The head of the Lebanese Forces Party, Samir Geagea, denied all rumors and interpretations concerning his visit to Saudi Arabia and affirmed that the key purpose was to meet with the custodian of the two holy mosques, King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz [Al Saud], and get to know the new Saudi leadership.
He added, “There are rumors to the effect that my visit to Saudi Arabia was motivated by the latter’s commitment to the rapprochement underway between [Free Patriotic Movement leader] Michel Aoun and myself. This is incorrect, for it was an introductory meeting also aimed at discussing the pertinent dossiers of the Arab world as well as the latest developments in the region.” He also stressed the fact that Saudi Arabia did not interfere in Lebanese affairs.
In an interview with Al-Hayat after his meeting with the Saudi monarch in Jeddah, Samir Geagea indicated that Iran, through its proxies in Lebanon, was responsible for the country’s inability to elect a president. He said the emergence of a state in Lebanon was not at the top of Iran’s list of priorities, dominated by the need for Hezbollah to remain the key player therein — for the election of a president would contribute to the emergence of a true state and weaken Hezbollah’s role in Lebanon.
Samir Geagea also touched on the subject of the Iranian nuclear deal and the role played by Tehran in the region, affirming that Lebanon was safe from the threat of the Islamic State, which all Lebanese stood against. Geagea further talked about efforts underway to reach an agreement with the Free Patriotic Movement.
Samir Geagea about his visit to Saudi Arabia - interview
1. Samir Geagea about his visit to
Saudi Arabia - Interview
The head of the Lebanese Forces Party, Samir Geagea, denied
all rumors and interpretations concerning his visit to Saudi
Arabia and affirmed that the key purpose was to meet with the
custodian of the two holy mosques, King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz
[Al Saud], and get to know the new Saudi leadership.
2. Al-Hayat: What was the purpose of your visit to
Saudi Arabia?
• Samir Geagea: It was my honor to visit Saudi Arabia on multiple
occasions during the past five years, at a rate of once every five to
six months, depending on the political developments taking place in
the Arab world. During my previous visit, which served to offer
condolences for the passing of the custodian of the two holy
mosques, King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, I discussed with my Saudi
brothers the need to meet with the kingdom’s new leadership, and a
date was set for an official visit to also meet with King Salman.
3. Al-Hayat: What are the issues that were discussed
during your talks in Jeddah?
• Samir Geagea: We discussed all Arab issues and developments,
starting with Iraq, Syria and the events in Sinai, all the way to Yemen
and Libya. I can affirm that the meeting was an occasion to meet
the new Saudi leadership. And I hereby deny all rumors and
interpretations that circulate every time I visit the kingdom. My
previous visit last fall, when I met with the late Prince Saud al-Faisal,
was incorrectly interpreted, particularly from the context of it
coinciding with the then-proposal to extend the term of the
Lebanese parliament. Rumors spread that it was Saudi Arabia that
convinced me to accept the extension, which is incorrect.
Truth be told, we in Beirut, through the current Cabinet, did not
prepare for parliamentary elections. As a result, extending
parliament’s term became unavoidable, because failure to do so
would have created a complete power vacuum.
4. Al-Hayat: What are the issues that were discussed
during your talks in Jeddah? (cont)
At that time, we began discussions led by parliament Speaker Nabih
Berri, and we agreed that a new electoral law be drafted during said
extension period, whereby passing the law would enable us to make
ready for new elections. In fact, the extension of parliament’s term was
adopted based on that logic, and the relevant committee did meet;
yet, alas, the agreement with Speaker Berri was never fully
implemented.
I therefore ask myself: Why did the other factions start rumors claiming
that Saudi Arabia convinced me to accept the extension?
Rumormongering never ceased and continued with claims that Saudi
Arabia was keen on achieving a rapprochement between Samir
Geagea and Gen. Aoun, with that being the main purpose for my visit
to the kingdom — all of which is incorrect, for Saudi Arabia does not
meddle in internal affairs and plays no role on the domestic Lebanese
political scene.
5. Al-Hayat: Why has Lebanon been without a
president for all this time?
• Samir Geagea: The problem of Lebanon’s presidential elections lies
in Iran’s current opposition to such elections, as evidenced by the
fact that its allies are responsible for sabotaging those elections, for
two reasons. First, because the emergence of a Lebanese state is not
atop Iran’s list of priorities, which are dominated by the need for
Hezbollah to remain the key player in the country — for the election
of a president would contribute to the emergence of a true state
and weaken Hezbollah’s role in Lebanon. The second reason is that,
if Iran were to agree to presidential elections, it wants the new
president to serve Hezbollah’s interests and not the interests of the
Lebanese state. Consequently, it is disrupting the elections as a
means to exercise pressure for the choosing of a president amenable
to its needs.
6. Al-Hayat: Is there no chance for national
agreement in that regard?
• Samir Geagea: Truthfully, I see nothing new on the horizon, and the
Lebanese presidency will remain vacant as long as Iran’s allies
sabotage efforts to conclude the electoral process and the choosing
of a new president of the Lebanese Republic, whom we want to
safeguard state interests above anything or anyone else.
7. Al-Hayat: Based on the statements and political stances of
Gen. Aoun, we surmise that Lebanon’s Christians are
fragmented and in disagreement. What efforts are there to
overcome those difficulties?
Samir Geagea: Yes, efforts have been underway for the past six months
with the Free Patriotic Movement — efforts that have succeeded to a
large extent to relieve old tensions and allay the disputes and animosity
of the previous 30 years. In fact, they managed to transform enmity into
competition between two parties, particularly with regard to the draft
dual nationality law and the new draft electoral law, which is the first
item for discussion in parliament.
But much still needs to be done in this regard, for as is widely known, we
come from a long history of disparate political stances; yet, we will
expend every effort to make this experiment a success. We continue to
rely on the national dialogue sessions, in light of the differing points of
view regarding a number of issues such as our disagreements with
Hezbollah, the events in Syria, the participation of some Lebanese
factions in the Syrian war, and the direction to be taken by Lebanese
diplomacy. We continue to discuss these issues in the hope of reaching
common ground in their regard.
8. Al-Hayat: Some Lebanese factions repeatedly ask that the
Taif Agreement be amended. What is your position in that
regard? What options are there to satisfy those demands?
• Samir Geagea: Despite all the talk about amending the Taif
Agreement, no one has yet submitted an alternative. Talk about
amending its provisions is not enough, when no alternatives are
available. The Taif Agreement is the closest basis for a Lebanese
state, and all calls and opinions to the contrary must be rejected, for
they will lead to a power vacuum until an alternative is found.
9. Al-Hayat: Do you think that the nuclear deal between Iran
and world powers will afford Tehran greater capacity to
manipulate the region?
• Samir Geagea: I am not against the nuclear agreement per se,
particularly considering that it serves to put aside the nuclear issue for
the next 10 to 15 years, which is a good time period. But, Iran’s
problem right now revolves around its unnatural expansion into the
Arab world. As a result of the nuclear deal, Iran’s economic revenues
will increase, allowing it to play a bigger role in the region and the
countries in which it has a presence such as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and
Yemen. In all honesty, I am wary of the repercussions of the deal on
events in the Arab world.
There are also those who wager on the nuclear deal engendering a
new era of Iranian intervention that will serve to bolster Tehran’s
rapprochement with the West. As a result thereof, internal reforms will be
undertaken and changes will be made to its regional foreign policy as
well. But personally, I am not a supporter of this view.