My postgraduate thesis entitled “Delhi’s Waste Pickers - Informal Workers in an Aspiring Global City” is a critical analysis of the ambitions of Delhi’s politicians, policy makers, and city planners to transform Delhi in an internationally recognised ‘world-class’ city. It draws on different academic disciplines (including politics, human geography and social policy) and includes an impact assessment of recent institutional restructuring, novel political processes, and changes in policy (social, public and economic) on waste pickers and other informal workers such as waste traders and recyclers.

1.
DELHI’S
WASTE
PICKERS
-­‐
INFORMAL
WORKERS
IN
AN
ASPIRING
GLOBAL
CITY
by
Sven
Schiltz
Submitted
in
total
fulfilment
of
the
requirements
for
the
degree
of
Master
of
Philosophy
October
2012
School
of
Social
Sciences
University
of
Lincoln

3.
i
To
Armand
Schiltz,
in
loving
memory.

4.
ii
ABSTRACT
In
this
thesis
I
offer
a
theoretical
intervention
into
the
global
city
theory
by
proposing
a
holistic
approach
of
analysing
the
global
city.
Through
the
unprecedented
inclusion
of
waste
pickers
and
informal
recyclers
into
the
theorisation
of
the
global
city
I
propose
an
analysis
of
the
global
city
from
below.
Thereby,
I
offer
a
critique
of
mainstream
academic
theory
that
tends
to
portray
the
global
city
in
an
overly
glamorous
way.
By
studying
Delhi’s
waste
pickers,
who
constitute
an
academically
neglected
occupational
group,
I
highlight
a
side
of
the
global
city
that
mainstream
theorists
frequently
choose
to
neglect.
I
move
away
from
the
typical
consideration
of
the
global
city
as
a
measurable
and
quantifiable
condition.
I
argue
that
the
global
city
needs
to
be
understood
as
a
project
which
requires
political
will
and
financial
investment.
This
allows
me
to
overcome
the
dualist
bias
in
contemporary
scholarship
according
to
which
cities
are
either
regarded
as
‘global’
or
as
‘non-­‐global’.
In
this
way,
I
include
the
cities
of
the
developing
world,
which
are
often
thought
of
as
poor
and
non-­‐global
megacities,
into
global
city
theory.
By
focussing
on
Delhi’s
waste
pickers,
who
I
regard
as
‘ordinary’
urbanites,
I
show
how
Delhi’s
global
city
project
negatively
affects
the
lives
of
many
of
those
who
contribute
towards
the
everyday
functioning
of
the
city.
They
are
people
upon
whose
labour
the
global
city
project
relies.
I
show
that
Delhi’s
global
city
project
predominantly
takes
place
on
an
aesthetic
level
and
that,
due
to
this,
signs
of
poverty
such
as
the
slum
and
informal
waste
recycling
processes
are
increasingly
considered
as
the
antipode
to
the
imagination
of
Delhi
as
a
modern
and
global
city.
As
a
result,
waste
pickers
and
other
sections
of
the
urban
‘poor’
have
become
demonised
and
are
increasingly
subject
to
socio-­‐economic,
political
and
spatial
marginalization.
Based
on
this
cognition,
I
analyse
concepts
such
as
urban
citizenship,
the
right
to
the
global
city
and,
most
importantly,
the
purpose
and
the
aims
of
global
city
theory
creation
in
the
academic
realm.
I
propose
that
existing
global
city
theory
should
be
supplemented
by
an
awareness
of
the
connections
between
the
global
city
as
project
and
the
marginalised
communities
that
live
within
these
rapidly
changing
urban
environments.

