LoredanaAlen_Antimafia NGOs in Sicily

FACULTEIT RECHTSGELEERDHEID
DECANAAT
TIENSESTRAAT 41
3000 LEUVEN
Academiejaar 2013 - 2014
Promotor: Prof. L. PAOLI Verhandeling, ingediend door LOREDANA ALEN, bij
het eindexamen voor de graad van MASTER IN DE
CRIMINOLOGISCHE WETENSCHAPPEN
Antimafia NGOs in Sicily
Motivation, goals, modus operandi and perceived impact

Abstract
There is a significant gap in English literature concerning antimafia research. Some books
have been written but, until now, only one research article could be found studying civil
society in the fight against the Mafia. This gap was an impetus to set up a qualitative
research project. The main goal is to gain an understanding of antimafia NGOs and their
members. The literature review focused on three aspects: the Mafia concept, the antimafia
movement and social movements. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with
members from antimafia organisations Libera, Addiopizzo and Rita Atria. There was also an
interview conducted with Mafia and antimafia expert Umberto Santino. Due to the lack of
literature, this study is exploratory and its results are rather descriptive. A first research
question focused on what “antimafia” means to antimafia NGO members, while taking into
account motivation, goals and the meaning that they allocate to their experiences in the
antimafia movement. It was clear from the analysis that a broad understanding is allocated
to antimafia. This movement is not just about fighting the Mafia; it is about creating a better
and more civilised society. The second research question tackled organisational aspects of
antimafia NGOs. This question analysed goals, activities and the modus operandi of the
participating organisations. All organisations have different goals, activities and modus
operandi, but they have an important aspect in common: they want to create a society, free
from Mafia dominion in which young people and school-aged children are the primary focus.
This research question also considered what kind of movement the antimafia movement is,
referring to the scientific literature on social movements. The answer to that question is not
unambiguous; the antimafia movement is a unique movement to which aspects of different
definitions of social movements are applicable. The third research question examined the
impact of antimafia NGOs, the antimafia movement in general as perceived by their
members as well as their opinions of antimafia state policy. The perceived impact is
experienced at different levels. First, there is the impact of organisations through organised
activities. There is also a general impact, which members refer to as a change in mentality
and culture. The Mafia is no longer a taboo idea and nowadays, people are less afraid to
rebel against it. Lastly, antimafia state policy is perceived as insufficient due to a lack of
coherence in the government.

I
Acknowledgements
From the moment I began my training in criminology, I was persuaded to write a thesis in
the area of Mafia or antimafia. My interest in both the Mafia and the antimafia is largely
attributable to my own Italian, specifically Sicilian, heritage. Going to Sicily and meeting
people involved with the antimafia movement was an honour. Nonetheless, this thesis
presented me with a big challenge, partly due to the language. I wasn’t raised bilingual, but I
attended Italian classes for one year. It also benefitted from speaking with my family and
friends in Italy. Although conducting interviews in Italian proved to be very different from
discussing beautiful weather and good food, I managed to do it.
The process of writing this thesis was not without its difficulties and many people helped see
me through this task. Above all, I would like to thank the members of Libera Catania,
Addiopizzo Catania, Addiopizzo Palermo, Rita Atria and, of course, Umberto Santino for
taking the time to provide me with an interview and, in doing so, taking part in this thesis. I
would also like to thank Giuseppe Vinci for his efforts and car services as it was not always
easy to get around in a city like Catania. In addition, I would like to thank my promoter,
Letizia Paoli. I am very honoured that she accepted to guide me through this thesis. She is a
top researcher in the area of organised crime and Italian Mafia and it was invaluable for me
to be guided by her expertise and advice. Furthermore, I would like to thank my parents for
always supporting me and seeing me through the more difficult times. I also wish to thank
my closest friends for standing by me and showing interest in my thesis. Last but not least, I
would like to thank my Canadian friend, Ab Rao, who introduced me to Stephanie Pizzuto.
Stephanie, who obtained a Master’s degree in English Literature, revised my thesis to ensure
that my English was grammatically sound.
Thank you, all!

II
Table of Contents
Preface…………………………………………................................................................................................1
Part I: Literature review……………….................................................................................................3
1. Introduction: the search for relevant literature......................................................................3
2. The Sicilian Mafia – Cosa Nostra.............................................................................................4
2.1. Conceptualisation of the Sicilian Mafia.................................................................4
2.1.1. Official conceptualisation of “mafia” .................................................................4
2.1.2. Scholarly approaches of the concept “mafia” ....................................................5
2.1.3. Mafia through the eyes of society .....................................................................7
2.2. The Sicilian Cosa Nostra ........................................................................................9
2.2.1. Organisational structure & cultural symbols......................................................9
2.2.2. Brief history.....................................................................................................10
2.2.3. Cosa Nostra’s current situation and the presence of Mafia groups in Sicily .....12
2.3. Conclusion ..........................................................................................................13
3. The antimafia movement……… .............................................................................................15
3.1. Important research concerning the antimafia movement ...................................15
3.1.1. Storia del movimento antimafia: dalla lotta di classe all’impegno civile...........15
3.1.2. Reversible destiny: mafia, antimafia, and the struggle for Palermo .................16
3.1.3. The antimafia: Italy's fight against organized crime .........................................17
3.1.4. Italian civil society against society: From perceptions to expectations.............18
3.1.5. Critical reflection.............................................................................................18
3.2. The antimafia movement from the 80s until today .............................................20
3.2.1. The first antimafia association & la legge Rognoni – La Torre ..........................21
3.2.2. Il coordinamento antimafia & centro sociale San Saverio ................................21
3.2.3. La primavera ...................................................................................................22
3.2.4. Renewal of the antimafia movement ..............................................................23

III
3.2.5. Antimafia associations in Italy .........................................................................24
3.3. Conclusion ..........................................................................................................24
4. Social movements…………………..............................................................................................26
4.1. Social movements: a theoretical review.............................................................26
4.1.1. Multiple definitions .........................................................................................26
4.1.2. Different theories and approaches .................................................................28
4.2. Motivation within social movements ..................................................................30
4.2.1. Motivation: what’s it all about?.......................................................................30
4.2.2. Mechanisms, models and types of motivation.................................................31
4.3. Voluntarism: the volunteer in antimafia NGO members......................................33
4.3.1. Definition on volunteering...............................................................................33
4.3.2. Decision to volunteer ......................................................................................34
4.3.3. The maintenance of volunteering....................................................................34
4.4. Conclusion ..........................................................................................................35
Part II: Empirical research……………...............................................................................................37
5. Research design……………………..............................................................................................37
5.1. Definition of the central problem........................................................................37
5.2. Sampling process ................................................................................................39
5.3. Recruitment process participants........................................................................39
5.4. Data collection: semi-structured interviews........................................................41
5.5. Data analysis.......................................................................................................41
5.6. Research quality .................................................................................................42

IV
6. Research results……………………..............................................................................................44
6.1. Respondent information.....................................................................................44
6.2. Research question 1: What does the concept of “antimafia” and the experience
of participating in an antimafia NGO mean to the members of Sicilian antimafia
NGOs?...............................................................................................................................46
6.2.1. What does “antimafia” mean to antimafia NGO members?............................46
6.2.2. Personal motivation of antimafia NGO members ............................................48
6.2.3. Personal goals of antimafia NGO members .....................................................54
6.2.4. Feelings related to motivations and goals........................................................55
6.3. Research question 2: What are the activities, goals and modus operandi of
antimafia NGOs in Sicily and what kind of social movement are they? ..........................57
6.3.1. Activities of antimafia NGOs............................................................................57
6.3.2. Goals of antimafia NGOs .................................................................................59
6.3.3. Modus operandi..............................................................................................61
6.3.4. What kind of social movements are antimafia NGOs? .....................................68
6.4. Research question 3: How do members perceive the impact of the antimafia
movement and what is their opinion of antimafia state actions?...................................73
6.4.1. Perceived impact.............................................................................................73
6.4.2. Opinion about antimafia state policy...............................................................78
7. General conclusion & recommendations..............................................................................83
8. Bibliography.......................................................................................................................88

V
List of annexes
Annex 1: Example of e-mail sent to organisations.................................................................97
Annex 2: Interview guide......................................................................................................99
Annex 3: Code Tree ............................................................................................................101

VI
List of figures and tables
Figures
Figure 1: Traditional hierarchal structure of a Cosa Nostra clan............................................10
Figure 2:Map of Mafia presence in Italy................................................................................12
Tables
Table 1: Sampling matrix ......................................................................................................39
Table 2: Meaning of the concept antimafia...........................................................................47
Table 3: Meanings allocated to being part of the antimafia movement ................................48
Table 4: Different possibilities contacting antimafia NGO .....................................................49
Table 5: Motivations categorised in different types and categories ......................................52
Table 6: Reasons for staying motivated ................................................................................53
Table 7: Personal goals mentioned by respondents..............................................................54
Table 8: Goals of antimafia NGOs mentioned by respondents ..............................................61
Table 9: Cultural changes mentioned by Libera respondents ................................................74
Table 10: Practical contribution to change mentioned by Libera respondents ......................75
Table 11: Solutions to antimafia state policy mentioned by Libera respondents ...................79

