reforms, (b) curriculum and instruction reforms, and (c) professional development
reforms. The first component, structural reforms, refers to policies and strategies aimed at
changing the social and/or physical organization of the school. They include various initiatives
such as career academies, small learning communities, class size reduction, the creation of
interdisciplinary teacher teams and block scheduling. Second, curriculum and instructional
reform refers to attempts to improve the content and delivery of core academic subjects.
Examples include innovative ways of teaching math and English as well as infusing culturally
relevant pedagogy and material into academic courses. Finally, ongoing professional
development refers to any number of training activities for teachers and school leaders aimed at
helping them to address changing dynamics of educational processes.
The broader issue of how staffing, especially teachers, affects a school’s capacity for
change has occurred separately from the discourse on comprehensive school reform. In this vein,
it is argued that if the current wave of high school reform is to make a positive difference in the
overall schooling experiences of Black men, an important issue must be addressed: the
recruitment of Black male teachers. This issue is rooted in research findings suggesting that race

16. Why Such Low 16
congruence and cultural synchronization may make a significant difference in motivating Black
students to learn (Jordan et al 2000).
Teacher background characteristics are critical factors in the success or failure of high
school reform. In addition, ascriptive characteristics such as gender and ethnicity/race as well as
achieved factors such as certification, education level and experience are also important. There is
mounting evidence that student engagement and achievement is positively affected by
improvements in school structure, curriculum and teaching and professional development
(Jordan et al., 2000). However, as ineffective high schools slowly improve, the distribution of
academic success within the school can be relatively unaffected. In other words, as the school
begins to manifest positive signs of improvement as a result of reform efforts, the achievement
levels by race/ethnic and socioeconomic status subgroups remain largely unchanged. Thus, the
gap between Black men and other subgroups remain intact.
This assertion is based partly on cultural synchronization theory coupled with an
understanding that overall teacher quality and effectiveness always trumps racial congruence
between students and teachers. That is, effective teachers of any racial/ethnic background are
more preferable for raising motivation and achievement generally and particularly among Black
male students than are unqualified Black teachers. Moreover, Black male teachers, perhaps, have
several important advantages in educating Black adolescents. These include, for example,
strategic use of shared knowledge, modeling appropriate behavior, and in some cases, common
social experiences. The rapport Black male teachers can rapidly establish with Black male
students through their common cultural heritage can be maintained in the face of social class
differences. The value-added dimension of being exposed to good teachers who are Black men

17. Why Such Low 17
might be a key factor in raising the probability of success for some Black male students (Holzer
2007) .
VII. Proposed Methodology
A. Qualitative Research
1. Educators’ perspective – The majority of students who enter Baltimore Talent
Development in ninth grade are reading at a fifth or sixth grade level. The position of some high
school principals is that the fact that students are entering high school with such poor literacy
skills raises questions about how much catch-up work high schools can be expected to do. The
unanswered question is whether more pressure should be placed on middle schools and even
elementary schools (The Associated Press).
2. Students’ perspective – A female, 17 years of age, enrolled in a GED program
after dropping out of a Washington, D.C. high school that she describes as huge, chaotic and
violent. According to her, girls got jumped on; boys got jumped on; and the teachers were
fighting and hitting students. Additionally, teachers had low expectations for students which led
to dull classes. A male GED classmate, age 23, attended and left two Washington, D.C. high
schools that were on the “dropout factory” list. According to him, he would’ve liked for
someone to have sat him down and told him that he needed to go to class; that they were going to
work with him; and that they were going to help him. Instead, he had no one (The Associated
Press).
B. Research Questions
a. What do you consider your learning style to be, visual, auditory?
b. Does the gender of your teacher matter to you? Why or Why not?
C. Data Collection Procedures

18. Why Such Low 18
High school students from three schools who attend an after school academic remedial
and
enrichment program will be interviewed over a period of three months. Surveys will be sent to
the
staff at the end of the first semester. Since students are considered among the “special
population”
and because the interviews will be conducted on school property, school officials must give
permission. Thus, written permission is needed for any subject who is a legal minor. Permission
to conduct the interview will be asked of the student as well (Neuman, 2003).
VIII. Expected Results
In a race-conscious society (such as ours), cultural synchronization can be an important
aspect of teaching and learning (Irvine, 1990). Teachers who have shared knowledge and
understandings with students can be better equipped in solving students’ problems and
motivating them to learn. We believe, however, that increasing the number of Black male
teachers alone is not the answer. Instead, we suggest that shared cultural knowledge (endowed as
a result of being a member of the same racial and gender group) can provide a value-added
dimension of teaching and learning, holding constant a teacher’s ability to teach, credentials and
level of experience. Perhaps a wrinkle in this conjecture is that although Black male teachers and
Black male students may share common cultural experiences, teachers are virtually, by
definition, middle class. Complete cultural congruence or synchronization between Black
teachers and Black students almost never exists and can have possible drawbacks. For example,
there are many racially isolated schools having many Black teachers where Black male students
consistently fail. Here, the persistent underperformance of Black male students can perhaps be
explained by a combination of factors such as inadequate resources, unstable leadership, low
teacher quality, and a host of student inputs such as the intractable conditions brought on by

