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AAG_2015_nboyde
1. Mapping Upward Mobility for Residents of a
Mixed-Income Housing Project in Salishan,
WA
Natasha Boyde, Master’s Program
Dr. Deborah Thien (Chair), Geography Dept.
April 24, 2015
2.
3. ~800 households
-Market rate + low income + apartments
-75% of population under 18 years old
-Median Household income
<14,000 annually
-WorkSource office, health clinic,
Housing Authority office
STUDY SITE: SALISHAN
4. -Negative effects of typical income-based
housing design;
“stuck in place” (Sharkey 2013)
-Shift toward Income Integration design
Little evaluation of results
(Brophy and Smith 1997; Schwartz and Tajbaksh 1997)
-Measuring housing satisfaction:
-access to essentials
-sense of community
-acceptance of neighbors; ”people here are like me”
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Cabrini Green, Chicago,
Ill.
5. 1) Do Salishan residents feel they have access to
the resources they need to move up and out of
poverty?
a) Is development of social network(s) an important
resource to enhancing mobility?
2) Can ethnographic and mental map methods
reveal one’s personal geography and map of
resources?
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
6. 1) Despite theorized benefits of Mixed-Income
housing,
the experience of residents say otherwise.
2) Qualitative methods capture that experience, and
help to evaluate housing policy design.
Goal: to demonstrate that participatory mapping
methods can get at new kinds of data on
identity, socio-spatial, and socio-political
contexts within a city.
ARGUMENT AND PURPOSE
7. Mixed Income: housing policies that integrate units
affordable to multiple income levels within a
development site
(Schwartz 2010)
Mental maps: hand-drawn maps that represent
how a place is perceived and lived by an individual
or collective group
(Dictionary of Human Geography 2009)
Ethnographic Interviews: interviews + immersion
into culture
(Briggs 2011)
KEY TERMS/CONCEPTS
8. 1 hour Mental Map Interview
Recruit homeowners and renters
Audio-record interviews
Transcribe and code interviews
METHOD: THE MENTAL MAP
INTERVIEW
Den Besten (2010)
9. The Analytics (Gieseking 2013)
-Resources identified/knowledge of
-Social network and identity
-Upward Mobility
-Program Experience
-Feelings ‘empowered’ or ‘downtrodden’
Mapping + interview = substantial data that
inform policy
Project is not working, but explanations are not
simple
ANALYZING RESULTS
12. Less visual, more analytic
Little social interaction between housing and
homeowners
Vast differences among just 6 participants
-nomenclature
-knowledge of resources
-family/financial history
Experience in the project
Impressions, perceptions of the Housing Authority
PRELIMINARY FINDINGS
13. “The resources here in Salishan might give people what they
need to live a good life, but no one’s probably ever heard of
them” (Nicole).
“Aside from those three resources I don’t really know of any
programs for residents in general. I think they did used to
have some, but if there are or there were most people don’t
know where the locations are. There might be more
resources around here but people just don’t know how to
get to them. […] they don’t advertise enough. They do have
newsletters sometimes that come in the mail. I read through
it but it’s nothing helpful. There’s nothing that’s going to
apply to me or anything.” (Breanna)
PRELIMINARY FINDINGS
14. “I see it as this: some people feel torn, some people feel
that if they got a good job they would go someplace else,
but then if they live somewhere else they’ll have to pay
more in rent and everything else. In the end they’ll probably
just stay here because it’s easier to make payments. Once
you move out it’s not just rent that goes up, everything is
more expensive. It’s a lot! A car, transit…especially if you
don’t have a lot of bills now and then you move out there
are just tons more bills. Maybe a mortgage. There’s just
more bills. I think a lot of them feel obligated to stay here
because you can get kind of trapped.” (Breanna)
PRELIMINARY FINDINGS
15. “I help the neighbors keep track of their kids. When you have
nothing better to do like work then you tend to get to know your
neighborhood more and what your kids are experiencing every
day. In the neighborhood I’m another community member that a
lot of the kids and parents come to, because I have useful
resources and I am connected to a lot.” (Nicole)
“When one does get a job and the other doesn’t it’s easy to
blame. Instead of taking personal responsibility and doing the
work to get a job, they just say things like ‘oh well she didn’t
deserve that’. It’s just a defense thing. If you’re in a position
where you don’t feel safe or good enough you build a tough shell
that keeps you safe and keeps you feeling like you’re good
enough – sadly at the expense of other people
sometimes…there’s a lot of resentment and it’s a barrier to
building the community. You know, we can’t focus, we just have
to love those people regardless and not try to get caught up in all
of that.” (Becca)
“Because we’re not all that comfortable here we’re striving for
better. Even if it’s just wanting to get out of this neighborhood,
there’s something inside people here that they want things and
PRELIMINARY FINDINGS
16. KEY REFERENCES
Axhausen, K.W. “Social Networks, Mobility Biographies, and Travel: Survey
Challenges.” Environment and Planning B, Planning and Design, Vol. 35
(2008): 981-996.