1
Preface
The word "mafia" refers to a highly social phenomenon whose public image appeals to the
imagination. The image of this criminal organisation has been romanticised by famous films,
most notably, “The Godfather”. The concept of Mafia has been the subject of numerous
studies from many different perspectives in society. Antimafia, on the contrary, encounters
some obscurity. When people asked me about the topic of my thesis, most assumed that I
was studying various players in the field of law-enforcement who fight the Mafia. This
suggests that outside of Italy, little is known about the antimafia movement; in fact, many
people do not even consider the possibility of NGOs fighting the Mafia. Moreover, the lack of
English literature implies that little attention has been paid to this topic. A few authors wrote
books about the antimafia movement (see for example the Schneiders and Jamieson), but
only one study could be found that was dedicated to civil society and its struggle against the
Mafia (see Cayli, 2013). This gap in the literature and the fact that too little is known about
the antimafia movement, was an impetus to set-up a qualitative research project concerning
antimafia NGOs in Sicily, the birthplace of Cosa Nostra. This study has three objectives.
Firstly, I want to understand the personal experiences of antimafia NGO members and what
this movement means to them. This also includes the motivation and goals of members to
commit themselves to this movement. Secondly, it is important to show how antimafia
NGOs work. Thirdly, the impact of the antimafia movement as perceived by its members and
their opinions of antimafia state policy will be analysed. Since I am one of the first to set-up
a qualitative research project on this topic, it will be an exploratory study. Given its seminal
nature, the results of this study will be mainly descriptive.
This thesis contains two parts. Part I entails the literature review. Chapter one briefly
discusses the research methods used to search for relevant literature. Chapter two focuses
on the conceptualisation of the Sicilian Mafia and provides information about Cosa Nostra.
Chapter three discusses the antimafia movement with a focus on (historical) research and a
historical overview of the movement from the 80s onward. Chapter four focuses on social
movements, covering three aspects: a theoretical approach to social movements as well as,
different types and mechanisms of motivation and, voluntarism. Part II, the empirical
research, begins with chapter five presenting the research design including the following

2
aspects: the definition of the central problem, the sampling process, the process of
recruiting the participants, and finally, the methods used for data collection, data analysis
and ensuring research quality. The fifth chapter presents the research results per research
question. This chapter also contains the interpretation of the results. Furthermore possible
links with literature are discussed. Lastly, chapter six provides a general conclusion and tries to
formulate relevant recommendations.

3
Part I: Literature review
1. Introduction: the search for relevant literature
Searching for literature is a time consuming process that is discussed in this introduction.
There are three main topics in this literature review: The Sicilian Mafia (Cosa Nostra), the
antimafia movement, and social movements. Beginning my research, I brainstormed the
different aspects that should be discussed within the three main topics. This made it easier
to search for relevant information. Afterward, Mendeley1
was downloaded to keep a
structured overview of the founded literature. Within Mendeley, main and subfolders were
created for each topic (e.g. “Sicilian Mafia”, “antimafia”, “social movements”). The Limo
online catalogue2
was used as a main tool to search for relevant literature. For each topic
and subtopic, keywords were used; single keywords for more general information (e.g.:
“Sicilian Mafia”, “Cosa Nostra”, “social movement(s), “motivation”) and combined keywords
for specific information (e.g. “motivation” + “social movement(s)”, “Mafia” +
“conceptualisation”, “motivation” + “definition” etc.). Authors frequently write several
articles on a single topic. For the chapters concerning the Sicilian Mafia and the antimafia
movement, I used the names of important authors to obtain relevant literature. It is also
noteworthy that a bibliography is an important resource through which to obtain the
information you need. After reading an interesting article or book, I always reviewed the
bibliography for relevant literature. A final tool was the Mendeley database. After adding
relevant articles into the created folders, it is possible to search for related documents in
Mendeley’s database. The aforementioned tools generated the literature review that you
can read below.
1
For more information about Mendeley visit www.mendeley.com.
2
See limo.libis.be.

4
2. The Sicilian Mafia – Cosa Nostra
The word “mafia” appeals to the imagination and thus, one can conjure up various
impressions, visions and ideas to visualise this widely known phenomenon. To gain insight
into this complex system, this first section will guide the reader through the concept of the
Sicilian Mafia by discussing different approaches and scholars, as well as society’s own
perspective on the Mafia. The second section provides more detailed information on Cosa
Nostra as an organisation itself.
2.1. Conceptualisation of the Sicilian Mafia
This section discusses the concept of mafia from different approaches. To begin, the official
conceptualisation of “mafia” is dealt with. Next, different approaches as developed by
different authors, are discussed. Finally, the view of society is considered.
The term “mafia”, first used only to define a Sicilian phenomenon, is now used
to describe any organized criminal group and it is certainly one of the words in
the Italian language that is the best known and most used internationally.
(Santino, 2003: 83)
2.1.1. Official conceptualisation of “mafia”
There are various ways to define the concept “mafia”. This section discusses the official
conceptualisation of “mafia” as a criminal organisation. The word “mafia” started to be used
from the mid-19th
century by government officials in Sicily. They used it as a synonym for the
“associazione di malfattori” (association of evildoers). Since then, this was “the main offence
of criminal organisation” (Paoli, 2014: 3). Decades after Italy’s unification in 1861 “mafia”
was also used and applied to various forms of social manifestations (Paoli, 2014: 3). Then,
from the late 19th
century onwards, the term “mafia” was only used towards groups or even
single individuals operating in Sicily. These groups used violence and the threat of violence
as a tool to control the political and economic life in their towns (Paoli, 2014: 3). Since then,
the existence of Mafia-type organisations was no longer questioned.
In September 1982 the Italian antimafia law was created. This was the first law to define
Mafia-type associations as following: “The intimidatory power of the bond of association,

5
the condition of subjection and of ‘Omertà’ derived from intimidation.”.3
On the one hand,
this legal definition is transparent and unambiguous; on the other hand, this definition is
possibly not the best way to gain insight into such a complex phenomenon. The following
sections will provide scholarly approaches of mafia organisations in Italy.
2.1.2. Scholarly approaches of the concept “mafia”
A first approach to analyse the Mafia phenomenon is by discussing its characteristics. Paoli
(2014: 2), considers four characteristics that distinguish Mafia organisations in Italy from
Mafia-type organisations elsewhere: (1) the organisations’ longevity; (2) their organisational
and cultural complexity; (3) their claim to exercise a political dominion over their areas of
settlement and (4) their resulting ability to control legitimate markets (Paoli, 2014: 2). Paoli
(2014: 2) argues that the Sicilian Cosa Nostra meets all four these characteristics. The first
characteristic, longevity, has been evidenced by historical research since the 1980s, which
shows that the predecessors of contemporary Sicilian Mafia groups have been active since,
or even before, the 1880s (Paoli, 2014: 9). For the second characteristic, Paoli (2014: 10)
argues that “Cosa Nostra’s internal structure and cultural apparatus of legitimation has few
parallels in the world of crime for their complexity and sophistication, beyond the other so-
called ‘Mafia-type criminal organisations’.”. For more information regarding the structural
organisation and cultural symbols, please see section 2.2.1. The third characteristic,
exercising political dominion, has always been important for Cosa Nostra’s ruling bodies.
Although, today, considerable portions of Sicilian society no longer accept the power of the
Mafia and their ideology, Mafia bosses still find politicians willing to secretly cooperate in
order for them to obtain electoral support of Mafia groups (Paoli, 2014: 16). Thanks to their
political and military power, Mafia groups have been able to gain control of legal markets in
their territory. This fourth characteristic is evidenced by shop owners, whether or not
forced, transferring money to Mafia groups. This type of extortion is called “pizzo” (Paoli,
2014: 17).
Diego Gambetta, whose work on the Sicilian Mafia is considered to be highly influential
(Scalia, 2010: 285), looks at this organisation as “an industry of private protection”, which is
also the title of his book (Gambetta, 1993). Scalia (2010: 286) discusses Gambetta (1993),
3
Law September 13 1982 no. 646, art. 416 bis.

6
who relates the Mafia’s rise and development to the lack of trust that commonly
characterises Sicilian society and also emphasises that Sicily’s economic conditions were not
ideal. According to Scalia (2010: 286), Gambetta argues that the island never developed a
real market economy. Scalia (2010: 285-286) discusses Gambetta’s argument that these
characteristics and conditions in the sixteenth century facilitated the development of the
Mafia.
Another important author, Henner Hess, points out the following: “Mafia has to be
understood as a plethora of small, independent criminal organisations rather than as the
secret society of common belief.” (Hess, 1998: xi). The mafia concept is very influenced by
the mafia myth, which is widespread in society (Hess, 1998). In a review of Hess’ book,
Schneider (2002: 145) argues that Hess is convinced that there is no such thing as a unified
secret Mafia brotherhood in Sicily. Schneider (2002: 145) discusses Hess’ argument that the
behavioural aspects, culture and rituals of different Mafia groups can be compared to each
other and that they all have a functional relationship with a weak state. Moreover, according
to Schneider (2002: 145), Hess argues that all Mafiosi participate in Sicilian culture.
Scalia (2010: 284) adopts a post-fordist approach to describe the Sicilian Mafia, suggesting
that Cosa Nostra is a multi-faceted actor, strongly influencing culture and society. He claims
that Cosa Nostra is not in crisis because it does not operate exclusively in illegal markets, nor
are Cosa Nostra’s activities restricted to economics (Scalia,2010: 284). The use of a post-
fordist approach can be important for criminologists and law-enforcers because it offers a
way out of “the underworld analyses which keep the Mafia in the ghetto of the illegal
underworld” (Scalia, 2010: 297). Researchers in this area should focus more on the
relationships between the Mafia, finance and politics so as to offer a more efficient and
efficacious way of researching the area of organised crime. The post-fordist approach also
allows for social scientists to emphasise the increase and the evolution of the antimafia
movement since the 1980s (Scalia, 2010: 297).
Santino (1995) provides a more multi-faceted approach on the conceptual definition of the
Mafia. He defines Mafia as “a cluster of criminal organisations” (Santino, 1995: 131). In this
cluster, there are more organisations than just Cosa Nostra, but Cosa Nostra is the most
important one (Santino, 1995: 131). Santino (1995: 131) notes: “Such organisations operate