5.
iii
DECLARATION
This
is
to
certify
that
1. the
thesis
comprises
my
original
work
towards
the
MPhil
except
where
indicated
in
the
preface,
2. due
acknowledgement
has
been
made
in
the
text
to
all
other
material
used,
3. the
thesis
is
less
than
40,000
words
in
length,
exclusive
of
tables,
maps,
footnotes,
bibliographies
and
appendices.
__________________________
SVEN
SCHILTZ

6.
iv
PREFACE
The
arguments
presented
in
this
thesis
are
predominantly
informed
by
a
review
of
the
existing
literature
and
the
usage
of
secondary
data.
However,
some
parts
of
the
study
also
make
reference
to
interviews,
observations
and
photographs,
which
I
collected
in
Delhi
between
January
and
March
2011.
In
this
period
I
worked
as
a
research-­‐intern
for
Chintan
Environmental
Research
and
Action
Group,
a
local
non-­‐
governmental
organisation
that
aims
to
empower
waste
pickers
in
Delhi
through
research,
education
and
advocacy.
The
data
and
photographs
that
I
have
included
in
this
thesis
were
gathered
in
accordance
to
the
ethical
guidelines
of
Chintan.
Bharati
Chaturvedi,
the
director
of
Chintan,
kindly
authorised
me
to
reproduce
this
data
here.
It
is
part
of
a
larger
data-­‐set
which
is
yet
to
be
published.
The
photographs
that
I
have
included
were
taken
during
my
internship
in
Delhi.
There
are
two
exceptions
to
this.
Seth
Schindler
from
Clark
University
took
Photograph
1
in
2006.
Seth
kindly
gave
his
permission
for
me
to
reproduce
it
in
my
thesis.
Photograph
10
is
the
property
of
Foreign
Policy
Magazine
(Fung
and
Monschein
2010).
Any
persons
that
I
portrayed
in
my
own
photographs
granted
me
permission
to
take
their
picture.
Chapters
1
and
2
include
some
brief
text
passages
and
ideas
that
were
previously
included
in
various
conference
papers
and
a
poster
that
I
presented
in
Glasgow,
Boston
and
London
between
2010
and
2011
(Schiltz
2010;
2011c;
2011d).
Chapter
4
includes
ideas
that
I
expressed
in
the
form
of
two
articles
published
in
Brennpunkt
Drëtt
Welt
in
2011
(Schiltz
2011a;
2011b).
Any
monetary
figures
are
expressed
in
United
States
dollars
at
the
conversion
rates
on
13th
September
2012.

7.
v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I
am
delighted
to
be
able
to
take
this
opportunity
to
thank
a
number
of
people
without
whom
this
thesis
would
not
have
come
together.
Some
of
them
have
helped
me
knowingly
and
willingly
with
my
research
through
the
discussion
of
ideas,
commenting
on
drafts,
and
suggesting
literature.
Others
are
probably
less
aware
of
their
impact
upon
my
work.
They
are
my
friends
and
family
who,
through
their
constant
and
loyal
support,
have
helped
me
overcome
the
many
challenges
of
life
as
well
as
those
associated
with
being
a
graduate
student.
To
start
I
want
to
thank
my
Director
of
Studies,
Professor
Carol
Walker,
who
showed
a
lot
of
trust
after
she
took
over
from
my
original
Director
of
Studies
who
was
no
longer
able
to
support
me
in
my
research
endeavour.
It
is
due
to
her
repeated
recommendation
to
“Just
get
on
with
it!”
that
this
thesis
has
been
completed
within
the
scheduled
time
frame.
I
am
also
in
deep
gratitude
to
Dr
Simon
Obendorf
who
has
acted
as
my
Second
Supervisor
and
who
has
become
a
dear
friend
to
me
since
the
commencement
of
this
project.
Simon
has
made
an
important
intellectual
impact
on
my
work
and
has
provided
me
with
a
lot
of
invaluable
academic
advice.
I
also
need
to
thank
him
for
sharing
a
mutual
passion
for
delicious
food
and
providing
me
with
unhealthy
amounts
of
espresso
coffee.
I
am
grateful
that
he
was
there
and
offered
his
emotional
support
at
more
difficult
moments.
Another
person
who
has
made
a
deep
impact
upon
this
project
is
my
friend
Julie
Smit
from
the
Action
Solidarité
Tiers
Monde
[Initiative
for
Solidarity
with
the
‘Third
World’]
in
Luxembourg.
Julie
was
the
person
with
whom
I
first
discussed
ideas
on
Delhi’s
waste
pickers.
She
has
commented
on
parts
of
this
thesis
and
most
importantly,
she
helped
arrange
my
internship
with
Chintan
in
Delhi.
At
Chintan,
I
want
to
thank
the
director
Bharati
Chaturvedi
who
had
a
lot
of
time
for
my
questions
and
pointed
me
to
the
legal
status
of
waste
and
informal
recycling
in
Delhi.
I
also
want
to
thank
Kajichew
Pfoze
who
introduced
me
to
tasty
street
food
whilst
taking
me
on
a
bargain
hunt
for
academic
literature
through
Delhi.
Seth
Schindler,
Varun
Srivastava
and
Devyani
Mathur’s
company
enriched
my
time
in
Delhi
tremendously.
Brij
Kishore
was
my
mentor
at
Chintan.
He
looked
after
me
like
a
father,
never
got