19. Why Such Low 19
poverty. Thus, although there is a potential for positive influences, recruiting Black male teachers
to teach Black male students cannot be viewed as a panacea.
IX. Implications for Research and Practice and Diversity and Ethics Considerations
Primary focus of my integrated project will be on the target population of Black males between
the ages of 10 and 20. A comparison analysis of other cultures as well as females will be
illustrated. In my efforts to illustrate and document the gross disparities relative to educational
funding in this country, not to include both genders and not to be culturally diverse with my
information would be an exercise in futility (Knaus, 2007). My considerable research on this
subject matter has enhanced my position relative to the consequences of inequality of
educational funding in the Black communities.
Relative to diversity, only about 58% of Hispanic students and 53 percent of Black
students
will graduate on time with a regular diploma, compared to 80% of Asian students and 76% of
white students (EPE, 2007).
The U.S. Department of Justice provides written waivers for researchers studying
criminal
behavior (Neuman, 2006, p. 134). Western, Schiraldi and Ziedenberg (2003) indicate that during
the 1990s, incarceration became increasingly concentrated among men with little schooling.
They
show that in 1999, 13% of white and 52% of African American high school dropouts age 30 to
34
had a prison record (110:7). (Their data also show that 3% of all white men and 22% of all
African

20. Why Such Low 20
American men age 30 to 34 had a prison record.) Analyses of U.S. Department of Justice and
National Center for Education Statistics data by the Justice Policy Institute found “more African
American men of any age incarcerated (791,000) than were enrolled in higher education (603,000) in
2000” (110:9).
Peer-reviewed articles that are authored by subject-matter experts who acknowledge
research sponsored by government agencies are reviewed very carefully. Researchers may be
asked to compromise ethical or professional research standards as a condition for receiving a
contract or for continued employment. When confronted with an illegitimate demand, a
researcher has three basic choices: loyalty to an organization or larger group, exiting from the
situation or voicing opposition (Rubin, 1983). Researchers face pressure to build a career,
publish, advance knowledge, gain prestige, impress family and friends, hold on to a job and so
forth (Neuman, 2006, 130). A basic principle of ethical social research is not to humiliate
subjects. The topic of this project is of a very sensitive nature. Therefore, the ethical researcher
is cautioned not to create anxiety and discomfort among the subjects as they are asked to recall
any unpleasantness.
X. Conclusion
Many Black male adolescents are at risk of educational failure as a result of a complex
array of institutional and socioeconomic factors they face within their schools and the
communities in which they live. These current social and educational conditions have historical
linkages and indeed are intergenerational. Effective policies and strong interventions are needed
to improve the plight of Black men in society. Within a broader framework, it is important to
keep in mind that problems that manifest within school are not always school problems, per se.
Black men are not only disproportionately at risk of school failure, but also at risk of many other
outcomes such as infant mortality, poor public health, drug abuse, crime and legal problems, and

21. Why Such Low 21
unemployment (Gibbs, 1988). For this reason, multiple institutions serving Black communities
must seek remedies for shrinking the social mobility and achievement gap between Black men
and other groups. Of the institutions Black men encounter, schools, which are the sole
compulsory institution, appear to be the most malleable to change. Despite the challenges
outlined, high schools can be reformed and improved via policy and leadership that is guided by
research and theory as well as a strong commitment to ensure a qualitative education to all
students.
There is cause for hope that high schools attempting to prepare Black men for adult life
can be reformed into more effective organizations succeeding at helping greater numbers achieve
academically, but broader aspects of social life are more difficult to assess. There is considerable
evidence suggesting communities themselves and other social institutions such as the criminal
justice system and public assistance agencies are far more resistant to change than are public
schools. This is most apparent in racially isolated communities where concentrations of poverty
have existed for generations (Sweeten 2006). To be sure, the devastating effects of poverty are
often intractable, not only for educators, but also for public health, social service and housing
and workforce development agencies.
As posited by Waller (1932), the community is the whole and the school is fragment.
However, educational politics along with complex bureaucracy and institutionalism causes us to
lose sight of the fragmentary nature of schooling in social life. As a result, school reform
initiatives are often narrowly focused on creating more effective schoolhouses, paying little
attention to the demographics and cultural backgrounds of the student population.
In the case of Black men, many well-intentioned reform agendas have missed the mark.
Many Black men face daunting challenges in school just as they are at risk in the larger spheres

22. Why Such Low 22
of society (Holzer, 2007). It is due, in part, to historical and ongoing inequality in society and
institutionalized racism. The criminalization of Black men such as in racial profiling, the
continual disparaging media images challenged by the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People, and the overrepresentation of Black men in state and federal prisons are
similar phenomena that are inextricably linked to educational at-risk conditions (Holzer, 2007).
The strategies often used in high school reform represent a responsible but incomplete approach
to addressing the needs of Black male adolescents. Certainly, the overall quality of a school, as
measured by its structure or organization, curriculum and/or instruction, and professional
development are critical factors. Also, the quality, effectiveness, and commitment of teachers are
paramount issues. But holding these things constant, the cultural issues affecting Black men and
the possibilities and limits of bringing in Black male teachers should be given thorough
consideration and further study. At this point, the missing components of comprehensive school
reform are the lack of attention paid to the cultural uniqueness of Black men and the relative
shortage of Black male teachers. Suffice it to say, everything has its price. Our society will pay
immeasurably if we continue to choose not to focus on the circumstances which lead to
educational disinterest. Are we or are we not our Brother’s keeper?
XI. References:
1 in 10 schools is ‘dropout factory’. U.S. putting new emphasis on boosting graduation rates for
high schools. (2007, October 29). The Associated Press. Retrieved April 18, 2008 from
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21532193.
Alexander, K., Entwisle, D. & Kabbani, N. (2001). "The Dropout Process in Life Course
Perspective: Early Risk Factors at Home and School," Teachers College Record, 103 (5).
Balfanz, R., & Legters, N. E. (1998). How many truly awful urban high schools are there? Some
early estimates. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press

23. Why Such Low 23
Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York: Free Press.
Darling-Hammond, L. (1997). Teachers and teaching: Testing policy hypotheses from a national
commission report. Education Researcher, 27, 5-15
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