7
within a wide and articulate relational context, shaping a system of violence and illegality
aimed at accumulating capital and gaining power, through the use of a cultural code and the
enjoyment of social consent”. Almost ten years later, Santino (2003: 83) proposed a second,
similar definition: “Mafia is a system of violence and illegality that aims to accumulate
wealth and to obtain positions of power; which also uses a cultural code and which enjoys a
certain popular support.” Both definitions are multi-faceted in character; that is, they are
based upon several factors. Ultimately, economic, cultural, social, political and criminal
aspects come together to form the definition of Mafia. Even today Santino abides by his
earlier developed definitions. He claims Mafia is to be a complex concept which is the result
of interaction between crime, accumulation, power, cultural code and social consensus.
According to Santino, mafia groups operate within a system of relationships with
professionals, entrepreneurs, administrators, politicians, representatives of the institutions
(mafia bourgeoisie) and the popular strata who share interests and cultural codes with the
Mafia (Interview with Umberto Santino, April 1st
2014).
2.1.3. Mafia through the eyes of society
Now that the opinions of several scholars have been examined, it is also important to
discuss the Sicilian (and Italian) societal perception of the Mafia. The antimafia movement
emerged in response to important events, including the Maxi Trial in the 1980s and the
killings of judges Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino in the 1990s (see section 3.2 for
more detailed information). These events changed society’s perception of the Mafia.
Accordingly, there was a significant influx of antimafia organisations in the late 80s and in
the 90s. The existence of the Mafia could no longer be doubted by society and today,
organisations consider the concept of mafia from a broader perspective. This is illustrated on
the website of Libera, one of Italy’s largest antimafia non-profit national organisations. On
their website they state the following:
…with the purpose of involving and supporting all those who are interested in the
fight against mafias and organized crime. (…) The law on the social use of the real
estate confiscated from organized crime, the education on democratic lawfulness,
the fight against corruption, … (Libera, 2013).

8
This quote clarifies the broad perspective Italian society allocates to the concept of mafia:
Mafia also entails for example corruption and other forms of organised crime. Seeing there
is allocated a broad understanding to the concept of Mafia, it may be difficult to assign a
singular goal to the organisation’s practices. One of the goals of Cosa Nostra is to control the
local economy and unfortunately, Sicilian citizens and companies have to suffer the
consequences (Paoli, 2014: 21). An example is that southern Italian companies face indirect
costs. This results in companies located in “mafia-areas” paying interest rates that are up to
30 percent in comparison with those established in “non-mafia” areas (Paoli, 2014:8)
During the years, the fight against the Mafia by both state and non-state actors (for example
Libera), resulted in the fact that considerable portions of society no longer approve the
presence of the Mafia in their lives. This is also clarified by Pino Arlacchi (2010: 44
, my
translation) in the following quote:
Nobody dears to defend, not even in Sicily, the culture and motives of Cosa Nostra,
they don’t want to be associated in any way with the world of organised crime. Even
the children of Mafia bosses declare to be against the Mafia, and also the Mafia
ethics are dead and outdated for both the old and new generations.
The quote above clarifies that there is a decline of public support concerning traditional
Mafia values such as honour and “Omertà” (cf. infra). Unfortunately, due to the economic
crisis, which has been on-going since 2008, and the poor economic conditions characterising
southern Italy, a career in the Mafia can be attractive for young citizens. In particular, the
ones who suffered poor education and cannot find a job in the legal economy are prone to
become victims of the Mafia. This means that they are an easy target in the recruitment
process of Mafia clans and groups (Europol, 2013: 12).
4
This document was consulted via the website of Pino Arlacchi:
http://www.pinoarlacchi.it/en/publications/books/150-gli-uomini-del-disonore by clicking the link “Leggi la
postfazione”. This document is not officially numbered, but was found on page 4 of the pdf document.

9
2.2. The Sicilian Cosa Nostra
In this section, Sicily’s most notorious criminal organisation, Cosa Nostra (Our Thing), will be
discussed. Firstly, the organisation’s structure and some cultural symbols are explained.
Secondly, a brief history of Cosa Nostra is provided. Thirdly, the Cosa Nostra’s current
situation is looked in to.
2.2.1. Organisational structure & cultural symbols
Thanks to Tommaso Buscetta, a former pentito and member of Cosa Nostra, the inside
structure of a Cosa Nostra clan was revealed. Buscetta made important declarations in front
of late judge Giovanni Falcone (Paoli, 2003: 14, 24). A “pentito” is someone who turns
himself in, to cooperate with the authorities. First of all, Cosa Nostra is composed of more or
less one hundred families (La Repubblica, 2010; Paoli, 2010: 20). The inside structure of Cosa
Nostra consists of a command structure with “il Capofamiglia” (the family chief) at the top of
the hierarchy; he is advised by “il Consigliere” (the counsellor) (Paoli, 2003: 40-41). Going
down the hierarchy, there is a “Capodecina” who is the leader of approximately ten
“Soldati”. Within this structure, the number of “Soldati” in each clan can vary from 10 up to
100 “Soldati”. It is not because the ruling body is named “Capodecina”, which means “boss
of 10”, that a clan has only 10 soldiers: some have less, others have more (Arlacchi, 1992: 33;
Gambetta, 1993: 269; Santino, 2003: 83-84). The Capofamiglia of each clan is elected by the
Soldati. A yearly election takes place, and due to the small size of some Sicilian clans, the
Capofamiglia has strong and intimate ties with his men of honour. For this part, the
Consiglieri is elected on a yearly basis. One of the tasks of a Consigliere is to support the
Capofamiglia in his most important decisions. The Consiglieri also checks how well the Capo
manages his family. The “Soldati”are low-ranked men of honour and have no ruling position.
Instead, they receive instructions from their superiors (Paoli, 2003: 5, 40-42; Gambetta,
1993: 111; Arlacchi, 1992: 35). It is important to mention that the structure and organisation
of Cosa Nostra clans can vary. Figure 1 below shows the hierarchal structure of a traditional
Cosa Nostra clan.
Another institution that is part of the Cosa Nostra structure is “il mandamento” (district),
which is a collegial body consisting of three bordering Cosa Nostra clans. These districts were
created to accelerate the decision making process of commission members. Every district

10
has its own representative, il Capomandamento, and is elected by clans who are part of that
specific district (Paoli, 2003: 53). Authors also speak of “il Capo dei Capi”, who is the boss of
all clans. Notorious Capi are Bernardo Provenzano and Toto Riina. The former was arrested
in 2006 and the latter was captured at the beginning of 1993 (Follain, 2012: 212-213). For a
description of the current situation of the Sicilian Mafia, see section 2.2.3.
Besides the structure and organisation of Cosa Nostra clans, there are also two important
traditional cultural codes to mention. “Omertà” and “Honour”. The code of Honour demands
for a man to “defend his person and property, including his wife” (Paoli, 2014: 12). According
to Paoli (2003: 109) Omertà implies "the categorical prohibition of cooperation with state
authorities or reliance on its services, even when one has been victim of a crime". It is known
that during the years, members of Cosa Nostra broke the code of Omertà by cooperating
with the authorities and thus became pentiti. An example is Tommaso Buscetta, discussed
above.
Figure 1: Traditional hierarchal structure of a Cosa Nostra clan
Source: authors own composition
2.2.2. Brief history
Mafia as we know today is different from the Mafia that was known at the beginning of its
existence. The Sicilian Mafia emerged in the mid 19th
century (Paoli, 2003: 16; FBI, 2014). It
was in this period that the word “Mafia” became the centre of attention (Dickie, 2004: 39-
40; Paoli, 2003: 14). Dickie (2004: 39 my translation) states: “The Mafia arose together with
the nascence of the new Italy.”. The Sicilian Mafia was formed to unify Sicilian peasants in
their path to stand up against their enemies (Bandiera, 2003: 224).

11
At the end of the 19th
and at the beginning of the 20th
century, corruption was prevalent in
high positions of the government. An important event that occurred in that period, was the
murder of Emanuele Notarbartolo di San Giovanni. He was then one of Sicily’s most
prominent citizens and it was the first time that the Mafia murdered a man of his calibre. He
was the Mafia’s enemy because he tried to fight corruption at the customs services (Dickie
2004: 128; Lupo, 1992: 119).
In the years after the Second World War, Sicily was marked by social unrest with the
peasants and an enormous building boom (Chubb, 1989: 16; FBI, 2014). According to Dickie
(2004: 251), it was in the aftermath of the Second World War that the Sicilian Mafia began
to call itself “Cosa Nostra”. Up to this period, the “old Mafia” were characterised by their
main goals honour and gaining power (Santino, 2003: 86).
From the 50s on, a great transformation took place inside the Sicilian Mafia. There was a
boom of coastal cities such as Palermo and Naples. Additionally, millions of people left
southern Italy to look for industrial jobs up north or in northern and central European
countries. During those years, due to the changes stated above, the Mafia experienced a
deepening crisis. In that same period, the Mafia set up their own building companies. This is
how they claimed to be involved in small and large building sites (Chubb; 1989: 25-26; Paoli,
2007: 860, 869).
The beginning of the 60s were marked by the first war between rivalling Mafia families. This
war resulted in bombings, shootings and the death of several police officers of the
Carabinieri (Italian police entity). This shocking event led to mass arrests but did not result in
serious convictions. It was in this period that the Sicilian Mafia evolved into the “new mafia”.
They became an entrepreneurial organisation whose main goal was to gain wealth. The
Mafia began to traffic in drugs, which became in the 1980s their most important way of
earning money. Because of this evolution, the Mafia was defined as a “financial mafia5
”.
They directed the illegally earned money into financial markets, which in their turn got
reinvested in other initiatives (Santino, 2003: 86-87). The same drugs that made them rich,
5
According to Paoli, referring to the Mafia as “financial Mafia” is quite passé (conversation with Letizia Paoli,
May 2014).