8.
vi
tired
of
my
questions,
and
made
sure
that
I
got
the
most
out
of
the
time
we
spent
together
in
the
field.
He
also
acted
as
translator
and
safely
chauffeured
me
through
the
most
busy
and
inaccessible
parts
of
Delhi
on
the
back
of
his
motorbike.
My
thanks
also
go
to
Brij’s
wife
whom
I
have
never
met,
but
who
nevertheless,
on
many
occasions
provided
me
with
her
divine
prepared
lunches.
Further
thanks
go
to
Toxics
Link
in
Delhi
who
kindly
allowed
me
to
browse
their
library
collection
for
useful
literature.
I
am
also
in
deep
appreciation
of
the
Centre
de
Documentation
et
d'Information
sur
l'Enseignement
Supérieur
(Center
for
the
Documentation
and
Information
for
Further
Education)
in
Luxembourg
that
provided
me
with
a
living
allowance
during
my
postgraduate
studies.
At
the
University
of
Lincoln
I
want
to
thank
the
Graduate
School
for
entrusting
me
with
a
three-­‐year
studentship
that
covered
the
remaining
financial
burden
of
my
studies.
At
the
School
of
Social
Sciences
in
Lincoln,
Anitha
Sundari
and
Gerry
Strange
need
to
be
thanked
for
their
advice
on
related
literature.
Claire
Randerson,
Elena
Chebankova,
Jill
Jameson,
Joe
Heslop,
Katie
Strudwick,
Kelvin
Jones
and
Liam
McCann
helped
me
with
my
teaching
duties.
Mahmoud
Khalifa
was
a
pleasant
office
companion
and
patiently
sat
though
many
of
my
work-­‐
related
rants.
I
am
furthermore
grateful
to
Dr
Laura
Stoller,
Willy
Brandt
Distinguished
University
Professor
of
Anthropology
and
Historical
Studies,
for
her
insightful
comments
on
a
conference
paper
that
I
presented
in
Boston
in
2011.
I
want
to
acknowledge
my
friends
Anne
Schockmel,
Barbara
and
Derek
Duncombe,
Claude
and
Monique
Lahr-­‐Tompers,
Fabrice
Shoshany,
James
Dewhurst,
Jamie
McCabe,
Jan
Lux,
Jérôme
Hilbert,
Liam
Mitchell
and
Bethan
Lloyd,
Lioba
Suchenwirth,
Pier
Schroeder,
Richard
Knight,
Richard
van
Neste,
Roby
Wies,
Samantha
Maw,
Stephanie
Purchase
and
the
members
of
Roses
Hockey
Club.
They
have
all
helped
keep
me
sane
during
the
research
process.
An
even
bigger
thank
you
needs
to
go
to
Josepha
Broman,
Emily
and
Phil
Hearing,
and
Ruth
and
Aaron
Koch.
I
am
privileged
to
count
these
people
as
my
friends.
Without
them
this
thesis
would
not
have
come
together.
Emily
Hearing,
Jane
Kirkpatrick,
Julie
Smit
and
Stephanie
Purchase
also
need
to
be
thanked
for
commenting
on
different
chapters
of
this
thesis.
They
have

