Review of Municipal Elections in Post-independent Belize

A Review of Municipal Elections in Post-independent Belize

A Review of Municipal Elections
In Post-independent Belize

© 2009 by I. Myrtle Palacio
All rights reserved

First draft shared on-line April 2009

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PART 1

INTRODUCTION

Objective and Scope
Unlike other social sciences, such as economics and anthropology, scientific quantification,
qualification and analysis of voter behaviour and political culture, are still left to gut
feelings in Belize (Palacio, 1993). However the study of politics is as important to our daily
existence as the other sciences. Two endeavours at investigating Municipal Elections have
been published to date, namely, “Selecting Our Leaders Past and Present” (Palacio, 1999),
and “Belize City Council Elections: Who is Participating” (SPEAReports 7: Palacio,
1991). The former, was limited to listing all Town Board Councilors elected from 1963 to
1997. Similarly, the latter was restricted to investigating one Belize City Council Election
only. This present study is a first attempt at examining the results of all Municipal Elections
for both Towns and Cities. Its purposes are both exploratory and descriptive. It is
exploratory as it continues to reveal new concepts in Belize’s political ethos, and extends
into trends in political party performance and voter turnout at the polls. The study is
descriptive because the statistics itself when displayed illustrate and narrate the outcomes.
This study offers an evocative review of Municipal Elections, concentrating on the election
held on March 4, 2009, and focusing on several variables, such as leadership, women’s
participation and voter turnout.

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The investigation compares past Municipal Elections, and all data are triangulated to ensure
accuracy and integrity of the information presented. 1954 saw the first General Election
after adult suffrage, and thirty years later in 1984, established the trend for wide shifts in
voter-preference as exercised through the vote. The main thrust is the analysis of data from
all Municipal Elections under the new Belize City and Town Councils Acts. Commencing
with the Belize City Municipal Election of 1999, the Acts empowered the Elector to vote
for Mayors in the Municipal Elections. Other elections are highlighted for emphasis, but
concentration is on Municipal Elections, with particular attention to the Municipal Elections
held on March 4, 2009. The study acknowledges the increase in the number of “Third”
political parties competing in Belize’s elections. It also recognizes the two major political
parties, namely the Peoples United Party (PUP) and the United Democratic Party (UDP), as
the two Parties that have consistently contested the elections in post-independent Belize.

Variables such as voter participation and political party popularity in General Elections are
not compared with that of Municipal Elections for the basic reason that the source, the
databases, or the universe are not the same in most cases. However, several references are
made to General Elections in determining its effect on the outcome of Municipal Elections
and vice versa. For purposes of this study, national averages for Municipal Elections are
not recognized before 2003, as these were administered as separate elections and held at
differing times. Prior to 2003, a national average will be in reference to Town Board
Elections only.

Raw data are collected, then collated, calculated and analyzed to produce readily readable
information. If the data provided are not accurate, the information produced will not be
valid or reliable. Limitations in the availability and quality of data sources for election
results have been encountered over the years (Palacio, 1991, 1993, 1999). In such

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instances, efforts in obtaining multiple data sources are employed, and the data triangulated
to ensure accuracy of information. The data downloaded for the 2009 Municipal Elections
from the official website www.elections.gov.bz between March 5 and March 25, 2009, were
no different, and some of the most blatant were the following (Appendix i):
 Late official postings of election results
 Updating modifications without notification for clarity
 Inaccurate calculations of voter turnout
Wherever inaccuracies are discovered, the differences have always been elucidated, but
only the official results are utilized (Palacio, 1991, 1993, 1999). The approach in this study
is similar.

The information in this research, contributes to Urban Studies as the findings can be used to
influence urban policy, community development and citizen participation. It also
contributes to the field of Urban Anthropology in the areas of social planning and
ethnicization of politics. Two new perspectives in Belize’s political culture have emerged,
that of ethnic voting or voting as an ethnic block, coined as “ethnicization of politics”; the
use of inaccurate and/or incomplete data on election outcomes to spin viewpoints; and the
non-participation of electors by not voting. All these warrant further research with regards
to its effect on Belize’s political development.

Research Methodology
A mix of methods and techniques were utilized to acquire superior quality data, resulting in
valid and reliable information. In the secondary research method, the library review
technique was utilized by:
 perusing newspapers carrying election results for periods quoted
 gleaning election results statistics from the Belize Gazettes for periods quoted
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 conducting literature review as listed in the bibliography
 searching the world wide web on-line news reporting of the 2009 election results
All the election statistics were quantified to determine voter turnout, political party
popularity, candidate popularity and trends in voter behaviour.

Utilizing primary research methodology, qualitative research strategies were employed to
attain a better advantage in interpreting meanings in people’s stories, such as but not limited
to, Talk Shows, political advertisements, presentation and content of news items. Data
collection techniques utilized included, participant observation as a voter on election day;
in-depth inquiries of electors and politicians via face-to-face and telephone dialogues, as
well as environmental scans surrounding the Polling Stations in Belize City on Election
Day. News items were coded and analyzed using techniques of content and narrative
analyses. As an Elector with experience in election data analysis in Belize, I am the situated
knower or the outsider within, and I utilized this opportunity as a participant observer to
draw better insight into the value climate. This is a technique of feminist standpoint theory
and indigenous anthropology (Hill, 1990; Bernard H. Russell, 1994).

Definitions
The following definitions of terms or concepts used in the paper are offered below for
purposes of clarity.

Spoilt Ballot--Rejected Ballot—Ballots Cast
The Representation of the People Act (ROPA) chapter 9 of the laws of Belize provides the
regulations for voter registration and conduct of elections. The Third Section, under
Election Rules, is quoted for the definitions offered on spoilt and rejected ballots, as
follows.
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A spoilt ballot is a cancelled ballot. The cancellation is done in the Polling Station by the
Presiding Officer on the request of an Elector. A “spoilt ballot” is not placed or “cast” into
the ballot box, and is therefore not a “cast ballot” or vote (Rule 26). A rejected ballot is a
“cast ballot” or vote that has been deemed void by the Returning Officer in the Counting
Station. A rejected ballot is not part of the votes counted for a candidate (Rule 31). The
ROPA offers 5 reasons to reject a cast ballot as follows (Rule 31 (1)):
“Any ballot paper--
 which does not have the Presiding Officer’s initials on the back of it; or
 in which the elector has voted for more than one candidate; or
 which is not marked for any candidate; or
 which contains any writing or by which the elector could be identified; or
 which is unmarked or void for uncertainty;”

In Municipal Elections, the number of “ballots cast” represents the number of Electors who
voted. Each Elector who participates has the choice of voting for 0 to 11 persons in Belize
City, or 0 to 7 persons in Belmopan City or each of the other seven municipalities. Voter
turnout then is the result of the total number of “ballots cast” divided by the total number of
registered Electors. One “ballot cast” represents one Voter, but as expressed above, one
“cast ballot” may have several votes. A Presiding Officer has the responsibility to manage a
Polling Station on Election Day and a Returning Officer manages the election for the entire
municipality if it is a Municipal Election, or electoral division if a Parliamentary Election.

Good governance
The expressions “Good Governance” and “Corruption” were touted by the Media,
Politicians and others throughout the 2008 election campaign, and it is a topic of interest in
this study. For purposes of this research corruption is the abuse of entrusted power for
personal gain or for the benefit of a group to which one owes allegiance. To govern simply

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means to manage, control, or steer the affairs of People. Governance is the exercise of
power or authority to manage a country’s resources and affairs. Good governance
comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions, through which people and groups
articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their
differences. For a government it is the “traditions and institutions by which authority in a
country is exercised” including, “the process by which governments are selected, monitored
and replaced (AusAID1, 2005). Taken from the definition offered by the Government of
Belize through the Office of Governance (OoG), Governance is defined as “the competent
management of resources and business in a manner that is transparent, accountable and
responsive” (OoG Annual Report 2007).

Good governance minimizes corruption and can only be accomplished through the practice
of several principles, characteristics or qualities, with examples below as presented in the
literature:
Accountability Transparency/Openness Decency Inclusiveness
Responsiveness Participation Fairness Rule of Law
Accuracy Integrity Effectiveness & Efficiency

All organizations working for the common GOOD of the Public are responsible to practice
good governance principles as listed above, and these organizations are divided into three
main categories as follows:
• Public Sector, such as Government and Quasi-government organizations
• Social Sector, namely NGOs, Media, Unions, Churches, Lodges
• Private Sector Organizations, such as those with public ownership through shares.
One example in Belize is the Credit Unions.