12
were also an important factor for the evocation of the second Mafia war that took place
between 1979 and 1983 (Schneider & Schneider, 1994: 239-241). The 80s and 90s were
important years for both the Mafia and antimafia. Chapter 3: “The antimafia movement” will
provide detailed information on these important decades. Where Cosa Nostra stands today
will be discussed in the next section.
2.2.3. Cosa Nostra’s current situation and the presence of Mafia groups in Sicily
The arrests of notorious Cosa Nostra bosses Totò Riina in 1993 (Paoli, 2003: 63) and
Bernardo Provenzano in 2006 (Paoli, 2014: 13), do not mean that Cosa Nostra has been
defeated. However, according to Paoli (2008), there has been an ongoing decline of the
Sicilian Mafia. Paoli (2008: 24) shows that Mafia murders in Sicily in 2003 account for “only”
one-twenty fifth of those registered in 1991, which was a peak year. Next to that, it also
seems that Cosa Nostra has lost political power nationally and has been excluded from
international drug trafficking. Notwithstanding several victories in the battle against the
Mafia, this organisation is far from totally being defeated. Cosa Nostra is still present in Sicily
today (Paoli, 2008: 26).
According to Calderoni (2011: 65), the presence of Mafia groups in general is concentrated
in some of the Southern provinces. More
specifically, the provinces of Naples and Caserta
(Campania), Southern Calabria (Reggio Calabria,
Vibo Valentia, Crotone, and Catanzaro), Western
Sicily (Palermo, Trapani, Agrigento,
Caltanissetta), and Catania are highly
represented in Calderoni’s Mafia Index (see map
1).6
He created this index to confirm what both
scientific research and public reports claimed
(see for example Daniele & Marani 2011, Lavezzi Figure 2:Map of Mafia presence in Italy (Calderoni 2011)
6
Important to note is that Calderoni is talking about Mafia groups in general and not only Cosa Nostra

13
2008 for English sources and Censis7
2009 for a public report). This Mafia Index covers the
period 1983 -2008 which means that this index provides a long-term analysis of Mafia
groups (Calderoni, 2011: 66).
Santino also acknowledges that Cosa Nostra is in crisis, but claims that the Mafia model
(crime, accumulation, power, cultural code, consent, criminal groups and the relational
system) is growing. He also refers to neoliberal globalisation, which is criminogenic for two
reasons: the aggravation of territorial imbalances, and social gaps which promote the use of
illegal accumulation. Financialisation of the economy makes it difficult to separate legal and
illegal capital. According to Santino the major driving force of the Mafia is the prohibition of
drugs and human trafficking (illegal immigration). The Mafia weaves continuity and
innovation to adapt to changes over time and in a social context (Interview with Umberto
Santino, April 1st
2014).
2.3. Conclusion
When looking at the concept of mafia, it is clear that different approaches can be used to
define it. First there is the official conceptualisation of the Mafia. Secondly, scholars
developed their own point of view and emphasise the factors that they think are most
important. Scholars have different ways of looking at the Mafia and some emphasise
singular aspects such as private business. On the other hand, there is also a broader way to
look at the Mafia. This is exemplified by the approach society allocates to the Mafia. In this
conceptualisation, Mafia entails organised crime and corruption. Also, Santino (cf. supra)
looks at the Mafia in a broad way through allocating multiple aspects to his definition of
mafia. In my opinion, a multi-faceted approach is important because mafia organisations
have a great influence on society. Legal systems, the economy, politics, educational
platforms, family households and individuals are being affected by these organisations.
Besides this multi-faceted approach, one can say mafia is a dynamic concept that has
undergone some changes throughout the history of its existence. Starting with the goal to
unify peasants in their fight against the enemies, they became more of an enterprise and
7
CENSIS: Centro Studi Investimenti Sociali (see: http://www.censis.it/) is an Italian social-economic study
centre.

14
were also referred to as “financial mafia”. There was an evolution from the “old Mafia” into
the “new Mafia”. Although two notorious bosses, Riina and Provenzano were arrested, the
Mafia is far from defeated. Mafia groups (in general) are still very present in southern Italy,
including parts of Sicily. Chapter 3 of this thesis contains a discussion of the literature
concerning the antimafia movement. At the end of this chapter, the reader has gained more
insight on the influence of the mafia on society.

15
3. The antimafia movement
The antimafia movement is not a recent phenomenon; it goes back in history, with its origin
situated at the end of the 19th
century. The antimafia was born in conjunction with the Mafia
(Santino, 2000: 13). The purpose of this chapter is to situate the current antimafia
movement in its history. The first section discusses three important book releases
concerning the antimafia and one recent research article, while the second section provides
a synopsis of the antimafia movement from the 80s.
3.1. Important research concerning the antimafia movement
When entering a library, one can find a whole section dedicated to the topic of the Mafia.
When searching for literature concerning antimafia, one has to dig deeper and comes to the
possible conclusions that either far less attention is paid to this phenomenon or that the
literature is written primarily in Italian and only limited literature in English is available.
Moreover, only one research article concerning the antimafia movement was found. Cayli
(2013) performed a study concerning government and civil performance against the Mafia.
Except for this research article, this section will review the works of three authors who have
published books concerning the topic of antimafia. First, there will be provided an outline of
Umberto Santino’s three-phased view on the antimafia movement. In addition to Santino,
Peter and Jane Schneider, and Alison Jamieson’s publications will be taken into account.
Furthermore, this section will attempt to critically assess the four publications.
3.1.1. Storia del movimento antimafia: dalla lotta di classe all’impegno civile
Umberto Santino’s book is written in the Italian language. Even though it is not the
researcher’s mother tongue, a brief discussion of this book will be included because of the
significance of the research. Santino is a prominent scholar in the area of antimafia and also
established Italy’s first documentation centre on the Mafia, Centro Impastato. Santino’s
book is the result of many years performing research and being an activist himself in the
antimafia movement. It is the first book to provide such a detailed reconstruction about the
antimafia movement, based on historical, sociological, legal and personal research. Santino
(2000: 12-23) divides the history of the antimafia movement into three phases. The first
phase, which originated at the end of the 19th
century, presents itself as a unique aspect of

16
the class struggle for democracy in Sicily, more specifically in western Sicily. The western
part of Sicily is known historically as the area where the Sicilian Mafia originated and
developed. The leading subject for this battle was a sort of political-syndicalism movement,
named “I Fasci Italiani”. “I Fasci Italiani” was the first example of an antimafia organisation
(Santino, 2000: 13). The second phase of the antimafia movement, established after ’68,
was led by the political opposition and smaller minorities who gathered in several groups
from the “Nuova sinistra” (“New left-wing). The third phase, with its premise in the early 80s
following the murders of Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa and his wife (cf. infra), was characterised
by the emergence of several different initiatives. Centres, associations and commissions
were formed at the formal and informal level and were accompanied by debates,
conferences, petitions and parades. Having attracted the attentions of the masses, this social
movement established itself in different regions of Italy. This third phase was no longer
about a conflict of classes; rather, it was characterised by the indignation of the Mafia’s
arrogance, which was expressed through crimes against principal representatives of
institutions that were battling against the expansion of the Mafia. Unfortunately, their fight
against the Mafia turned against them. Institutional representatives were condemned to
isolation and exposed to retribution (Santino, 2000: 12-23).
3.1.2. Reversible destiny: mafia, antimafia, and the struggle for Palermo
The Schneiders’ book is the result of several years (1987 to 2000) of anthropological
fieldwork in Sicily, largely concentrated in the area of Palermo (Schneider & Schneider, 2003:
xi). The outcome is a well-documented book that is exploratory, historical and ethnographic
in method. Essentially, there is a division in two parts wherein the first six chapters are
dedicated to the Mafia itself and chapters seven through twelve entail the antimafia effort.
Chapter seven focuses on the antimafia movement in the 1950s to the 1960s as well as the
surge of the antimafia movement in Palermo after the murder of Dalla Chiesa, a General of
the Italian Carabinieri. Former mayor Leoluca Orlando, a charismatic antimafia politician and
an important figure in Palermo’s antimafia movement, developed his own description of the
antimafia process:
The antimafia process is as a chart with two wheels, one the wheel of social, cultural,
and political reform, the other the wheel of police and judicial repression. Only if

17
both move in unison does the cart go forward; if one wheel moves while the other
stands still, the cart spins in a circle without advancing (Orlando in Schneider &
Schneider, 2003: 60).
With chapter eight: “Backlash and Renewal”, the Schneiders discuss the backlash
experienced by the antimafia movement as well as its resurgence after the murders of
judges Falcone and Borsellino in 1992. The chapter that follows on Civil Society Groundwork,
is very much linked to the topic of this thesis. That is, chapter nine includes a discussion on
how people from differing social backgrounds tried to battle the Mafia. An important
emphasis is put on the antimafia values, particularly the core value: good citizenship
(Schneider & Schneider, 2003: 217). In further chapters, the Schneiders pay much attention
to local initiatives such as urban renewal and school reform, upholding the importance of
antimafia education.
3.1.3. The antimafia: Italy's fight against organized crime
In 2000, Allison Jamieson released an antimafia book. The book focuses on Italy’s fight
against organised crime from different perspectives in society. Research was performed
using various sources including interviews with judges, prosecutors, politicians and family of
victims, newspaper articles, government documents, court records, … This resulted in a very
well documented book (Kirkus, 20008
). In the first chapter, the author explores the meaning
of 1992 and thus, the killings of Falcone and Borsellino. This massacre resulted in a huge
emergence and acceleration of the antimafia movement. Four areas of study within the
antimafia are discussed: politics, law-enforcement, international response and civil society.
It’s the latter study area, as discussed in the chapter “Grassroots Antimafia”, that is most
relevant to analyse for this thesis. Jamieson (2000) puts focus on different sectors in Italian
society and their reactions to the murders of 1992. More specifically she discusses women’s
groups, the role of the church in the antimafia movement, civic and community associations
and schools/young people. Lastly, this chapter further contains a profile on the grassroots
antimafia (Jamieson 2000: 127-129).
8
No author mentioned in article