9.
vii
made
an
important
contribution
towards
grammar,
style
and
content.
Any
remaining
errors
or
inaccuracies
are
of
course
solely
my
responsibility.
It
also
means
a
great
deal
to
me
to
use
this
occasion
to
thank
Jane
Kirkpatrick
who
has
become
a
very
important
person
in
my
life.
Jane
has
made
an
important
impact
on
this
thesis
by
discussing
ideas,
suggesting
reading
and
commenting
on
various
chapters.
She
has
also
been
a
huge
help
in
stopping
me
worry
about
work
and
rediscovering
a
more
balanced
lifestyle.
Jane
has
been
a
great
travel
companion
and
cycling
partner
and
is
never
too
scared
to
volunteer
as
a
guinea
pig
for
my
cooking.
She
puts
a
smile
on
my
face.
My
final
thanks
must
go
to
the
members
of
my
family.
My
grandparents
Jeanne
Schiltz-­‐Koch
and
Suzanne
Bleser-­‐Dunkel
have
helped
me
in
many
different
ways
and
I
am
thankful
that
they
accepted
my
decision
to
absolve
my
studies
in
higher
education
so
far
away
from
home.
I
am
grateful
to
my
brother
Ben
Schiltz
who
has
been
a
great
support
throughout
my
studies.
Our
chats
always
put
me
in
a
good
mood.
Finally
and
most
importantly,
I
want
to
thank
my
parents
Diane
and
Gerry
Schiltz-­‐Bleser
who
have
encouraged
me
since
a
very
young
age
to
ask
questions
and
to
be
a
critically
minded
person.
I
know
that
my
undergraduate
studies
and
first
year
of
postgraduate
research
came
at
significant
financial
costs
to
them
and
I
want
to
thank
them
for
all
the
trust
they
put
into
me
during
this
time.

10.
viii
TABLE
OF
CONTENTS
ABSTRACT
ii
DECLARATION
iii
PREFACE
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
v
TABLE
OF
CONTENTS
viii
TABLES,
MAPS
FIGURES
AND
PHOTOGRAPHS
xi
LIST
OF
ABBREVIATIONS
xii
INTRODUCTION
1
CHAPTER
I:
A
WORLD
OF
GLOBAL
CITIES
-­‐
THE
FRAGMENTARY
NATURE
OF
THE
NEW
WORLD
MAP
9
1
Globalization
and
Global
Cities
10
2
Global
Cities
as
Divided
Cities
12
3
A
Divided
World
of
Global
Cities
14
4
Understanding
the
Global
City
as
a
‘Project’
18
5
Acknowledging
the
Role
of
‘Ordinary
People’
in
‘Neglected’
Cities
23
CHAPTER
II:
UNDERSTANDING
RAG
PICKING
–
FRAMING
COMMON
FEATURES
OF
A
GLOBAL
PHENOMENON
26
1
Defining
Rag
Picking
26
2
The
Public
Conception
and
Awareness
of
Rag
Picking
29
3
Existing
Areas
of
Research
30
4
Making
Sense
of
Waste
Picking
in
the
Capitalist
City
36
4.1
Rag
Picking
in
the
European
Industrial
City
37
4.2
Rag
Picking
in
Contemporary
Cities
Of
the
Developing
World
41
4.3
Theorising
Rag
Picking
in
a
Broader
Context
46

11.
ix
5
Towards
a
‘Multi-­‐Dimensional’
Model
of
Rag
Picking
–
A
Political
Ecology
Approach
47
5.1
Universal
Features
of
Rag
Picking
48
a)
Rag
Pickers
as
Part
of
the
‘Informal
Recycling
Sector’
49
b)
Rag
Picking
as
Commodity
Production
51
c)
The
Multi-­‐Dimensional
Character
of
Rag
Picking:
Societal,
Environmental
and
Economical
‘Benefits’
of
Informal
Waste
Recovery
53
5.2
A
Different
Perspective
59
CHAPTER
III
DELHI’S
GLOBAL
CITY
PROJECT
-­‐
THE
CREATION
OF
DUALITIES
THROUGH
NEW
AESTHETIC
NOTIONS
63
1
The
Death
of
the
Dream
of
a
‘Grand’
Delhi?
65
2
Delhi’s
New
Global
Dreams
68
3
Delhi’s
Global
City
Project
70
4
The
Westernisation
of
Delhi
72
5
Delhi’s
Middle
Class
and
the
New
Rhetoric
of
Aesthetics
73
6
The
Rise
of
an
‘Aesthetic
Governance’
75
7
Consequences
of
Delhi’s
Global
City
Project
and
its
Aesthetic
Mode
of
Governance
for
the
Poorer
Sections
of
Society
77
8
Understanding
New
Dualities
in
‘Global’
Delhi
80
CHAPTER
IV:
WASTE
PICKERS
AND
INFORMAL
RECYCLING
IN
DELHI,
AN
ASPIRING
GLOBAL
CITY
86
1
Rag
Picking
in
Delhi
88
1.1
Rag
Pickers
as
Part
of
the
Informal
Recycling
Sector
88
a)
The
Structures
of
Delhi’s
Informal
Recycling
Sector
88
b)
Problems
with
the
Pyramidal
Representation
of
Delhi’s
Informal
Recycling
Sector
90
c)
Delhi’s
Informal
Recycling
Sector
as
Part
of
a
Global
Network
93