1
AusAID Projects, “Good Governance: Guiding Principles for Implementation” (www.ausaid.gov.au)
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Organizations that Impact Electioneering
The definition of good governance offered by AusAID2 in 2005 abovementioned speaks to
traditions and institutions by which authority is exercised in a country and includes the
institutions that hold responsibilities for the mechanisms and processes, by which
governments are selected, monitored and replaced. Three institutions stand out as having
immense significance to the mechanisms and processes for selection, monitoring and
replacement of governments. Therefore these are organizations that should be cognizant of
practicing good governance principles as identified above. Firstly, an Election Management
Body (EMB) is to ensure that voter registration is conducted as mandated by the ROPA; and
that an accurate, reliable electoral database is maintained. The EMB is also mandated to
ensure that free and fair elections are efficiently organized and conducted, with accurate
results reported in a timely and transparent manner. In Belize, the EMB with such a
mandate is the Elections and Boundaries Department (Department) which is a government
agency that was created in 1989 immediately following amendments to Sec 88 of the
Constitution of Belize in 1988. The irony is that at that time there existed an independent
body called the Elections and Boundaries Commission (Commission), and by so doing
established a second EMB whose staff persons are appointed by the Public Services
Commission. As a creature of Section 88 of the Belize Constitution, the 1988 amendments
derogated the Commission’s role and capacity with regards to electoral administration as set
out in Sec 88 (13). The Commission’s role in electoral administration as determined by
Section 88 (14) is subject to the ROPA and states,
“In the exercise of its functions, the Commission shall not be
subject to the direction or control of any other person or
authority and shall, subject to the provisions of this

2
AusAID is acronym for Australian Agency for International Development. It is the Government agency
responsible for managing Australia’s overseas aid programmes (www.ausaid.gov.au)
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Constitution, act in accordance with the Representation of
the People Act or any other law, rule or regulation relating
to elections.”

The expression “shall” in Section 88 (14) as underlined for emphasis in the quotation above
speaks volumes. With subsequent amendments to the Administrative Provisions and other
sections of the ROPA, responsibility for electoral administration was devolved to some
extent on the Chief Elections Officer and by extension on the Public Services Commission.
With one stroke of the pen in 1988, Belize changed from an Independent Model of election
management to a Government Model (Palacio, 2005). To reiterate, for purposes of this
study supported by the explanations above, the EMB in Belize is the Department (see
Section One).

The second institution that holds responsibilities for the mechanisms and processes, by which
governments are selected, monitored and replaced is the political party (Party). Traditionally in
Belize, the political party as an organization is responsible for selecting or electing persons
as standard bearers or candidates to represent the Party on the election ballot. Whether or
how the Party performs due diligence in its selection processes for values such as integrity,
and the necessary skills to carry out the responsibilities of the Office Sought, is purely party
political business. Most Electors are not members of political parties, and the trend is that
only small3 groups of approximately 10% to 12% for each major political party are party
devotees who invariably select or elect candidates for the ballot (Palacio, 1993). Therefore,
the choice of candidate for the ballot is dictated by a small group through a political party
convention; and the majority of Electors are left to conclude the vote based on the Parties’
choices. Candidates are elected as leaders to determine the progress of the municipality
and/or country. This task by political parties of finding candidates for the ballot is very

3
This trend may be changing as larger numbers are turning out to vote for both major political parties in a few
of the recent conventions.
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crucial to democracy. However, to date, there is no legal framework to regulate the political
parties that are charged with such a strategic role. While the two major Parties have been in
the business of politics for all the elections in post-independent Belize, there has been an
increase of new entrants namely, “Third Party” participation in the political arena to
challenge elections only.

Thirdly are the Media who are institutions now considered to be an indispensable element in
a democracy, and have been described as the “fourth estate” or fourth power of the state.
As such, the Media are expected to carry out the crucial role of facilitating public inquiry,
by offering voice to a diversity of views and opinions. The Media are expected to provide
valid, accurate, and reliable information to the public, so people may understand issues and
critically assess government’s actions or inactions. In so doing the Media also promote
public debate on issues of public concern. Therefore, the Media are valuable and effective
agents of change that work for the common good, and must set and maintain the highest
standards of transparency and integrity of information.

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PART 2

FINDINGS

Trends in Voter Participation

Separate Elections—Town & City
Until 2000 all Elections in Belize were conducted at separate time periods. All Municipal
and General Elections were treated as separate and distinct from each other in terms of the
election dates. For example in the ‘80’s Belize City Council Election was held in
September 1983, the General Elections in December 1984, followed by the Town Board
Elections in March 1985. Similarly, in the ‘90’s, General Election was held in June 1993,
Town Board Elections were held in March 1994, and the Belize City Council Elections in
March 1996 (Table 1). The first two Municipal Elections in one day were held in March
2000 under the new Belmopan City Council and Town Councils Acts, following the March
1999 Belize City Council Election. It was the first City Council Election for Belmopan
after the Referendum of November 1999 which asked the question: “Should we in
Belmopan have our own elected City Council?” The new Village, City and Town Councils
Acts reformed the local government system by providing for the election of Mayors and
Village Chairmen, setting a specific time for elections, and the devolution of powers to the
Councils. In Belize City, Electors voted for a Mayor for the first time in 1999, and

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Belmopan Voters along with Voters of all seven Towns also voted for a Mayor for the first
time in 2000. Similarly a national Village Council Election was held in April 2001,
whereby residents under the new act voted directly and by way of ballots for Chairpersons.
Table 1: Date of Election by Outcome

Date of Election Outcome Type of Election
Party Seat %Voter
UDP PUP Turnout
December 17, 1980 0 9 65.30 Belize City Council
December 16, 1981 26 16 76.03 Town Board
September 14, 1983 9 0 57.46 Belize City Council
December 14, 1984 21 7 74.90 General
March 27, 1985 4 0 44.30 Belize City Council
March 27, 1985 35 14 69.37 Town Board
December 10, 1986 9 0 49.40 Belize City
March 16, 1988 19 30 71.53 Town Board
September 4, 1989 13 15 72.60 General
December 6, 1989 0 9 47.55 Belize City
March 25, 1991 14 35 68.33 Town Board
June 30, 1993 16 13 71.60 General
March 8, 1994 43 6 69.24 Town Board
March 11, 1997 3 46 67.14 Town Board
August 1998 3 26 90.14 General
March 1, 2000 2 47 72.35 Town Council
March 1, 2000 0 7 69.51 Belmopan City Council
“ “ “ 0 7 70.69 Belmopan City Council
“ “ “ 0 11 71.85 Belize City Council
“ “ “ 7 22 79.51 General
October 29, 2003 1 0 72.63 Cayo South By-election

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“ “ “ 11 0 61.50 Belize City Council
February 7, 2008 25 6 77.18 General
March 4, 2009 * 46 3 60.33 Town Council
“ “ “ * 11 0 42.10 Belize City Council

In 2003, all Municipalities were scheduled to hold elections on the first Wednesday in
March, as required under the new City Councils and Town Councils Acts. This meant that
two elections were to be held as in 2000, with the inclusion of the largest municipality,
Belize City for the first time. General Election was also slated to be held sometime in 2003;
and the Government took the bold decision to hold the General Election on the same day as
the scheduled two Municipal Elections. Therefore three elections were held on the same
day in 2003. According to the Election Report (www.belize-elections.org), voter turnout
was high, spoilt ballots and rejected ballots cast were within normal occurrences, and there
were no appeals for reviews and/or recounts (Palacio, 2003).

Local Election & Outcome of General?
The first Town Board Elections after Belize’s independence were held some three months
later, on Dec 16, 1981. Although the UDP garnered the majority (26) of the 42 seats, three
Town Boards, namely, Corozal and Orange Walk were split politically, four seats to three in
favour of the PUP; and the UDP garnered Dangriga. The UDP won all seven seats in
Benque Viejo and San Ignacio, and the PUP won Punta Gorda (see Section Three). Up
until after 1991, politically mixed Town Boards were the norm whereby each Town
demonstrated its Electors’ choices (Palacio, 1999). In 2003, there were no politically split

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Town Councils, but four Towns voted entirely in support of the PUP and three Towns
totally for the UDP. The new trend in a combined Municipal Election is that the winning
party takes the majority of the seats, particularly as the campaign is more about national
issues, than of the concerns at the local level.