18
3.1.4. Italian civil society against society: From perceptions to expectations
As mentioned before, it was difficult to find literature concerning the antimafia movement
which also involves antimafia NGOs. The only article found was a quantitative study carried
out by Cayli (2013), involving 72 civil society organisations working against the Mafia. The
study investigated the perception of the organisations in four areas: government
performance, civil society performance, the government-civil society relationship and the
Mafia phenomenon and antimafia policies (Cayli, 2013: 81). A (web)survey and follow-up
phone calls were used to obtain the needed information from respondents. The findings
show that civil society perceived government performance and antimafia legislation either
as insufficient or in need of improvement. Civil society’s performance was perceived
relatively better than the government’s performance, but still there is need for improvement
(Cayli, 2013: 92). When looking at the relationship between the government and civil
society, a majority of the respondents claimed that there is a conflict between the
government and civil society concerning antimafia policies (Cayli, 2013: 94). On the other
hand, a substantial number of respondents think that collaboration between civil society and
politicians is possible in order to develop antimafia policies together (Cayli, 2013: 94).
According to Cayli (2013: 94) most of civil society find long-term antimafia measures to be
more effective. This due to the fact that the Mafia is deeply rooted in social, historical and
cultural contexts. It will be interesting to investigate if antimafia NGO members in this
research project share the same opinions.
3.1.5. Critical reflection
First of all, when analysing the books of the three discussed writers, it is notable that they
each start from a different premise when describing the antimafia movement. Santino marks
the starting point of this movement at the end of the 19th
century and categorises it into
three phases. The Schneiders focus on the antimafia movement from the 50s – 60s onward
while Jamieson, for her part, emphasises the murders that ended the lives of late judges
Falcone and Borsellino in 1992 and expands to discuss the antimafia movement.
Notwithstanding the different focal points adopted by each author, each ultimately
concludes that the 80s and 90s were very important years within the antimafia movement
and that the murders of Dalla Chiesa and judges Falcone and Borsellino were key factors in

19
the acceleration of the antimafia movement. These important decades will also be the main
focus in the second section of this chapter.
When considering the research methods, one can conclude that all three books are very
well-documented. In particular, it is interesting to see the decades of ethnographic research
performed by the Schneiders, whose first-hand experience with the antimafia movement
resulted in a very personal story. There is, however, one major weakness; that is, their main
focus is put on Palermo. Although Palermo may have been the cradle of the antimafia
movement, it is important to keep in mind that this movement started in Sicily and is carried
out in whole Italy. Understood in this way, Jamieson offers a more complete story since her
focus is on Italy as a country rather than any particular areas, while the Schneiders offer a
more detailed and focused story. For this part, Umberto Santino offers the best of both
worlds. In addition to offering approximately 330 pages, the contents of which span from
the antimafia’s early beginning at the end of the 19th
century until the 21st
century, as an
Italian writer and researcher who established the first documentation centre concerning the
Mafia in Italy in the 70s lends detail and a personal touch. Of course we have to bear in mind
that the three authors wrote their story from a different point of view and that they cannot
be simply compared.
It should be pointed out that very little theoretical explanation is provided on social
movements in the books of the Schneiders, Santino and Jamison. Although they are partly
historical in essence and thus speak about different types of social movements, they do not
apply theoretical explanations to the antimafia movement. This is not necessarily a flaw but,
within this thesis, it was the impetus for further research on social movements from a
theoretical point of view. This will be partly covered in the third chapter of this thesis.
Since only one (English) research article was found about antimafia and civil society, it is not
possible to compare with other studies. The fact that only one source was found indicates
that too little attention is paid to this study area. Furthermore, Cayli’s (2013) research only
investigated the perception of the antimafia movement in certain areas and did not involve
the individual experiences of members. This was an incentive for further, and more
important, qualitative research with the goal to gain an understanding of members’ personal
experiences.

20
3.2. The antimafia movement from the 80s until today
The early 80s are known as the bloodiest years in the city of Palermo. “Centro Impastato”,
founded in 1977 by Umberto Santino, was the first documentation centre on the mafia in
Italy.9
A study by “Centro Impastato” revealed that between 1984 and 1987, 332 Mafia
murders took place in Palermo city and the province of Palermo (Santino, 2000: 245).
As previously discussed, the killings of Dalla Chiesa in the 80s and Falcone and Borsellino at
the beginning of the 90s served as catalysts for the emergence of the antimafia movement.
These murders motivated civil society to combat the Sicilian Mafia and its most notorious
organisation “Cosa Nostra”. What follows is an attempt to outline the key developments
within the antimafia movement. An important goal of the research project is to gain an
understanding of the enormous impact the Mafia had and still has on Sicilian society. This
chapter underlies the fact that the antimafia movement is a mix of social, political and state
response in the battle against the Mafia. The reader may notice that this part of the
literature review is a puzzle, mostly composed of pieces gathered from books of the three
authors mentioned above: Umberto Santino, Peter & Jane Schneider and Allison Jamieson.
The murders of the judges Falcone & Borsellino in 1992 were experienced by Italian society
as a deep personal loss and marked the beginning of a civil movement. As a consequence of
these murders, several spontaneous actions such as a demonstration with more than
100.000 participants from different facets of society occurred. In fact, ordinary citizens,
political leaders, social and cultural organisations and students all took part in the
demonstration that day. Spontaneous demonstrations were held in different Sicilian cities
such as Trapani and Catania and on May 23rd
, 1993, a year after Falcone’s murder, a human
chain was formed by more than 15.000 people that stretched from the Palermo Courthouse
to via Notarbartolo, where Falcone had an apartment. All these spontaneous reactions were
concrete signs that Sicilian and Italian society were determined to fight the Mafia (Jamieson,
2000:128-129).
9
For further information see: www.centroimpastato.it

21
3.2.1. The first antimafia association & la legge Rognoni – La Torre
After the murder of General Dalla Chiesa some important developments took place in
society. A first one was the foundation of the first permanent antimafia association in 1982.
This association was formed of women from south-Italian regions (Jamieson, 2000: 128-130).
Their battle began with a civil petition for which they gathered 30.000 signatures. In 1984,
they were formally established as “l’Associazione donne Siciliane per la lotta contro la
Mafia” with the goal of helping each other by providing moral and financial support (Santino,
2000: 299-300). Secondly, on 13 September 1982, the first antimafia law, known as “legge
Rognoni – La Torre”, was created. This law was created to strike at “the accumulation of
wealth of the Sicilian Mafia”(Arlacchi, 1984: 91-100). What made this law so important was
its two fundamental innovations: (1) the criminalisation of “the mafia conspiracy” by law and
its introduction into the legal system and (2) the possibility of courts to seize and confiscate
goods belonging to persons who are members of a mafia organization. In addition, relatives,
partners and cohabitants could also be subjected to seizure and confiscation (Arlacchi, 1984:
91-100; La Spina, 2008: 195).
3.2.2. Il coordinamento antimafia & centro sociale San Saverio
In 1984 “il coordinamento antiMafia” was formed with the Communist Carmine Mancuso as
its leader. The committee wanted to promote an antimafia consciousness within civil society
through several initiatives such as research projects, seminars, roundtables, debates and
conventions (Schneider & Schneider, 2003: 166-167). Another important development in
that same period was the foundation of “centro sociale San Francesco Saverio” in the centre
of Palermo. At first, the centre provided typical Catholic initiatives like after-school care but
with time, this centre focused on antimafia activities (Santino, 2000: 266-267; Schneider &
Schneider, 2003: 172). Although they proclaimed an apolitical and non-confessional attitude,
it seemed that Catholics and Marxists were working side by side (Schneider & Schneider,
2003: 173). The Church, as an institution of society, played an important role in the
antimafia movement because priests wanted to prevent young people from ending up in
criminality. Because homelessness, drugs, unemployment and being an immigrant were risk
factors, priests and activists provided cultural, social, recreational and athletic activities to

22
prevent them from turning to criminality and thus, possibly becoming a Mafia member
(Schneider & Schneider, 2003: 173).
3.2.3. La primavera
The late 80s are also known as “la primavera”. La primavera or “spring” refers to the
blooming of nature and serves as a metaphor for the atmosphere and mood experienced in
the city of Palermo those days. Within these years, the first maxi-trial took place. Beginning
in February 1986 in Palermo, 475 members of Cosa Nostra were being tried. The trial
officially ended six years later, in 1992, with a decision of the Supreme Court. The verdict
contained three important precedents: firstly, it acknowledged Cosa Nostra as an
organisation with a single unified structure. Secondly, the joint responsibility within the
Commission was maintained and thirdly, it secured the validity and the possibility of
objective collaboration in a court of law of the testimonies of state’s witnesses (pentiti). As a
whole, the verdict ensured legislation concerning protection and encouraging future
“pentiti” (Jamieson, 2000: 3-8).
La primavera was also characterised by the support of numerous interesting initiatives in the
city of Palermo. An example of these initiatives was the creation of a new department in the
Orlando administration, “Parks and Liveability”, with Letizia Battaglia as its commissioner.
This initiative had the purpose to transform Palermo into a clean and attractive city for
tourists. A second initiative note-worthy mentioning was a summer festival in 1987 at the
San Saverio social centre. Children from ages six to thirteen worked with volunteers who
tried to integrate moral lessons through art, sports and theatre. Rooms were covered with
antimafia-themed children’s art. In 1987, 60 children were present at the festival whereas in
1988, 170 children took part (Schneider & Schneider, 2003: 180-184).
Unfortunately, the Palermo Primavera came to an end largely because tension was
experienced in the antimafia movement. A clash developed between the grassroots
organisers, centro San Saverio, Centro Impastato and CO.CI.PA (Citizen’s Committee of
Information and Participation) (Schneider & Schneider, 2003: 168-169). However, the
backlash did incite new initiatives.

