Ewan Robinson: Decentralized forest management and environmental subjectivities in Ngañik, Senegal
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Presentation at the STEPS Conference 2010 - Pathways to Sustainability: Agendas for a new politics of environment, development and social justice http://www.steps-centre.org/events/stepsconference2010.html
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Ewan Robinson: Decentralized forest management and environmental subjectivities in Ngañik, Senegal
- 1. Decentralized forest management and environmental subjectivities in Ngañik, Senegal Ewan Robinson Department of Geography University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign September 23, 2010 Pathways to Sustainability Conference IDS, University of Sussex
- 8. How is decentralization success defined?
- 9. Regeneration, not Reforestation Photo source: GTGRN (GTZ) 2005.
- 10. ‘ Rational’ firewood production Photo source: GTGRN (GTZ) 2005.
- 11. “ Their level of organization is what is impressive.” Author’s photo
- 19. Thank you!
Editor's Notes
- Explain the local convention.
- I will present the initial results of ongoing ethnographic fieldwork in Ngañik. The focus will be on the empirical story rather than on a detailed theoretical framework. This presentation will focus on individual and group incentives and orientations.
- The portion of Agrawal’s argument which is becoming is best known concerns changes in orientations towards environmental management and protection (i.e. environmental subjectivities).
- According to Agrawal, individual involvement is the key factor contributing to environmental orientations, based on survey data from Kumaon, India.
- Paint with very broad brush strokes the history of land use and livelihood change in the general region: The Peanut Basin.
- I won’t talk in detail about the activities undertaken during the project interventions, which include many of the mainstream ‘participatory development’ techniques I’m sure many people are familiar with. I can touch on these more during questions if people are interested. Instead, I thought I would just elicit some of the criteria used by the outside actors that judge the Ngañik program a success.
- The ultimate outcome is that local authorities were granted limited control over subsistence and low-value commercial use of forest resources. Perhaps part of the negotiations between project staff and forest service and Ministerial authorities settled on the compromise to exclude commercial production without management plans.
- Which kinds of rules ended up being enforced in practice? Are local institutions coming apart or coming together?
- Acknowledge that it’s far from everyone who has universally adopted new protectionist orientations. Real differences appear to exist between men who do most of the enforcing and women, as well as among villages. In ongoing research I will seek to tease out some of these differences.
- What’s the purpose of the points on this slide? How does point #3 differ from the previous slide about local ownership and criticism of the environmental effectiveness of central control.
- So we return to the questions posed initially about the Environmentality framework. I do not propose to answer these questions: Which factors drive the development of environmental subjects, when, and how? Instead I will just point to some initial trends in my observations that I feel warrant further explanation. To attribute environmental orientations to only static identities, hegemonic discourses, or individual involvement in regulation would be to miss the subtle interaction of these processes. As Agrawal points out, what requires explanation is how and why certain people come to adopt particular orientations towards the environment and its protection, while others do not. Acknowledge my methodological limitations: I am looking at variations among individuals and locales. But I do not have time-series observations to demonstrate and measure these changes in individuals. Rather, I focus on perceptions of change and the history out of which they arose.