Table 1 demonstrates the date of elections by outcome and type of election from 1981
(independence) to present (post-independence). The Table shows that the UDP won the
General Election, Town Board and City Council Elections after Belize attained its
independence. For nearly a decade, beginning with the Town Board Elections of 1981, until
1989, the UDP dominated elected leadership in the House of Representatives, Town Board
and City Council. There are several reasons for such including the realities of change in a
recently independent Belize, for both leaders and citizenry. Also while the UDP won the
1985 by-election and full City Council Election in 1986, voter turnout was the lowest since
1956, and at 44.3% and 49.4% respectively represented less than 50% of the Electorate.
This started the trend of minority voter turnout to Belize City Council Elections until the
election of 1999, a total of 5 consecutive elections in nearly fourteen years.

The PUP won the General Election of September 4, 1989, to form the second government
after the attainment of independence. With a narrow margin of fifteen seats to thirteen seats
for the opposition UDP in the House of Representatives, and a party popularity at the polls
of exactly 50%; the PUP went on to win the 1989 Belize City Council Election some three
months later by a landslide. The landslide trend for the PUP continued with the 1991 Town
Board Elections and the second City Council Election in March 1993. However the PUP
lost the General Election held on June 30, 1993, some three months after the landslide win
(Table 1). Therefore the theory that the political party that wins the Municipal Election
wins the General Election, and vice versa does not hold true. It is invariably during those

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periods when the election is called immediately following a General Election; for example,
March 1984 for UDP and Sept 1989 for the PUP (Table 1). The effect of one over the other
has more to do with pressing concerns of the period. One such example is, the PUP losing a
General Election in 1993 some three months after a landslide victory in the Belize City
Council Election. There were suspicions regarding the introduction of an early
parliamentary election call into the political culture, and also the rumors of immigrant
registration starting out of the Dangriga voter registration office, did not auger well for the
PUP in the 1993 General Elections (Palacio, 1993; The People’s Pulse, July11, 1993; pg. 4).

The 1998 to 2008 decade of domination by the PUP was not a new occurrence for a political
party, as the UDP dominated from 1981 to 1989 (Table 1). The phenomenon was the back-
to-back successes of the PUP at the polls for the 1998 and 2003 General Elections. In so
doing, the PUP formed two consecutive governments, a first in post-independent Belize.
The continuous display of change in Electors’ choices for leaders to the House of
Representatives reveals that party loyalty for both major political parties is small and that
large percentages (66%) of Voters are “fence-sitters” (Palacio, 1993). These Electors are
invariably anti-establishment and they decide the outcome of the vote.
Table 2
Average % Voter Participation 1981 - 2009
Year Belize City Towns Belmopan
1980 65.30 -- --
1981 -- 76.03 --
1983 57.46 -- --
1985 44.30** 69.37 --
1986 49.40 -- --
1988 -- 71.53 --
1989 47.55 -- --
1991 -- 68.33 --
1993 44.27 -- --
1994 -- 69.24 --
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1996 44.21 -- --
1997 -- 67.14 --
1999 57.35 -- --
2000 -- 72.35 69.51
2003 71.85 77.73 70.69
2006 61.50 67.81 70.45
2009 * 42.10 60.33 51.46
** By-elections for Belize City Council
* NB: Slight inaccuracies at data source www.elections.gov.bz for 2009 due to use of wrong divisor
and miscalculations

It was not until 2003 that the results of Municipal Elections can be grouped as such, to
determine a national average of voter participation for Municipalities. Prior to 2003, Towns
were grouped as Town Boards, with a separate City Council Election; Belize City being the
only City until Belmopan in 2000. The grouping of Municipalities as one election does
have tremendous advantages for election management, primarily from an economic or
financial viewpoint. However, by so grouping them into one election, the stakes are higher
for the politicians as the recent trends have demonstrated that the winner-takes-all as the
outcome. The winner-takes-all is compounded when a General Election is called near to the
time of the Municipal Elections. This is no longer a novelty, as conducting multiple
elections in one day was accomplished by the PUP administration in March 2003, and so
the risk of innovation no longer exists. The advantage of the winner-takes-all is more on the
part of the politician, as while the politician has absolute power, the Electors’ only recourse
to an inept political administration may be to wait or “put up” until another election call.

How and What is Low Voter Participation?
During 1985 to 1996, four full Belize City Council Elections and one By-election (March
1985), continuously demonstrated voter turnout far below what was the norm; and below
50% of registered voters (Table 1). In 1985 voter turnout was described as low relative to
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the trend prior, and also exemplified an election where the Council was voted in by a
minority group of Electors. The latter, that of a minority elected Council was the first such
occurrence since the early period of 1956, and became the new standard and election
culture, until a paradigm shift in 1999, for the Belize City Council Elections.

For ease of reference in this section, Table 2 displays the averages in voter participation for
Municipal Elections only. 1999 saw the first Belize City Council Election for Mayor,
whereby the office of Mayor was elected separately. The voter turnout increased
tremendously by approximately 13% to 57.35%, and started the new benchmark for voter
turnout of 50% and more of registered electors. The Table reveals that this pattern
continued, with voter participation increasing over the next two elections under the new
Belize City Council Act, in 2003 (71.85%) and in 2006 (61.5%). The new archetype was
short-lived, as the 2009 Municipal Elections displayed the lowest voter turnout ever
(42.1%), and regressing approximately 13 years to a minority elected Belize City Council as
occurred in 1985 to 1996 (Appendix i). No political opinion surveys or polls were
conducted for the 2009 Municipal Elections to scientifically determine the reasons for a low
voter turnout. The responses to similar queries in a survey conducted in 1993 are being
offered as an example of Voters’ attitude. Although this transpired some 16 years ago, the
current concerns are similar though not in parallel numbers, and the reasons offered at 1993
are as follows (Palacio, 1993: 60):
 30.6% --discouraged or not satisfied with the political system
 28.6%--no confidence in politicians or don’t care for politicians
 18.5%--confused between parties
 16.3%--political parties not for poor people
 5.9%--did not offer an opinion

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Table 3 exhibits percent of voter turnout by town and year of election and is limited to
Town Board Elections for this section only. It reveals that unlike the Belize City Council,
Councilors for all Town Boards, have to date been elected by a majority of the Voters.
Also, it is evident that election participation of Voters has traditionally been well above
50% for each Town Board ranging from 56% to 88% (Table 3). Data for Punta Gorda was
not available for 1997 at the time of completing this study, so that Punta Gorda was not
factored into the national Town Board average. Invariably, the lowest and highest voter
turnouts have unfailingly been Dangriga and San Pedro Ambergris Caye, respectively. The
other Town Boards have been constant in percentage of voter turnouts, through the election
years. For example, Orange Walk Town shows a voter turnout in the high 60% to low 70%;
and likewise are Corozal, Benque and Punta Gorda. The national average for Town Boards
varied, between 69.37% in 1985, 69.24% in 1994 and 67.14% in 1997. While these
averages demonstrate a small decline, these are well above 50%, unlike the election
outcomes for Belize City.

The era whereby Electors voted directly for Mayors in Town Council Elections, is
demonstrated in Table 4. The Table displays voter turnout during the period 2000 to 2009,
and includes the City of Belmopan and Belize City (1999). Table 4 clearly establishes that
Town Councils continued to experience voter turnouts that exceeded 50% for all four
elections, from 2000 to 2009. Also the Table exhibits that Dangriga invariably still had the
lowest voter turnout. While San Pedro Ambergris Caye is still high, Benque Viejo has
taken the lead to be among the highest in voter turnout. The City of Belmopan shows high
voter turnout relative to Corozal, Benque Viejo and San Pedro Ambergris Caye, as
explained above. This is from the first election in 2000 to the election of 2006, totaling 3
elections for Belmopan. In 2000, the national average for Town Councils shows a slight
increase to 72.35% over 67.14% in 1997 (Table 3). The inclusion of the City of Belmopan

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in the national average for 2000 does not greatly affect the voter turnout of approximately
72% (Table 4).