Briggs, Daniel. “Emotions, Ethnography and Crack Cocaine Users.”
Emotions, Space and Society, (2011)
Brophy, Paul C. and Rhonda N. Smith. “Mixed-Income Housing: Factors for
Success.” Cityscape: A Journal of Policy Development and Research, Vol. 3
No. 2 (1997): 3-31.
Gieseking, Jack Jen. “Where We Go From Here: The Mental Sketch Mapping
Method and Its Analytic Components.” Qualitative Inquiry, 19(9) (2013):
712-724.
Gillespie, Carol Ann. “How Culture Constructs Our Sense of Neighborhood:
Mental Maps and Children’s Perceptions of Place.” Journal of Geography,
109 (2010): 18-29.
Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1960.
Schwartz, Alex F. Housing Policy in the United States. New York: Routledge,
2010.
TOP REFERENCES
Notes de l'éditeur
A qualitative research method --- resources and experience of Salishan residents
*I propose to examine access to these new resources as well as social relationships and program experience in Salishan through qualitative research methods*
Public Housing is typically associated with images of high-rise, high-density buildings that are concentrated with poverty, crime, unemployment and more. What’s happened with traditional housing projects is they concentrate a population of low-income individuals, and this concentration intensifies over time. Business flee, services, and residents flee when they get the chance because this area is undesirable. Eventually low-income residents become “stuck in place”, as Patrick Sharkey argues.
**In response there’s been a shift toward Income-Integration. This is where Mixed-Income Housing stems from, and the idea is that individuals can move up in social & financial class because they have more interaction with people in a higher class than them. This diversity results in a wider social network, connections to people, and connections to jobs that are outside of a low-income society. But there have been few studies evaluating the results of MI.
**A final point is measuring home satisfaction—what makes an individual happy with their home? Research has founds these factors to be important:
-access to essentials (employment, services, entertainment, transportation)
-sense of community—people must identify a common identity of their surrounding neighborhood, and feel that they have a place in it.
-for this to happen, one must be accepting of their neighbors. This is a crucial factor in mixed-income housing. For the benefits of diversity among classes, one must accept that their neighbors and neighborhood come from a different class than them. One must feel that “people here are like me” to be happy with their home.
In addition to concentrating poverty, the locations of public housing projects are visibly different from other neighborhoods based on the quality of housing, and by extension, the character of residents. Poor quality of life is dubbed as the neighborhood character and a negative identity is inscribed on the housing project and its residents (Davila 2004). See also Airey.
empirical
method
1) empirical. Theorize. because policy-makers are not getting the kinds of data I’ve captured through qualitative methods. THUS (second arg)
2) method –tool
Not understood by policy-makers
Not obtained elsewhere
Future. Holistic. Eval & Follow-up
Fem G./Partmethods: hand drawn maps can provide insight into people's spatial relationships to each other, socio-political contexts, and identity of the city.
Facilitate Upward Mobility
QR=ETHN & MM
ETHN - intense observation daily life & routine. understand natural setting, context of subjective maps. socio-cultural
Ethnography and part observation– reflexivity
These maps are drawn with intent and instructions to relate specifically to physical geography BUT, within these maps are deep-rooted experiences of a person in a particular space that relate to their place in the socio-economic context of Salesman and Tacoma as a city, AND their interviews elaborate on these experiences and help a researcher uncover social and economic hierarchies in a spatial frame.
Kevin Lynch established the mental map method in his work “The Image of the City” published in 1960. In his study, Lynch had residents of major cities in the US draw maps of their urban environment. He categorized objects in the maps drawn into paths, edges, nodes, landmarks, and boundaries. The purpose of this work was to find how one navigates a city and comprehends geographical information. Throughout our lives each of us is constantly learning new geographic information and adding it to our personal, mental database. MM are a way to capture that information.
Since Lynch’s work, MM have been applied to research studying many concepts. Gieseking uses MM to uncover how one interacts with social norms. Coulton uses the method to evaluate targeted safety policy in a neighborhood. Fahy and O’Kennedy use mental maps in the UK to identify a neighborhood’s collective threats, values, assets, and identity.
MM can be used to study individual and/or communal information. Results yield detailed information that is often not available elsewhere. MM also reveal how one quantifies the space around them and objects within it, thus strengthening my argument that MM help identify resources that people actually use in Salishan.