23
3.2.4. Renewal of the antimafia movement
Together with the backlash, there was also a renewal in the antimafia movement. The early
90s in Italy were characterised by a boom of extortion that led to the rise of the anti-
racketeering movement. 90 Percent of the shopkeepers in Sicilian regions had to pay
protection money or “pizzo” in that period and being tired of paying, they announced a
lockout. What followed was the establishment of the first anti-racket organisation in Italy on
17 December 1990. This organisation was named “l’Associazione dei commercianti e
imprenditori orlandini” after the name of its inhabitants. This association was so important
because it booked its first victory in 1991 when l’Acio di Capo d’Orlando stated itself as a civil
party in an extortion case and claimed the victory. This victory was significant because it left
a national landmark within the history of the anti-racket movement (Santino, 2000: 284; La
Spina, 2008: 197).
As previously discussed, several antimafia initiatives arose in Sicily after the killings of judges
Falcone and Borsellino. Among these initiatives was the establishment of “il Comitato dei
Lenzuoli” (the Committee of Sheets) in 1992 (Cayli, 2013: 6). This association protested and
showed their anger towards the mafia by hanging bed sheets from their windows with
slogans such as “Basta!” (Enough!) or “Palermo chiede giustizia” (Palermo asks for justice!).
These initiatives were aimed at exposing corruption and bureaucratic malpractice and
wanted to raise the awareness of the need for a culture of legality (Jamieson, 2000: 131).
The spring of 1993 coincided with the rise of a new umbrella organisation that was formed
to plan the first commemoration of the cruel events of 1992. This new organisation, named
“Palermo Anno Uno” (Palermo Year One), seemed to mobilise progressive Catholics and
environmentalists (Schneider & Schneider, 2003: 214). The organisation was awarded the
Rafto Prize in 1996. This prize is awarded to organisations that raise awareness in society for
human rights violations committed by private, international, organised crime organisations
(Rafto, 2013). Moreover, in the 90s, specifically in 1996, a new law was introduced on the re-
use of goods10
that were confiscated through the law of “Rognoni - La Torre” (cf. supra). This
10
Law 7 March 1996, n. 109

24
law was developed because Libera (cf. infra) president Ciotti went to the parliament with
one million signatures gathered for the social use of confiscated goods (Di Gaetano, 2011).
3.2.5. Antimafia associations in Italy
According to Jamieson (2000: 152), the civic antimafia movement that emerged after the
murders of 1992 has an apolitical character and is morally inspired. The number of cultural
associations has risen to approximately 6400 up to the year 2000. Antimafia associations in
the southern regions of Italy can be divided into two types: associations with specific
antimafia objectives and those that promote activities with an antimafia component
(Jamieson, 2000: 152).
Two very well known antimafia associations are Addiopizzo and Libera. The latter, “Libera:
associazioni, nomi e numeri contro la mafia” is a national umbrella organisation with a
network of more than 1200 associations. It was established in 1995 with the purpose of
involving and supporting every person interested in fighting against the Mafia in Italy. Libera,
with several departments including confiscated goods, tries to raise awareness for the fight
against the Mafia. Libera describes itself as an association “…committed to build(ing) up
organizational synergies between the political and cultural local realities capable of
promoting a culture of lawfulness” (Libera, 2014). In 2004, Addiopizzo was founded by
students in Palermo. Addiopizzo means: “Goodbye Pizzo”. The organisation aims to support
small businessmen in the fight against extortion money. In 2006 a list of over more than 100
shopkeepers in Palermo who now refuse to pay the extortion money was published. This list
suggests that there is hope and, that Sicily is still fighting against the Mafia (La Spina, 2008:
198).
3.3. Conclusion
When we look at the antimafia as a civic movement that arose at the end of the 19th
century, the conclusion has to be made that the 80s and the 90s were by far the most
important years. Due to the many killings that took place during those decades, the anger of
civil society had reached the point where they were fed up with the Mafia influencing their
lives and committing so many bloody attacks on the people fighting against the Mafia.
Different institutions in society started to put more effort in battling the Mafia. No longer

25
only law enforcement and political systems, institutions such as churches and schools are
now also promoting the antimafia culture. The antimafia movement is now institutionalised
in Italian culture and society; antimafia values and the fight towards a culture of legality
have become a standard in Italy. Even though there has been a decline of the Mafia (cf.
supra) in recent history, thousands of associations are still trying to fight the Mafia in their
own way.
As mentioned in section 3.2.5 on antimafia associations, the last remarkable development in
the antimafia movement was the establishment of Addiopizzo in 2004. Now ten years later,
where does the antimafia movement stand? Very little research is performed on antimafia
NGOs and their members. Because of these gaps in English literature and also more
specifically in the area of qualitative research, it seemed appropriate to study this specific
topic for my thesis. One of the aims is to learn about antimafia NGOs in Sicily where
volunteers keep putting time and effort to promote antimafia values in society and try to
work towards a culture of legality. The next and last chapter of this literature review will
discuss social movements as well as motivation within social movements and volunteering.

26
4. Social movements
As a concept, “social movements” are widely researched in scientific literature. Popular
examples include the feminist movement, fascist movements, anti-fascist and anti-racist
movements, the green movement, etc. (Crossley, 2002: 1). This fourth chapter focuses on
aspects of social movements affiliated with Italy’s antimafia movement. To begin, this
chapter provides a theoretical review on social movements. Next, section 4.2 will take a
closer look at the motivations within social movements since one of the aims of this research
project is to gain an understanding of antimafia NGO members’ motivations to participate in
this movement. The last section will provide some insight into volunteering. This thesis
covers voluntarism because many members of antimafia NGOs are volunteers in their
organisations.
4.1. Social movements: a theoretical review
This first section on social movements is a theoretical review. To start, multiple definitions
are provided and discussed. This defining process is followed by a brief outline of different
theories and approaches concerning social movements.
4.1.1. Multiple definitions
Social movements have been widely researched through the years, and a logical
consequence has been the development of multiple definitions. Due to this multiplicity, the
question of uniformity may arise. One of the problems is that some of these definitions are
too broad. This results in defining activities that do not fall under the scope of a social
movement. Moreover, all these different definitions include elements that have to be
redefined on their own (Crossley, 2002: 1-17). As Crossley (2002: 2) states: “Each movement
shares some features in common with some other movements, without any feature being
both sufficiently inclusive and sufficiently exclusive to demarcate and identify the set.”.
Below are four important definitions of “social movements”:
 “Social movements can be viewed as collective enterprises seeking to establish a new
order of life. They have their inception in a condition of unrest, and derive their
motive power on one hand from dissatisfaction with the current form of life, and on

27
the other hand, from wishes and hopes for a new system of living. The career of a
social movement depicts the emergence of a new order of life.” (Blumer, 1969: 99)
 “Social movements are […] best conceived of as temporary public spaces, as
moments of collective creation that provide societies with ideas ,identities, and even
ideals.”(Eyerman & Jamison, 1991: 4)
 “Contentious politics occurs when ordinary people, often in league with more
influential citizens, join forces in confrontation with elites, authorities and opponents
[…] When backed by dense social networks and galvanised by culturally resonant,
action-oriented symbols, contentious politics leads to sustained interaction with
opponents. The result is the social movement.” (Tarrow, 1998: 2)
 “social movements are (1) informal networks, based on (2) shared beliefs and
solidarity, which mobilise about (3) conflictual issues, through (4) the frequent use of
various forms of protest.” (Della Porta & Diani, 1999: 16)
Blumer’s definition of a social movement is very broad and inclusive (Crossley, 2002: 4). An
important aspect of this definition is the notion that “a new order of life” needs to be
established. As such, Blumer suggests that there is something wrong with the current order
of life. In comparison to Blumer, Eyerman and Jamison are more specific regarding two
aspects in their definition. Firstly, they specify what movements are: moments of collective
creation. Secondly, they explain what social movements do: providing society with ideas,
identities and even ideals. From Eyerman and Jamison’s definition, we can conclude that
they identify social movements as a temporary occurrence (Crossley, 2002: 4). This is
problematic because, in my opinion, it now becomes necessary to define what “a temporary
space” is.
Tarrow’s definition, however, emphasises the relative durability of social movements
(Crossley, 2002: 4-5), that is, “sustained interaction” can be interpreted as social movements
being less than permanent but not temporary in the way that Eyerman and Jamison suggest.
In my opinion, the definition offered by the latter authors, suggests a less flexible
interpretation of the word “temporary” whereas Tarrow’s idea of “sustained interaction is
far more fluid. Moreover, Tarrow’s definition is more in-depth. Although Eyerman and