Table 3
MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS 1981 – 1997
Town Board % Voter Turnout by Municipality and Election Year
Municipality 1981 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997
Corozal 76.90 72.80 73.90 72.91 67.37 64.90
Orange Walk 78.80 71.1 71.30 69.68 72.65 68.46
San Pedro Ambergris -- 84.50 88.30 81.71 80.28 79.47
Benque Viejo del Carmen 74.30 65.40 72.40 68.51 70.64 72.24
San Ignacio/Santa Elena 76.30 66.0 63.60 65.95 66.31 61.97
Dangriga 73.20 55.60 59.0 52.81 58.54 55.82
Punta Gorda 76.70 70.20 72.20 66.74 68.88 --
Town Board Average 76.03 69.37 71.53 68.33 69.24 67.14
Source: Belize Today, April 1991; Belize Gazette, April 10, 1988; March 12, 1994, January 16, 1982
Supplement to New Belize, April 1985

As demonstrated in Table 4, a national average for Municipal Elections can only be
calculated from the election of 2003 to 2009. The national average of 76.3% in 2003
declined by approximately 10% to 67.41% in 2006, and yet another decline of exactly
10.09% in 2009. This represents a decidedly steady decline nationally, due directly to a
steady decline in each municipality of approximately 7% to 10% for each of these elections;
with the exception of the City of Belmopan. Tables 3 and 4 reveal that the national
averages for Municipal Election years 2000 to 2006 are above 50%, and to a large extent,
range from approximately 18% to 27% more. Similarly, the national average for Town
Boards ranges from 11% to 21% more than 50%. Therefore the data established a trend of
high voter turnout for Towns and the City of Belmopan. Similarly, between the 1999 and
2006 elections, Belize City Council established a trend that far exceeded 50% in voter
participation, but dropped below 50% in 2009. Table 4 also clearly demonstrates a
countrywide decline in voter participation in Belize at 2009—every town, every city.
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Table 4
MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS 1996 – 2009
% Voter Turnout by Municipality and Election Year
Municipality 1996/97 1999 2000 2003 2006 *2009
Belize City 44.21 57.35 71.85 61.50 42.10
Belmopan -- -- 69.51 70.69 70.45 51.46
Corozal 64.90 -- 69.15 81.09 71.20 63.57
Orange Walk 68.46 -- 75.20 80.90 73.90 66.86
San Pedro Ambergris 79.47 -- 75.58 80.02 71.00 61.34
Benque Viejo 72.24 -- 80.09 84.14 75.40 66.41
San Ignacio/Santa Elena 61.97 -- 71.33 78.90 61.80 54.29
Dangriga 55.82 -- 64.46 68.23 59.10 51.23
Punta Gorda ** -- -- 70.65 70.85 62.30 58.59
Town Board/Council 67.14 -- 72.35 77.73 67.81 60.33
Average
National Average -- -- -- 76.30 67.41 57.32
Source: 2003- 2009— www.belize-elections.org & www.elections.gov.bz
*2009 slightly overstated on www.elections.gov.bz
** No data available for Punta Gorda—error in Gazette

Comparison of 2006 and 2009

Voter Turnout
Voter turnout for the Municipal Elections of 2006 and 2009 are compared by election year
in Table 5. The Table shows a wide range of variances for each municipality from 3.71%
for Punta Gorda to 19.4% for Belize City. Interestingly, the two cities, namely Belize City
which is the largest metropolis, and the City of Belmopan which is the locale for
government administration, both exhibited the widest variances in decline in voter
participation, and in the very high two digit figures. Benque Viejo del Carmen, Corozal and
San Pedro Ambergris Caye being Municipalities with a trend of consistently high voter
turnout, a decline in 2009 of a near two-digit figure was highly unusual.
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Table 5
MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS 2006 & 2009
Comparison of % Voter Turnout by Election Year

Municipality 2006 2009 Variance
Belize City 61.50 42.10 19.40
Belmopan 70.45 51.46 18.99
Corozal 71.20 63.57 7.63
Orange Walk 73.90 66.86 7.04
San Pedro Ambergris 71.00 61.34 9.66
Benque 75.40 66.41 8.99
San Ignacio/Santa Elena 61.80 54.29 7.51
Dangriga 59.10 51.23 7.87
Punta Gorda 62.30 58.59 3.71
National Average 67.41 57.32 --

Source 2006 & 2009—website www.elections.gov.bz on March 25, 2009
2009 slightly overstated due to wrong calculations & divisor used

The last minority elected Belize City Council was in 1996 (13 years) with a voter turnout of
44.21% (Table 2). In 2009 Belize City Council is again a minority elected Council at
42.1% voter turnout, which represents the lowest ever for any municipality (Appendix i).
The Election on March 4, 2009 can go down in the annals of political history as having the
lowest voter turnout ever—lowest national average, lowest average for Towns and the City
of Belmopan ever. The Electors voted with their feet by staying away from the polls. This
is unprecedented and may be of major interest to political leaders, social planners and
students of political science.

All in all the data clearly express a countrywide “sit-out” on Election Day 2009 by the
Electors of Belize’s Municipalities. What could be the reasons for such action or inaction?
The reasons offered above from a previous research and publication, pointed generally to
60


apathy. Along with apathy was the possible disenchantment with leadership at the local
and/or the national levels. The data speak to this in another section of this research. This
deep decline of voter participation at the polls may not set a trend, but that communities will
rebound as is the political culture. However, what is certain is that the “sit-out” expresses a
deafening statement and cry-out by Electors to their political Leaders, and may become a
trend if not heeded.

Women’s Participation
Women have always dominated the political arena, but generally only as support staff, such
as campaigners and purveyors of food. Women are yet to demand their places as candidates
for the Municipal Elections and in particular the Parliamentary Elections. Also both major
political parties are controlled4 at the party leadership level by the male of the species. The
1997 Town Board Elections saw the largest number of women as candidates, a total of 8 out
of approximately 90 candidates (Palacio, 1999). Who is voting by sex and other variables
was determined in another research for Belize City (SPEAReport 6, 1991). This publication
established that a higher percentage of women participate as voters than men. It also
revealed the challenges in accessing data from politicians and their agents. For purposes of
a quick analysis, similar methods were employed utilizing one electoral division in Belize
City. The electoral division is Fort George, selected for its mix in socio-economic status, its
diverse ethnicity, as well as for timely access to data requested in terms of prompt and
efficient responses to requests made (SPEAReports 6: Palacio, 1990). The Voters’ List
used in the Polling Stations on polling day by the Fort George electoral division of the PUP
was the sample data for this study. While the result was similar in terms of sex as the study

4
PUP National Executive (NE) endorsed at the 2010 National Convention comprises of 5 women out of 31
members—“The Blue Tsunami”; www.belizetimes.bz, Oct. 22, 2010. Data on UDP NE not available.
61


quoted above, it cannot be generalized for Belize due to the limited universe. However, the
outcome from this small sample is utilized in this study as an illustration of its potential and
what is achievable for further investigation in this area in the future. The findings are that
although Fort George electoral division has slightly more men (51%) than women (49%)
registered as Electors at January 2009 (www.elections.gov.bz), more women (54%) voted
than men (46%) in the Belize City Council Election of 2009. Along with sex, the age
cohort 31 to 50 years consistently turned out to vote for all three polling areas of this
electoral division.

The two women candidates who won their mayoral seats in San Pedro Ambergris Caye and
Belize City did so against male counterparts; and Zenaida Moya won the candidacy against
a challenge from a male contender. Both Zenaida Moya of Belize City and Elsa Paz of San
Pedro Ambergris Caye were the first women elected as Mayors by the Voters, with Paz
being the first elected woman Mayor in 2003. Moya was first elected into office in 2006.
Does this mean that women are voting for women as leaders? In the case of San Pedro
Ambergris Caye, scientific observation reveals that a large percentage of Voters including
those who voted in 2009 are new Belizeans and/or newcomers to the Island Town, with a
new thinking, and an independent perspective. This attitude can be reinforced by the fact
that a top vote getter for the winning party UDP is also a relatively new resident. This
speaks volumes for the socio-political and socio-cultural development of San Pedro
Ambergris Caye. In the case of Belize City, Moya received the least votes for the UDP and
was elected by a minority group of electors, at less than 50% voter turnout, and the lowest
ever recorded in the history of free elections in Belize.

Three female candidates from two communities topped the polls in the 2009 Municipal
Elections. These were Elsa Paz in San Pedro Ambergris Caye, albeit by only 11 votes; Enid

62


Morales and Rozel Flores-Arana, both of Orange Walk Town representing the UDP and
PUP respectively. Along with San Pedro, Orange Walk Town is another municipality that
has from time to time demonstrated some independence in Voters’ choices and high level of
participation. Although with a small margin of five votes, Elsa Paz also topped the polls in
2006; and 2009 is her third success at garnering the Mayor’s seat. It shows that although
the number of women candidates invariably has not improved over time, those women who
made it on the ballot in 2009, were identified by Voters as possible choices for leadership
via the vote.