**In all of these studies, interviewing is common component to the research done. Interviewing is a virtually necessary component because maps cannot be fully understood without them. EXAMPLES
**Interviewing allows a researching to correctly interpret drawn maps, and understand what it is the drawer is trying to convey. *Add’l ETHN allows one to reflexively interpret maps because the researcher is exposed to the socio-cultural lives of the drawers.
In the field: The woes of recruitment & consent forms,,,, 6 adults only, recipients of housing
-sample map exercise directions: draw me a picture of Salishan. Show the important place and people someone should know if they were to move here. Draw where you go to meetings or get important resources you need
-sample interview questions asked: tell me what you drew here. Where are your boundaries of Salishan? What are the important locations you marked? Do you feel like you have better access to good resources now that you live in Salishan? Do you think the services and resources you can get here will help you move up and out of the housing program?
Interpreting, coding, analyzing
Sam Dennis, Claudia Coulton, Olga den Besten, Tine Beneker, Jack Gieseking, Fahy & O’Cinneide, David Lynch.
Sketch maps, mental maps, PGIS, workshops
Interpreting, coding, analyzing
Technically same SES – vastly different experiences.
“homes” vs. “Housing”/“Homeowners” vs. “renters”.
Family/financial bkgd
Nonetheless, the content obtained from mapping and interviews is much more substantial data than otherwise available (i.e. through census or THA surveys).
Generally speaking, the results of this project find that the housing project is mostly not working for residents. However the data obtained ALSO show that explanations for why it isn’t working are very complex and differ case-by-case.
These preliminary findings strengthen the methodological argument of this thesis: that qualitative methods capture experiential data that are unique/valuable, and useful to evaluate housing policy design.
Technically same SES – vastly different experiences.
“homes” vs. “Housing”/“Homeowners” vs. “renters”.
Family/financial bkgd
Nonetheless, the content obtained from mapping and interviews is much more substantial data than otherwise available (i.e. through census or THA surveys).
Generally speaking, the results of this project find that the housing project is mostly not working for residents. However the data obtained ALSO show that explanations for why it isn’t working are very complex and differ case-by-case.
These preliminary findings strengthen the methodological argument of this thesis: that qualitative methods capture experiential data that are unique/valuable, and useful to evaluate housing policy design.
Technically same SES – vastly different experiences.
“homes” vs. “Housing”/“Homeowners” vs. “renters”.
Family/financial bkgd
Nonetheless, the content obtained from mapping and interviews is much more substantial data than otherwise available (i.e. through census or THA surveys).
Generally speaking, the results of this project find that the housing project is mostly not working for residents. However the data obtained ALSO show that explanations for why it isn’t working are very complex and differ case-by-case.
These preliminary findings strengthen the methodological argument of this thesis: that qualitative methods capture experiential data that are unique/valuable, and useful to evaluate housing policy design.
Technically same SES – vastly different experiences.
“homes” vs. “Housing”/“Homeowners” vs. “renters”.
Family/financial bkgd
Nonetheless, the content obtained from mapping and interviews is much more substantial data than otherwise available (i.e. through census or THA surveys).
Generally speaking, the results of this project find that the housing project is mostly not working for residents. However the data obtained ALSO show that explanations for why it isn’t working are very complex and differ case-by-case.
These preliminary findings strengthen the methodological argument of this thesis: that qualitative methods capture experiential data that are unique/valuable, and useful to evaluate housing policy design.
Technically same SES – vastly different experiences.
“homes” vs. “Housing”/“Homeowners” vs. “renters”.
Family/financial bkgd
Nonetheless, the content obtained from mapping and interviews is much more substantial data than otherwise available (i.e. through census or THA surveys).
Generally speaking, the results of this project find that the housing project is mostly not working for residents. However the data obtained ALSO show that explanations for why it isn’t working are very complex and differ case-by-case.
These preliminary findings strengthen the methodological argument of this thesis: that qualitative methods capture experiential data that are unique/valuable, and useful to evaluate housing policy design.
Technically same SES – vastly different experiences.
“homes” vs. “Housing”/“Homeowners” vs. “renters”.
Family/financial bkgd
Nonetheless, the content obtained from mapping and interviews is much more substantial data than otherwise available (i.e. through census or THA surveys).
Generally speaking, the results of this project find that the housing project is mostly not working for residents. However the data obtained ALSO show that explanations for why it isn’t working are very complex and differ case-by-case.
These preliminary findings strengthen the methodological argument of this thesis: that qualitative methods capture experiential data that are unique/valuable, and useful to evaluate housing policy design.