28
Jamison mention culture through ideas, identities and ideals, Tarrow states that these
cultural components have a “direct function within the context of struggle” (Crossley, 2002:
5). Lastly, to Della Porta & Diani, “protest” is a central focal point in the definition of a social
movement. In addition to “protest”, the definitions of “conflict” and “networks” are similar
to those of Tarrow and Della Porta & Diani (Crossley, 2002: 5-6).
Is it possible to develop one clear definition out of the four definitions mentioned above? In
my opinion, it is not possible because the definitions provided by scholars can probably
focus on different approaches and moreover, every social movement is (1) contextually
different and (2) has different focal points. Thus, there is no problem in developing different
definitions on social movements, as long as we keep on being critical towards them.
4.1.2. Different theories and approaches
For many years and even decades, the concept of “social movements” has been subjected to
various theories and approaches. It is not the purpose of this section to treat every theory or
approach in detail. The aim is to give the reader an insight into which theories and
approaches have had the greatest influence in the explanation of social movements. Among
others, the following theories have been used to explain social movements and the
behaviour of their actors: collective behaviour theory (see Blumer, 1969, 1971; Kornhauser,
1961), relative deprivation (see Gurr, 1974; Morrison, 1971), rational choice theory (see
Olsen, 1965), resource mobilization (see Tarrow, 2011), and new social movement (see
Tilley, 2004). Recently, the study of social movements has been classified under the study of
contentious politics (see Tarrow, 2011).
One of the theories that has drawn the most attention when researching the literature is the
theory concerning collective behaviour. This theory dominated the mid-twentieth century
(Morris, 2000: 445; Polletta, 2008: 80). An important scholar in the explanation of this
theory is Blumer. Blumer (1971: 298) states: “social problems have their being in a process
of collective definition”. This process contains five stages: (1) the emergence of a social
problem, (2) the legitimation of a social problem, (3) the mobilization with regard to the
problem, (4) the formation of an official plan of action and (5) the transformation of the
official plan in its empirical implementation (Blumer, 1971: 301). What is more, another

29
scholar, Tarrow (2011: 7), claims that (contentious) collective action is an irreducible act that
lies at the base of all social movements. As Tarrow (2011: 7) states: “Collective action is the
base because it is the main and often the only recourse that ordinary people possess against
better-equipped opponents or powerful states.”
A second theory used when explaining social movements, is the resource mobilisation
theory. According to Kendall (2005: 556), resource mobilisation focuses on “the ability of
members of a social movement to acquire resources and mobilise people in order to
advance their cause”. Examples of resources are: money, people’s time and skills, access to
media, and material goods. The resource mobilisation theory assumes that participants in
social movements are “rational people” (Kendall, 2005: 556). Because of the latter, there
may be a link between the resource mobilisation theory and the rational choice theory.
Where resource mobilisation focuses on questions “how”, the rational choice theory
emphasises “why” questions (Tarrow, 2011: 24). According to Touraine (2002: 90), there is
indeed a link between rational choice and resource mobilisation because of the variety of
questions the latter theory tries to answer, e.g.: “How do people defend their interests?”,
“How do you get material resources to defend your interests?”. Touraine (2002: 90) claims
that “within social movements, the aim of people who are involved in a conflict, is to defend
their interests, which is a kind of rational choice orientation”.
While resource mobilization is linked to rational choice, it stands in contrast with the
aforementioned collective behaviour theory. According to Buechler (1993: 218, 2000: 34)
resource mobilisation views social movements as “normal, rational, institutionally rooted,
political challenges by aggrieved groups”. This means that the collective behaviour theory
sees social movements as a negative concept, while resource mobilization looks at social
movements from a positive point of view. This is also argued by Tarrow (2011: 23) who
claims that “the interest of scholars in the collective behaviour tradition was influenced by
the horrors of Stalinism and fascism”, which is a negative way of looking at social
movements. In the 1960s, a new generation of scholars looked at social movements through
a “new, more positive lens” (Tarrow, 2011: 23).

30
4.2. Motivation within social movements
Motivation is an important part of social movements. Why do people participate in a social
movement like the antimafia movement? Firstly, this section presents a definition of
motivation together with some recognised theories. Secondly, types of motivation and
mechanisms will be discussed.
4.2.1. Motivation: what’s it all about?
Even though it is not my intention to study the concept of motivation in-depth, it is
important to provide a definition. Recently, Schacter et al. (2011: 325) developed a
definition of motivation which reads as follows :
Motivation is a psychological feature that induces an organism to act towards a
desired goal and elicits, controls, and sustains certain goal-directed behaviours. It can
be considered a driving force; a psychological one that compels or reinforces an
action toward a desired goal (Schacter et al. 2011: 325).
One can see that the definition of “motivation” also entails the concept of “goals”. For this
research project, it is not necessary to analyse the concept of goals. This is due to the fact
that through the interview analysis, the meaning of “goals” will be made clear.
During the years, motivation has been widely researched. Scholars have developed different
approaches and also different types of motivation. To cover all this, a separate thesis is
necessary. Motivation can include different aspects such as (1) motives, (2) achievement, (3)
goals and (4) needs. When citing the last one, a well known theory is Abraham Maslow’s
theory on the hierarchy of needs. Maslow’s theory is depicted as a pyramid that reveals five
classes of needs. To briefly explain: in order to achieve a higher and more complex need, the
lower and more basic need must be at least partly fulfilled (Zalenski & Raspa, 2006: 1121).
The five hierarchal classes of needs are (from bottom to top): (1) physiological needs (e.g.:
food, shelter, water); (2) safety and security (e.g.: health, employment); (3) love and
belonging (e.g.: friendship, intimacy); (4) self-esteem (e.g.: confidence, achievement); (5)
self-actualization (e.g.: experience purpose, morality, creativity) (Maslow 1970: 97). When
looking at Antimafia NGO members, it is possible to categorise their needs under (4) self-
esteem and (5) self-actualization. Another well-known theory was developed by McClelland

31
(1985) and concerns learning and needs. The main point of his theory is that many needs
are learned through the cultural context of a person’s life (Cuyvers, 2003: 203).
In addition to applying theories, one can divide motivation into intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation. Intrinsic motivation signifies that a person is motivated because of the act itself
and not because he or she is expecting something in return; that is, there are no
consequences bound to the performance of the act (Gottfried et al., 2011: 511; Vallerand &
Ratelle, 2002: 37; Bruno & Fiorillo: 660). On the other hand, extrinsic motivation intends that
a person is motivated because of the reception of e.g. external rewards. These rewards help
them in the stimulation of their acts and thus, serve as their motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2002:
15; Cuyvers, 2003: 212-214). We can also speak about altruistic and egoistic motivation.
People are altruistic motivated when they want to improve the welfare of another person.
Egoistic motivated people want to improve their own situation (Penner et. al., 2005: 368). It
can be interesting to analyse if antimafia NGO members are intrinsically or extrinsically
motivated, and whether or not they have altruistic or egoistic motives. Now that the reader
has gained a basic understanding of the concept motivation, the following section will
discuss different mechanisms, models and types of motivation.
4.2.2. Mechanisms, models and types of motivation
When researching literature concerning social movements and motivation, the conclusion
has to be made that it is difficult to find specific literature that includes both “motivation”
and “social movements”. Scrolling through databases, it was clear that literature is available
on several separate concepts such as social movements and participation, social movements
and goals, volunteering and motivation, etc. Thus, the challenge in this section is to gather
information on motivation which is relevant to this research project concerning antimafia
NGOs’ members and their experiences.
A first important aspect worthwhile mentioning, is the model of social movement
participation. This model consists of four steps: (1) becoming a part of the mobilization
potential, (2) becoming a target of mobilization attempts, (3) becoming motivated to
participate, and (4) overcoming the barriers to participation (Simon et al., 1998: 646-447).

32
Besides the model on social movement participation, one can imagine that there exist
different motives to participate in the antimafia movement. By putting effort and time into
their organisation, members help to sustain the antimafia movement. Penner et al. (2005:
367-368) consider three different mechanisms in the question of motivation: (1) learning, (2)
social and personal standards, (3) arousal and affect. Within this research project, it is
important to focus on mechanisms (2) and (3). Mechanism (2), on social and personal
standards, studies how norms, such as social responsibility, can help people in striving to
vindicate their ideals. Mechanism (3), concerning arousal and affect, deals with emotions.
Emotions can play an important role in the motivation of social action and thus, volunteering
in an antimafia NGO.
In addition to these models and mechanisms, another important research paper came to my
attention. Its importance became apparent because of its frequent use by scholars and
authors in their own research projects (see for example Penner et al. 2005; Penner, 2002
and Shields, 2009). Thus, one can consider this study as a big development within this field
of research. The study was carried out by Clary et al. (1998) and adopted a functional
approach toward establishing six motives for which to perform volunteer work. The
following categories of motives were created:
(1) protective motivations: involving processes associated with the functioning of the ego,
e.g.: motivations that may serve to reduce guilt over being more fortunate than others and
to address one's own personal problems.
(2) values: motives that centre on opportunities that volunteerism provides for individuals to
express values related to altruistic and humanitarian concerns for others.
(3) career related motivations: volunteering concerned with career-related benefits that
may be obtained from participation in volunteer work.
(4) social related motivations: Volunteering may offer opportunities to be with one's friends
or to engage in an activity viewed favourably by important others.
(5) understanding: to permit new learning experiences and the chance to exercise
knowledge, skills, and abilities that might otherwise go unpractised.