The Essential Popularity

Political Party
Political Party popularity is determined by the total number or percentage of votes obtained
by each political party at an election. In a Municipal Election each ballot cast can have
from 0 to 11 votes in the case of Belize City, or from 0 to 7 votes for all other
Municipalities including the City of Belmopan. Therefore each ballot cast may have
multiple votes. Table 6 demonstrates municipality by party popularity for five elections
from 1996 for Belize City to 2009 for all municipalities, bearing in mind that the first
election for a Council for the City of Belmopan was in 2000. A steady decline is
demonstrated in Table 6 for the PUP in all five elections, particularly between 2000 and
2009. There is no vacuum in political party popularity, so that a decline for the PUP is an
increase for the UDP; just the opposite effect during the same periods. In Belize City, the
popularity of the PUP declined from 60% in 1999, to 38.5% and 39.6% in 2006 and 2009
respectively.

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Table 6
MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS (1997) 2000 – 2009
Political Party Popularity by % of Votes and Election Year
Municipality 1996/97 1999 2000 2003 2006 2009
Belize City * PUP PUP PUP PUP 38.5 PUP
55.79 60.0 -- 54.8 UDP 39.56
UDP 37.1 UDP UDP 61.3 UDP
NABR 3.7 40.0 44.2 NABR 60.44
PDP 3.4 IND 1.0 .2

Belmopan -- -- PUP PUP 34.0 PUP
-- 53.3 UDP 22.12
UDP 46.5 UDP
44.1 VIP 19.5 55.67
IND 12.6 VIP
22.22
Corozal PUP -- PUP PUP PUP PUP
56.58 55.9 51.99 45.71 42.77
UDP UDP UDP UDP UDP
43.42 44.1 48.01 49.86 56.83
WTP IND 0.39
4.43
Orange Walk PUP -- PUP PUP PUP 45.9 PUP
60.73 60.0 57.45 UDP 49.90
UDP UDP UDP 54.1 UDP
39.27 40.0 42.55 50.10
San Pedro Ambergris PUP -- PUP PUP PUP 40.9 PUP
52.38 54.7 47.78 UDP 34.64
UDP UDP UDP 58.59 UDP
47.63 45.3 52.22 IND 65.36
0.51
Benque Viejo PUP -- PUP PUP PUP PUP
55.53 49.1 45.4 48.16 23.63
UDP UDP UDP UDP UDP
44.47 50.9 54.6 51.84 74.11
BA
2.27

64


San Ignacio/Santa PUP -- PUP PUP PUP PUP
Elena 49.98 50.5 47.51 35.51 26.89
UDP UDP UDP UDP UDP
49.51 49.5 52.49 63.77 68.97
NABR .51 IND IND
0.72 4.14
Dangriga PUP -- PUP PUP PUP PUP
55.23 56.9 55.14 37.92 40.01
UDP UDP UDP UDP UDP
44.46 43.1 46.86 61.75 58.81
NABR .31 IND 1.18
Punta Gorda PUP -- PUP PUP PUP PUP
57.51 56.5 54.95 46.35 37.8
UDP UDP UDP UDP UDP
41.82 45.5 44.05 50.11 51.76
NABR .67 IND PNP
3.54 7.82
IND
2.62
Source: 1996 to 2000—Belize Gazette, 2003—www.belize-elections.org, 2006 &
2009—www.elections.gov.bz
Note: 1999 Belize City’s 1st Mayoral election March 3rd 1999
* 1996 only is Belize City Council

The popularity of the UDP shot up from 40% to 62.3%, and 60.4% for the same election
period (Table 6). The popularity gap widened drastically in 2006 and continued to 2009
with the UDP gaining over the PUP in all Municipalities. The greatest gains for the UDP
and losses for the PUP were in the municipalities of San Pedro Ambergris Caye, and the
entire west of the country—the capital Belmopan, San Ignacio/Santa Elena and Benque
Viejo del Carmen. In the City of Belmopan the third party, Vision Inspired for the People
(VIP), garnered 23 or 0.10% more votes than the PUP. This represents about 3 to 5
electors, and although it is a meager victory for the VIP, yet in politics a victory IS. Along
with the poor showing in the western towns for the PUP, the election outcome from the new
capital City of Belmopan did not help.
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In Belize City and Orange Walk Town, the PUP gained 1% and 4% respectively more votes
than in 2006, but these numbers are greatly less than the popularity obtained by the PUP in
2003, for both municipalities. Orange Walk must be highlighted as the Town that obtained
the only 3 out of 49 seats garnered by the PUP in 2009; leaving Orange Walk with the only
mixed Town Council of 3 seats to 4 in favour of the UDP. What caused such a massive
decline in popularity for the PUP particularly in the west of the country and in Belize City,
the largest metropolis, is worth researching. Other factors offered by this research, is that
the west is similar to San Pedro as one of the fastest growing population with a high
percentage of new Belizeans on the electoral roll. These new Electors bring in a new
experience to the political environment. Similarly, an environmental scan of Belize City
shows that new Belizeans have also steadily made in-roads into the Belize City, carving
niches on the out-skirts5 of this Old Capital.

In statistically assessing the political parties’ popularity, one must also make reference to
the voter turnout and its possible effect on the popularity of one party over the other. The
2009 Municipal Election is unprecedented as having the lowest voter turnout, in the last two
decades of electioneering in Belize. The Councilors for Belize City, the largest metropolis
and the political and economic hub of the country were elected by a minority (42.1%) or
less than one-half of the electorate; after reversing this trend for the last three elections
1999, 2003 and 2006 (Appendix i). Voter turnout is the Voter’s direct participation at the
polls, and in turn reflects Voter behaviour and Voter attitude. Among other things, a
position of disenchantment was the stance clearly communicated by the electorate in 2009.

5
Some of the areas are Belama Phase 4, Jane Usher Blvd and its environs, and recently the “south side” of
Chetumal St.
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The Leaders or Mayoral Candidates
The drastic changes in party popularity and unprecedented low voter turnout countrywide,
require cross-referencing with the appeal of the Parties’ leadership to the electorate at the
national and local levels. It is important therefore, to discuss the performance of candidates
particularly those selected/elected to lead, namely those elected to candidacy for the Office
of Mayor. Table 7 demonstrates elected Mayors by Municipality and year of election for
four consecutive Municipal Elections. The names highlighted with an asterisk, represent
Mayors who topped the polls for their respective political parties.

Invariably most of the mayoral candidates did not top the polls for the four elections
demonstrated in Table 7. In 1999, the first election of Mayor for the Belize City Council,
neither the winning candidate David Fonseca, nor the losing candidate Anthony “Boots”
Martinez, topped the polls for their respective political parties. In 2000 only 3 (18.7%) of
16 candidates for the Office of Mayor topped the polls. These were Cassian Nunez and
Anthony Channona as winning PUP candidates who topped the polls in Dangriga Town and
the City of Belmopan respectively (Table 7). Also the mayoral candidate for the UDP in
Punta Gorda, Benjamin Westby, topped the polls for his party, but lost the election to
Anthony Westby, the PUP candidate.

Some progress was realized for the 2003 Municipal Elections, as 5 of 9 winning Mayors
topped the polls. These were: David Fonseca and Anthony Channona, PUP candidates for
Belize City and City of Belmopan, respectively; Cassian Nunez (PUP) for Dangriga, Mario
Narvaez (PUP) for Corozal Town, and Said Badi Guerra (UDP) with 12 votes from Benque
Viejo del Carmen. The next two Municipal Elections 2006 and 2009 saw a decline, with
only 2 and 3 respectively, of the successful mayoral candidates topping the polls for their
respective political parties. For 2006, these were Frank “Papa” Mena for the UDP in
67


Dangriga, and Elsa Paz for the UDP in San Pedro Ambergris Caye, both with small margins
of 5 votes each. Although Carlos “Obeah” Galvez (PUP) of Punta Gorda and Alfonso
Cruz, Jr. (UDP) of San Ignacio/Santa Elena won the Mayoral Office sought, they did not
top the polls for their respective political parties. In the case of Punta Gorda, Galvez
received the least amount of votes for his political party.

Table 7
Vote Topping Elected Mayors by Election Year

Municipality 1999/2000 2003 2006 2009
Corozal Mario Narvaez * Mario Narvaez Hilberto Campos Hilberto
Campos
Orange Reynaldo Burgos Henry Castillo Ravell Gonzalez Phillip de la
Walk Fuenta
San Ignacio Orlando Habet Alfonso Cruz Jr. John August John August
Benque Gerardo M. Sosa * Said “Badi” Gerardo M. Sosa * Nicolasito
Viejo Guerra Ruiz
San Pedro Alberto “Beto” Elsa Paz * Elsa Paz * Elsa Paz
Nunez
Dangriga * Cassian Nunez * Cassian Nunez * Frank “Papa” Aaron
Mena Gongora
Punta Gorda Anthony L. Carlos “Obeah” Carlos “Obeah” Floyd Lino
Westby Galvez Galvez
Belmopan * Anthony * Anthony Simeon Lopez * Simeon
Channona Channona Lopez
Belize City David Fonseca * David Fonseca Zenaida Moya Zenaida Moya
Source: 2006 & 2009—www.elections.gov.bz; 2003— www.belize-elections.org
Source: 1999/2000—reference Tables 1 & 2
1999—Belize City only
* Mayors who topped polls

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For 2009, the three Mayors who topped the polls were Elsa Paz, Nicolasito Ruiz and
Simeon Lopez, all UDP Mayors. The following are other observations for the 2009
Municipal Elections:
 Belmopan: PUP mayoral candidate acquired more votes than the VIP mayoral
candidate
 San Ignacio/Santa Elena: Independent mayoral candidate garnered more votes than
the PUP mayoral candidate
 Mayors for Belize City, San Ignacio/Santa Elena received far less votes than
Councilors in their party
 Belize City Mayor received the least amount of votes within the UDP
The data have indicated that the choices for mayoral candidates by the political parties
including the VIP were invariably not the choice of the Voters. This can be attributed not
only to choices at the local level for candidacy, but also by the persuasive influences of the
national leadership of the major political parties in the selection of candidates (Palacio,
1993).

Looking at Belize City
There are 10 electoral divisions or constituencies in Belize City, and for the 2009 Municipal
Elections statistics on voter participation by electoral division were downloaded from the
official website for the Elections and Boundaries Department, www.elections.gov.bz. The
data were further tallied and analyzed to obtain political party popularity for this study.
Table 8 displays political party popularity by electoral division, and includes voter turnout
for purposes of clarity, with footnotes to emphasize the limitations of various data provided.
At the time of analyzing this data (March 23, 2009), updates on the official website for
voter turnout for various constituencies still did not reflect the end of the polling hour.

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Five of the ten electoral divisions show high political party popularity of over 60% and are
listed below, in descending order of political party popularity (Table 8).
 Mesopotamia (83.6%) UDP
 Port Loyola (76%) UDP
 Queens Square (75%) UDP
 Collet (70.84%) UDP
 Fort George (61.77%) PUP
Four of the five constituencies were won by the UDP and three of the four garnered overall
voter turnout of a little over 30%. Mesopotamia was the highest at 46.26%, and had the
second largest voter participation.

For the PUP, Fort George was the only electoral division (61.77%) among the top 5
identified above, followed by Albert Division with 52.44% party popularity. While Fort
George overwhelmingly won all polling areas of the constituency for the PUP, Albert
Division lost one polling area (#16) out of three polling areas, to garner a little over 50% for
the PUP popularity vote. The PUP in the Lake Independence electoral division garnered
equal number of votes as the UDP, and therefore both Parties obtained a draw (50%-50%);
with the UDP winning polling area #17B and the PUP victorious in polling area #17.

The UDP won the popularity contest in 7 out of 10 electoral divisions and overwhelmingly
in four of the 7 as highlighted above. The popularity in Freetown (52.3%), Caribbean
Shores 53.5%) and Pickstock (55.6%) were not so overwhelming, but it IS a win. Also
Pickstock demonstrated the lowest in voter turnout of approximately less than 25%, and so
did Port Loyola (Table 8). On another table on the official website that shows the results of

70


voter turnout for all the municipalities, Belize City had an average of 42.1% voter turnout
(Appendix i)).

Cecil Reneau (PUP) lost to Zenaida Moya (UDP) for the Mayor’s Office sought, by
approximately 2700 votes or approximately 400 Electors, but he led his party in almost all
the electoral divisions for the PUP. Reneau performed well relative to his opponent Moya,
as he is a political novice, against Moya the incumbent. Also Reneau and his team had
approximately 6 weeks of campaign time, relative to Moya’s three years in office. The
convening of conventions to endorse candidates in the face of the election was not a good
approach employed by the PUP. Moya received the least votes for the UDP and
approximately 300 votes less than the vote topper, Eric Chang.

Table 8
BELIZE CITY MINICIPAL ELECTIONS 2009
Political Party Popularity by Constituency

Electoral % Party Popularity Voter
Division UDP PUP Turnout
Freetown 52.3 47.7 48.5
Caribbean Shores 53.5 46.5 46.14
Pickstock 55.6 44.4 23.81
Fort George 38.23 61.77 31.91
Albert 47.56 52.44 33.62
Queens Square 75.0 25.0 38.29
Mesopotamia 83.6 16.4 46.26
Lake Independence 50.0 50.0 33.78
Collet 70.84 29.16 33.74
Port Loyola 76.0 24.0 30.01
Source: www.elections.gov.bz

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Eric Chang is not the first person of the Asian ethnic group to compete in Belize’s elections.
In 1954, the first election after universal adult suffrage, Jose Leon Chin won the Corozal
constituency for the PUP-GWU with 63.2% of the political party’s popularity vote (Palacio,
1993). Chin went on to contest the General Elections in 1957 under the HIP banner and
lost to Santiago Ricalde, receiving only 15.3% of the popular vote (Palacio, 1993). Mr. Jose
Leon Chin may have been the first, but subsequently others have competed. For example,
Paul Mahung topped the polls in the Punta Gorda Town Board Elections in 1981 for the
PUP (Palacio, 1999). A telephone conversation with Mr. Mahung6 not only confirmed the
election outcome, but that he identifies ethnically with his father. Lastly, as current as 2007,
Johnny Chee competed in the UDP convention for standard bearer in the Stann Creek West
Division, but lost the convention bid.

The 2000 Census Report places the Chinese population at approximately 0.8%. But
subsequent to this Report, the Chinese community has grown by leaps and bounds and
persons of Chinese descent are ubiquitous, particularly in Belize City. The Chinese
community exhibits all the symbols of being an ethnic group (Palacio, 1995). Generally,
its members have refrained from participating as party political candidates, and their
contributions are mainly as small to medium dry goods businesses and restaurant owners.
In Belize City, they have aggressively taken over the neighbourhood grocery stores, thereby
changing this Belizean culture in physical appearances and processes of conducting
business. Some of these stores also double as fast food (fried chicken) shops and oftentimes
as residences. These are located in every electoral division of Belize City since the last
decade, and have impacted greatly on the daily lives of Belizeans.

6
Paul Mahung’s father came from mainland China
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Table 9
BELIZE CITY MINICIPAL ELECTIONS 2009
UDP Vote Toppers by Constituency

Electoral Division Chang Espejo Esquivel
Freetown 941 901 924
Caribbean Shores 1356 1356 1355
Pickstock 587 579 593
Fort George 495 477 485
Albert 551 550 490
Queens Square 1252 1237 1244
Mesopotamia 1210 1217 1225
Lake Independence 971 969 963
Collet 1153 1144 1142
Port Loyola 1081 1089 1090
Source: www.elections.gov.bz

While Eric Chang is not the first Chinese to contest elections in Belize, he may be the first
Chinese to do so in the largest metropolis, Belize City, which overtly consists of businesses
that are Chinese owned and managed. However, Eric Chang as a relatively “new”7
Belizean, and a political novice topped the polls for the UDP with a popularity vote that
surpassed that of the incumbent Mayor. In fact, Table 8 shows that Chang dominated 7 out
of 10 constituencies in topping the polls in these constituencies for the UDP. Although by a
small margin, he out-rightly won for the UDP the following electoral divisions of Belize
City: Freetown, Fort George, Albert, Queens Square, Lake Independence, and Collet.
Along with these six, Chang tied Caribbean Shores with another UDP candidate, Roger
Espejo. Eric Chang’s vote-topping may be no political accident, and may phenomenally
represent an ethnic vote in Belize City. The Chinese community came out to vote. The
participation of this single group, in an election that most other Belizeans “sat-out”, is

7
“New” relative to “Old” families resident 60+ years, e.g. Mahung, Mak, Liu, Wong K, Chee, Chin
73


momentous. This vote may also have a significant impact in the future. What does it say
for Belize and political leadership in the future? Will this start a trend in ethnic voting and
if so, what will be its effect on Belize? These questions are urban anthropological in nature
and is worth researching if only for purposes of planning and policy in the future.