33
(6) enhancement: derives from indications that there may be more to the ego, and
especially the ego's relation to affect, than protective processes, e.g.: volunteering for
personal development (Clary et al., 1998: 1517-1518).
It will be very interesting to analyse whether or not members of antimafia NGOs fit into one
of these six categories, or if one of the three above stated models or mechanisms is
applicable to the member’s situation.
4.3. Voluntarism: the volunteer in antimafia NGO members
The sections above have reflected upon the concept of volunteering (cf. supra). This
research project discusses volunteering because it is direct relation to both antimafia
movement and, logically social movements. The antimafia movement is, itself, a social
movement. A social movement consists out of like-minded social actors who strive for their
ideals within an organised movement; they put effort and time into advancing this
movement. This time and effort is not exclusive to official members of an NGO within a
social movement (in this case antimafia NGOs). In fact, most of the staff in antimafia NGOs is
composed of volunteers. This will be made clear through the interview analysis. This section
first provides a definition on volunteering. It further discusses the decision people make to
volunteer as well as the maintenance involved in volunteering.
4.3.1. Definition on volunteering
“Volunteering” can be defined on different levels. Some scholars define volunteering on a
micro-level. An example is the definition of Clary et. al (1998: 1516), who define
volunteering as “a service provided by people on a voluntary basis, such as companionship
to lonely people or, tutoring illiterate people, whereby the voluntary helping can extend
over a long period of time”. In the case of this research project, it is important to define
volunteering on a macro level. This is because the antimafia movement does not simply
intend interpersonal helping. According to Penner (2002: 447), volunteering involves pro-
social action in an organisational context. Pro-social action is planned and it lasts for an
extended period. This type of volunteering is different from interpersonal helping because
according to Penner (2002: 449-450), volunteering within an organisational context is not

34
motivated by a sense of personal obligation. The next sections focus on the decision to
become a volunteer and the maintenance of volunteering.
4.3.2. Decision to volunteer
Some factors play an important role in the decision to become a volunteer. When looking at
social institutions, both family and religion play important roles in the decision to become a
volunteer (Penner et al., 2005: 376; Sundeen & Raskof, 1995: 338). Additionally to social
institutions, it can be assumed that the decision to volunteer is strongly associated with the
level of education and income (Independent sector, 2001: 41-88).11
According to Wilson
(2000: 220-222), the relation between economic status and volunteering can possibly
involve other factors; for instance people with higher economic statuses may be more aware
of problems in society which, in turn, leads to their decision to volunteer. Another
explanation might be that people with a high economic status are better integrated in
society and in their community, which results in more participation in social activities. Thus,
people who are more active in their communities are more likely to be asked to volunteer
and to make a positive decision to do so (Hart, Southerland & Atkins, 2002: 585-597; Reed &
Selbee, 2000: 12-16). The next section will discuss the question of why people continue to
be motivated to stay in their organisations and volunteer.
4.3.3. The maintenance of volunteering
Volunteering, in the case of antimafia NGO members, is not a one-day commitment. As
mentioned earlier, it can result in a long-term activity. Thus, attention needs to be paid to
the process of maintaining the volunteering activity. In this research area, two major
theoretical models have been developed concerning the factors that sustain volunteering.
The first one is Omoto & Snyder’s (1995; 2002) volunteer process model. The second one,
the role identity model, was developed by Piliavin and associates (Grube & Piliavin 2000;
Piliavin & Callero 1991). On most points the models agree, but according to Penner et.al
(2005), their focus and emphasis are different. Whereas Otomo & Snyder (1995; 2002) focus
on intrapersonal variables (more specifically on motives), Piliavin and associates (2000;
11
Important to note is that this report puts focus on volunteering in the United States of America

35
1991) emphasise social roles and the social context in which volunteering takes place
(Penner et al., 2005: 377).
Let us take a look at Omoto & Snyder’s model that examines motives for sustained
volunteering. According to Penner et al. (2005: 378) within Omoto & Snyder’s model (1995,
2002), people’s decision to continue volunteering is influenced by the extent to which there
is a match between the original motives or needs leading to the decision to volunteer and
the volunteering experience. In addition to the match between motives and experience, the
following also factors play an important role in sustained volunteering: pro-social
dispositions, social support for the volunteer’s activities, satisfaction with the volunteer
experience, and integration with the organization.
4.4. Conclusion
The purpose of this chapter on social movements was not to go into depth on every aspect
of social movements, motivation and volunteering, as this would require a separate thesis.
One the one hand, the discussed definitions of social movements differ from each other
because they emphasise different factors. On the other hand, certain factors can be
compared because they do emphasise the aspects. In addition to defining the concept, a
range of different theoretical approaches can be used to discuss social movements. After
reviewing various definitions and approaches, it will be interesting to find out to which
“category” of social movements the antimafia movement belongs. The next section focused
on motivation. This topic was included in the chapter of social movement because one of the
sub research questions seeks to explore the motivation of antimafia NGO members.
Different models of motivation and categories of motives have been discussed. Alongside
motivation, the factors that influence the decision to become a volunteer and why people
maintain to volunteer have also been examined. Within the data analysis it will be
interesting to see if the motives and motivation of antimafia NGO members and their
behaviour as a volunteer can be linked back to the discussed literature.
This chapter on social movement puts an end to the first part of the thesis, dedicated to the
literature review. As discussed in the introduction, this thesis also tries to gain an
understanding of the impact of the antimafia movement from the perspective of its

36
members. A range of different keywords were used to find literature on the perceived
impact, but unfortunately, none of them resulted in the necessary literature to discuss this
specific topic. Literature was easily found on the impact of certain social movements (see for
example Klaweiter, 2004 and also Hasso, 2001), but not on the impact of social movements
perceived by their members. This gap in the literature was a motivation to develop a
research question concerning the perceived impact of a social movement (the antimafia
movement) from its members’ perspective. Part II of this thesis, the empirical research, will
start with chapter 5 discussing the research design as well as including a more detailed
examination of the research questions and their justification within this thesis.

37
Part II: Empirical research
5. Research design
This chapter covers the research design used in this research project. I will begin by defining
the central problem together with the discussion of the research questions. Then, the
sampling process will be explained followed by a detailed summary of the recruitment
process. Next, the methods used for data collection and data-analysis will be discussed. I
will end with a discussion of the quality within this research project.12
5.1. Definition of the central problem
The main topic of this thesis concerns antimafia NGOs in Sicily. Because of the gap in English
(scientific) literature this topic is quite interesting to research. It has to be noted that, until
today, the Mafia is still very present in Sicily. This organisation has a great impact on the
everyday life of Sicilian people, for instance the fact that shop owners are paying extortion
money to Mafiosi. The problems in Sicilian society related to the presence of the Mafia make
it highly desirable for different institutions to keep fighting against the Mafia. Not only law
enforcement, but also the help of civil society in this battle is needed. As mentioned in the
literature review, the Mafia as an organisation already exists since the 19th
century. This
means that Italy has a great expertise in the fight against the Mafia, which is taken as a
model to fight organised crime in Europe. This research project wants to study the fight of
civil society, and more specific, Sicilian antimafia NGOs. The main goal in is to gain an
understanding of Sicilian antimafia NGOs themselves and their members’ experience.
Therefore the following research questions were developed:
1. What does the concept of “antimafia” and the experience of participating in an antimafia
NGO mean to the members of Sicilian antimafia NGOs?
 What does the concept of antimafia mean to antimafia NGO members?
 What are the members’ personal goals and their motivations to join and stay
involved in the NGO?
 Which feelings are involved in participating in the antimafia movement?
12
Important note: this thesis contains the use of the first person. When writing in scientific English, it is more
common to use this writing style. This choice was made in consultation with the promoter.

38
2. What are the goals, activities and modus operandi of antimafia NGOs in Sicily and what
kind of social movement are they?
 What are the goals of and activities of antimafia NGOs?
 What are the modus operandi of antimafia NGOs?
 What kind of social movement is the antimafia movement?
3. How do members perceive the impact of the antimafia movement and what is their
opinion of antimafia state actions?
 How do members perceive the impact of the antimafia movement and their own
NGO?
 What are the members’ opinions of the antimafia state policy?
Due to the fact that little research has been performed in this area of study, this thesis has to
be interpreted as exploratory. Since I am one of the first to perform qualitative research
about this topic, one has to bear in mind that the results of the data will be rather
descriptive. The first research question focuses on the members of antimafia NGOs
themselves. The first part of this research question tries to analyse what the concept of
“antimafia” means to participants. The next sub-question intends to discover their personal
motivations and goals. Lastly this research question also discusses the feelings involved in
participating in an antimafia NGO.
Whereas the first research question examines antimafia NGO members, the second research
question focuses on antimafia NGOs as organisations. First, the organisations’ goals and
activities are discussed. Next, the modus operandi of each organisation is analysed. The last
part of this research question tries to examine what kind of social movement the antimafia
movement is according to the discussed definitions in chapter 4 of the literature review.
The third and final research question examines how members perceive the impact of their
antimafia NGO in the battle against the Mafia. Furthermore, their opinion on state actions
regarding antimafia is analysed.

39
5.2. Sampling process
The sampling process is an important aspect of performing research. The main cases within
this thesis are antimafia NGOs and their members. They were selected because little
research within this topic area has been performed. The aim was to convince three
organisations and to conduct a maximum of 12 interviews. Initially a sampling matrix was
set-up to create variety between participants. The following criteria were applied: his or her
gender (male and female), the organisation’s working area (for example: confiscated use of
land, education, production fair trade goods,…) and his or her experience within
organisation.
Working area organisation Gender Experience within organisations
≤ 3 years ≥ 4 years
Confiscated goods (Libera) Female 1 (2) 1 (0)
Male 1 (0) 1 (3)
Extortion (Addiopizzo) Female 1 (2) 1 (0)
Male 1 (0) 1 (1)
Social-political observations (Rita Atria) Female 1 (0) 1 (0)
Male 1 (0) 1 (1)
Table 1: Sampling matrix
Besides the sampling matrix, a sampling technique was also chosen. Because we are dealing
with qualitative research, the sample is rather small (Mortelmans, 2009: 99). Purposive
sampling was used as a technique because it allows for the selection of cases with features
in which the researcher is particularly interested (Silverman, 2010: 140). With these criteria
in mind, the researcher wants to gain a profound understanding. This will be supported by
the assurance of sufficient variation between the respondents (Mortelmans, 2009: 99).
5.3. Recruitment process participants
Before leaving for Sicily several e-mails were sent to antimafia NGOs requesting cooperation
with this research project. Some of them responded positively. Moreover, the promoter of
this project provided a gatekeeper who offered assistance to get in contact with
organisations. Thanks to this gatekeeper, I was able to get in contact with a large national
organization on local level: Libera Catania. The organisation almost immediately agreed to

LoredanaAlen_Antimafia NGOs in Sicily

LoredanaAlen_Antimafia NGOs in Sicily

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