2009--Reporting of the Election Results
Information Communication Technology (ICT) has made communication of information
more effective and efficient via e-mails, telephones and websites, to name a few techniques
now utilized in Belize. Election results are important. Its timely communication
contributes to the concept of a free and fair election; and plays a vital factor in the practice
of good governance principles. More importantly, the information communicated must be
accurate and valid, and where there are errors, these are to be communicated in a transparent
and timely manner. The concepts emanating, namely, “timely, accuracy, valid,
transparent” are all principles of good governance as defined earlier in the document. It is
in this light that the following data are identified and examined. As mentioned in the
“Introduction”, there are important institutions mandated to report on and/or monitor
election outcomes. These are the Elections and Boundaries Department (Department) as the
arm of government responsible for election management, the Media which are deemed as
important in communicating valid, accurate information for the common good of the public;
and the Political Parties as direct participants in representing candidates.

On Thursday March 5, 2009, approximately 24 hours after the close of polls, the data on the
official website www.elections.gov.bz which publicized the outcome of the hourly count,
had not been updated to reflect the actual election outcomes at the close of polls for most of

74


Belize City (6 out of 10 Constituencies), Belmopan City, and 3 out of 7 Towns. A random
verification of the hourly count posted was conducted as a safeguard for data validity in this
study. The test revealed that Orange Walk Town was grossly overstated in voter turnout,
and already the Town was being touted in the Media as having the highest voter turnout,
and stood out over all other Municipalities. The overstatement resulted from a possible
mis-type for polling area #54 (La Immaculada R. C. School), which showed a voter turnout
of 112.60%. While Orange Walk Town was overstated the other Municipalities were
understated for reasons explained above and therefore indeed Orange Walk appeared to
stand out tremendously. For no other reason, but for the unusual performance, the data
should have been verified by the users of the information, specifically the Media. The error
was brought to the attention of at least one Media house early March 6, 2009 during the
morning Talk Shows. The Department corrected the error on the official website in its
update later that day on March 6, 2009 by over-writing the previous postings, but did not
elucidate the modifications.

Needless to say, the Media that utilized voter turnout in the news cast on March 5, 2009
used the wrong data as the bases for their viewpoints. It continued for the next two
mornings (March 5 & 6, 2009), on the Talk Shows both by Hosts and Callers. Channels 5
and 7 who are among the major news media houses in Belize, communicated the incomplete
and/or inaccurate data on Thursday, March 5, 2009 as “gazette”. In the case of Channel 5,
this was repeated on Friday March 6, 2009. Not only was the wrong data quoted with
confidence, but by so doing, gave unjustified perspectives. For example, Channel 7 on the
March 5 2009 evening news, some 2 days after the close of polls, determined a national
average of 48.71% and further offered the explanation quoted below that it was:

75


“…low but not altogether anomalous as a review of past municipals show
that voter turnout averaging just over 50%, except in aberrant years like
2003 when there were two elections in one.”

Channel 7’s news item continued that:
“The lowest turnout was recorded in Belize City with 36.8% turnout and
the highest in Orange Walk Town with 72.9% turnout followed closely by
Benque at 71.9%.”

Channel 5 on March 6, 2009 evening news said in the opening statement that:
“The official statistics are saying that the voter turnout in Wednesday’s
elections was within average, forty-eight percent. In Belize City, however,
it was lower than in 2006, in fact by seventeen percent.”

Based on the findings in this study, several misinformation and misconceptions emerged in
the statement above by Channel 7 on March 5, 2009, four of which are highlighted below:
1. all the percentages of voter turnout quoted are incorrect
2. “just over 50%” voter turnout was never been the norm
3. voter turnout in 2009 IS altogether anomalous, and is
unprecedented
4. national average comparisons can only be from 2003

The Department as is its legal responsibility, had posted the results on the official website
by the evening of March 6, 2009, some two days after the election. But Channel 5
continued to repeat similar wrong information as Channel 7, even after two days had lapsed,
and with modifications posted by the Department. Not only were the percentages wrong,
but qualifying it as “within average” was grossly inaccurate. It is apparent, therefore that
the Media may not have exercised due diligence in their “review of past municipals”, in
sourcing and/or monitoring the accuracy and validity of data before communicating such to
its trusting public.
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Four other observations are worthy of mentioning regarding the data posted by the Elections
and Boundaries Department and are bulleted as follows:
 The modifications on the official website were observed between March 6, 2009 and
March 25, 2009—2 days to 3 weeks after the 2009 election
 Updates to the website---a) one modification was made to the voter turnout for
Belize City and went from 43.90% to 42.10%; b) two modifications were made to
the voter turnout for San Ignacio/Santa Elena on separate dates, and voter turnout
changed from 22.85% to 42.41% to 54.29%; Corozal from 63.35%8
 All voter turnout are slightly overstated for each Municipality due to incorrect
divisors9 used (Appendix i)
 Miscalculation of ballots cast for Belize City, Belmopan, Corozal, and Dangriga

As offered in the section on “Definitions”, the calculation of the percentage of voter turnout
is the total number of ballots cast divided by total number of registered voters. Ballots cast
in the case of Municipal Elections represent voters who came to vote—one ballot cast, one
voter. The official results on the official website continuously utilized “ballots used”
instead of “ballots cast” as its divisor in calculating voter turnout. This is inaccurate, as
there are “spoilt ballots” in every case that needs to be deducted from “ballots used” to
obtain “ballots cast”. Doing otherwise is overstating the number of Voters who came to
vote, and may be diverting from the definition of “ballots cast” as per the ROPA. While the
errors may be an oversight by the Department, these are highlighted in this paper for
reasons of transparency and accountability, and also because these are widely publicized
officially, and on the World Wide Web no less.

8
No warnings indicating date of modification and reasons, e.g. a flash as a guide to data users
9
Divisor used was # of ballots used instead of # of ballots cast up to March 25, 2009
77


The overstatements range from 0.7% to 0.60% and may appear somewhat inconsequential
because the number of spoilt ballots is traditionally small (Appendix i). Had it been larger,
the voter turnout could have been grossly miscalculated by the Department. The
inaccuracies, no matter the amount are significant as it clouds the perception of data
integrity and validity of information resulting from such data. It needs to be highlighted for
reasons of transparency, not because the errors occurred, but more that it happened so
consistently, went unnoticed on the Official Website some three weeks after the close of
polls, and that modifications were not highlighted for clarity.

78


PART 3

CONCLUSION

Summary
Most of us have at the back of our minds an awareness of socio-political and socio-cultural
profile of Belize; but this awareness is primarily based on innate feelings. In a rapidly
growing state, such as Belize, such gut reactions have its limitations. This study is a
contribution to ongoing academic research on Belize. ICT was the method employed to
economically distribute the first draft to a broad public of Belizeans and students on Belize.
A wide dissemination is also one way of bestowing thanks on “giving” community
members, most of whom are always willing to share their information. Election is a vital
tool in our democracy, not only because it is the primary means of participation, but also
that the outcome affects all aspects of people’s lives, such as the dispensing of scarce
resources, jobs, housing, land; are all tied directly to the political system. Things elections
in Belize appear simple and straightforward on the surface, but when one delves further, the
complexities become obvious; as is highlighted in this study.

The much awaited Municipal Elections of 2009 have come and gone, and while the number
of seats remain the same as in 2006 (64 for UDP, 3 for PUP); the political circumstances
have altered to some extent. For the opposition PUP, whatever little municipal power
79


gained, is now concentrated in one municipality of the country. Orange Walk Town10 is the
home and part constituency (polling areas #54 & #53) of the newly elected PUP Leader.
The PUP garnered 3 seats in the Orange Walk Town Council; nearly, but not enough votes
to win the Town. Compounded by the marginal feat of the constituencies manned by the
two Deputy Party Leaders in the Belize City Council Elections, 2009 did not augur well for
the PUP. The UDP on the other hand, has obtained absolute power, having consolidated
authority over all 9 municipalities and maintaining super-majority in the House of
Representatives. At the same time, the political parties have lost their appeal to the
electorate. They sat-out the election at a deafening rate by not turning out to vote, and
those who voted, resoundingly avoided the leaders (Mayoral candidates) imposed by the
political parties on the ballots. The former that of lowest voter turnout is unprecedented, but
the latter (choice of candidates) is like a canker that has gone unnoticed for too long.

The study made the case that transparency and accountability are much touted principles of
good governance which are also vital in our democracies. Further, the research has
identified three institutions that are considered to be an indispensable element in a
democracy, and should be cognizant of practicing good governance principles. The
11
constant modifications by the Department were not arranged in a transparent manner and
while it is human to err, transparency allows for clear communication of the error and the
modification. That this was not done in a timely manner is what is highlighted in this paper.

10
PUP won #’s 53 &54 with popularity of approximately 54%, but lost #’s 60 & 55 (46% & 39%)
11
Cursory check of the official website on April 14, 2009 identified another modification: Voter turnout was
corrected to reflect the accurate data as highlighted in “Glessima” column in Appendix i, except for slight
errors in ballots cast for Corozal and Dangriga. No changes will be made to the paper at this late time &
readers are asked to utilize Appendix i for the “new” Official Voter turnout as at April 14, 2009—e.g. Belize
City now shows a voter turnout of 41.94%, instead of 42.1%. It does not affect the substance of this study.
80


Both News and Talk Show Media enjoy a fiduciary relationship with its public, who rely on
the Media organizations for news and other information. This study has shown that the
Media misrepresented the facts and downplayed the outcome of the 2009 elections with
statements such as, “altogether anomalous” and “within average”. Whether this was
deliberate or not is outside the scope of this paper; but it warrants sharing the following
observations by other journalists.

Firstly, Richard Merrill in his usual “Commentary” on Love FM sometime in February
2009 advised the Media to apply the four-way Rotary test. Secondly, G. Mike Reid on July
20, 2008 and Kwesi Pandy on the same date critiqued the Belize Media in separate
newspapers. Reid’s article in The Belize Times entitled, “The Colour of Journalism in
Belize”, offered that:
“…true journalism …draws a distinction between the reporting of facts and
the expression of opinions. In Belize, the line seems almost non-existent
and it is often quite difficult to figure whether we are getting facts or
opinion.”

Kwesi Pandy’s article in The Reporter of the abovementioned date was entitled “Talk for
Show” where he offered that:
“…If the shows are supposed to educate us then why are they, very often,
limited to the opinions of the hosts?”

Pandy continues that he,
“…does not see enough or rather hear enough opinion substantiated by
statistics, research, or expert guests. What is fact and what is fiction? The
lines are blurred badly….”

Both newspaper articles speak about a Belize Media that distorts facts or don’t encourage
the presentation of facts, and coupled with the findings in this study, it appears that the
Belize Media may be hindering the values of transparency and accountability while

81


appearing to serve those values. Various Talk Shows touted that Chan was the first Chinese
to contest elections, and Media colleagues were unaware or overlooked that one of their
own, Paul Mahung was a vote-topper for the 1981 Town Board Elections in Punta Gorda,
and identifies as Chinese.

Lastly, the third institution is the political party and all political parties have been quiet on
the invalid data issue. Two inferences can be drawn from the silence—lack of awareness or
perceive the issue as trivial; and the general reaction during an election aftermath. The
political culture as has been observed before is that the winners are rejoicing and the losers
have yet to fully recover. Generally, there is a tacit understanding among Voters that the
two major political parties are still the vehicles to election success.

Trends
The following bullet points highlight particular myths dispelled in this research and various
trends in Municipal Elections.
 Electoral reform implemented through the Town and City Councils Acts regularized
election dates, allowed for election of Mayor, and one Municipal Election
 Voter turnout for Town Boards and Town Councils have traditionally and
consistently been high—well above 50%
 Back-to-back election was the norm until 2003
 Wide shift of electorate is based largely on the burning issues for a particular period
 Dangriga Town traditionally has lower voter turnout compared with San Pedro
Ambergris Caye and Benque Viejo
 Belize’s Media misrepresented facts, and downplayed election outcomes
 Introduction of an ethnic vote in Belize’s political culture coined political
ethnicization
 Official results of voter turnout posted on the World Wide Web were inaccurate with
numerous modifications without transparency
 Belizeans of Chinese descent have been participating in Belize’s election since 1954

82


 Women’s participation at the level of candidacy traditionally small in number, but a
higher voting consciousness
 Women’s participation in 2009 appealed to voters
 Most Mayoral candidates presented on the ballot do not appeal to voters
 Candidates are selected by political parties by way of their own processes—a
powerful task, but there is no legal framework to regulate political parties
 The combined Municipal Elections have started a trend of the winner-take-all which
leaves a power imbalance

Election Phenomena
This election also had its share of rare occurrences, most notably having to do with voter
turnout or lack of it. Voter turnout is voter participation at the polls and to a great extent
communicates voter attitude. This IS the post-election issue for any political aspirant.
Although the study compared and analysed the statistics about political party and leadership
popularity, a “sit-out” by voters in each and every Municipality is the most crucial
information. Voter turnout was an unprecedented low for each of the 9 Municipalities.
Belize City, the largest municipality has a Council that was voted in by less than 50% of the
eligible electorate, and obtained the lowest turnout for the entire country. The last case of a
minority vote occurred some 13 years ago, in 1996, and also for Belize City. The
possibility of the introduction of political ethnicization, is worth further research, as its
practice may have far reaching effects in the near future.

The super-majority in the House of Representatives of 25 out of 31 seats garnered by the
UDP at the polls in 2008, is not the first for either of the major political parties in post-
independent Belize. Table 1 demonstrates that UDP in 1984 also obtained super-majority
with 21 out of 28 seats or 75%. Similarly, the PUP in 1998 won 26 out of 29 seats or
89.7%; and in 2003, 22 out of 29 seats or 75.8%) in the House of Representatives. In 2003,

83


the PUP’s super-majority was short-lived as the outcome of a by-election to replace a
deceased member in the Cayo South constituency was garnered by the UDP, taking away
the three-fourths majority from the PUP. The difference with the circumstances in 2009 is
that at those times the process of garnering super-majority in the House and management of
all municipalities was gradual, but in 2009 it happened all at the same time. This is an
outcome of the winner-takes-all trend of the now combined Municipal Elections. Things
elections in Belize only appear simple!

84


REFERENCES CITED

Bernard, H. Russell. 1994. Research Methods in Anthropology: Qualitative and
Quantitative Approaches. Sage Publications.

“…But Voter Turnout was only 52 Percent.” March 5, 2009. www.channel5belize.com.

Government of Belize. 2000. The ROPA Chapt. 9. Revised 2000.

Hill, Patricia. 1990. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge Consciousness and the
Politics of Empowerment. Unwin Hyman.

“NGO’s Sets Up Trust Fund. July 11, 1993. The People’s Pulse. Pg. 7.

“Landslide Victory for UDP in Municipal Elections.” March 5, March 2009.
www.7newsbelize.com.

Palacio, I. Myrtle. 1990. “A Socio-Economic Profile of Belize City.” SPEAReport
6. Belize: Cubola.

-----. 1991. “Belize City Council Elections: Who is Participating.”
SPEAReport 7. Belize: Cubola.

-----. 1993. Who and What in Belizean Elections, 1954 -1993. Belize: Glessima
Research and Services Ltd.

-----. 1995. “Redefining Ethnicity: The Experiences of the Garifuna and Creole in
Post-independence Belize.” Thesis. University of New Orleans.

-----. 1999. Selecting Our Leaders Past and Present. Belize: Government of Belize

-----. 2003. “Report on General and Municipal Elections, held March 2003”

-----. 2005. “The Election Management Body: Belize’s Experience in Post-
Independence.” Paper presented at the Conference “Improving the Quality of Election
Management. New Delhi, India February 24, 2005.

-----. 2007. “Annual Report April 2006 to March 2007—Office of Governance,
85


Government of Belize”. Belize: Government of Belize.

Pandy, Kwesi. 2008. “Talk For Show.” The Reporter. 20 July 2008

Reid, Mike G. “The Colour of Journalism in Belize.” The Belize Times. 20 July 2008

“Registration Drama in Orange Walk”. July 11, 1993. The People’s Pulse. Pg. 4.

“SPEAR Gives Independent Assessment of Elections.” March , 2009.
www.channel5belize.com.

“The Blue Tsunami”. October 22, 2010. www.belizetimes.bz

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Appendix i
MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS 2009
Voter Turnout Variances in *Official and Actual Data

Municipality *Official Glessima’s Variance
Data Calculation
Belize City 42.10 41.94 .16
Belmopan 51.46 51.29 .17
Corozal 63.57 63.31 .26
Orange Walk 66.86 66.26 .60
San Pedro Ambergris 61.34 61.06 .28
Benque 66.41 66.30 .11
San Ignacio/Santa Elena 54.29 54.22 .07
Dangriga 51.23 50.98 .25
Punta Gorda 58.59 58.43 .16
National Average 57.32 57.09 --
Source: 2006 & 2009—website www.elections.gov.bz on March 25, 2009
*2009 slightly overstated due to wrong calculations & wrong divisor used
Website modifications between March 6 and March 25, 2009:
1. Belize City changed from 43.90% to 42.10%
2. San Ignacio changed from 22.85% to 42.41% to 54.29%

87

Review of Municipal Elections in Post-independent Belize

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