12.
x
1.2
Delhi’s
Rag
Pickers
94
a)
Demographic
Features
94
b)
Religious
Background
95
c)
Health
and
Socio-­‐Economic
Features
96
1.3
Invisible
Work
–
A
Political
Ecology
Evaluation
of
Rag
Picking
in
Delhi
98
a)
The
Generation
of
Income
and
Added
Social
Value
98
b)
Rag
Pickers’
Role
in
Municipal
Solid
Waste
Management
99
c)
Environmental
Benefits
100
d)
The
Reduction
of
Carbon
Emissions
101
e)
Cheap
Secondary
Raw
Material
101
1.4
Waste
Picking
and
Delhi’s
Global
City
Aspirations
101
2
The
Impact
of
Delhi’s
Global
Aspirations
on
Waste
Pickers
and
Other
Members
of
Delhi’s
Informal
Recycling
Sector
102
2.1
MSWM
in
the
Global
City
102
a)
The
Privatisation
MSW
Recovery
from
Dhalaos
105
b)
The
Privatisation
of
Waste
Recovery
in
New
Delhi
Railway
Station
106
c)
The
Incineration
of
MSW
107
d)
Bourgeois
Environmentalism
and
Informal
Recycling
108
2.2
The
‘Underclassisation’
of
Waste
Pickers
in
the
Global
City
111
CHAPTER
V:
THEORETICAL
INSIGHTS
AND
DEVELOPMENT
119
1
The
Perpetual
Reinforcement
of
the
‘Global
City-­‐Myth’
120
2
‘Ordinary
People’
in
the
Global
City
124
3
Challenging
Existing
Theory
126
4
A
View
from
Below
129
5
The
‘Right
to
the
Global
City’
131
CONCLUSION
138
BIBLIOGRAPHY
145
ADDITIONAL
SOURCES
174

13.
xi
TABLES,
MAPS,
FIGURES
AND
PHOTOGRAPHS
Table
1:
The
Mori
Memorial
Foundation’s
(MMF)
Global
Power
City
Index
2011
15
Table
2:
A
Comparison
of
Formal
and
Informal
Sector
MSW
Recovery
Proportions
for
Recycling
Purposes
57
Table
3:
Socio-­‐Economic
and
Environmental
Benefits
of
Informal
Recycling
58
Table
4:
Post-­‐Millennial
Eviction
Estimates
78
Table
5:
Some
Key
Actors
in
Delhi’s
Informal
Waste
Recycling
Sector
90
Table
6:
Average
Incomes
and
Deprivation
Index
Figures
for
Workers
in
the
Informal
Plastic
Recycling
Industry
97
Table
7:
Added
Value
to
Waste
Materials
in
Delhi’s
Informal
Recycling
Sector
98
Table
8:
Consequences
of
Privatisation
of
Waste
Recovery
from
Dhalao
Spaces
on
Delhi’s
Waste
Pickers
106
Table
9:
Industrial
Units
Inspected
and
Closed
Down
During
the
Legal
Proceedings
of
Mahavir
Singh
vs.
Union
of
India
and
Others
110
Map
1:
The
World
Map
of
Most
Populated
Urban
Areas
in
2005
16
Map
2:
The
World
Map
of
Global
Cities
According
to
GaWC
in
2008
16
Map
3:
Areas
in
which
Recycling
Units
were
Closed
Down
by
the
Authorities
110
Figure
1:
The
Informal
Recycling
Sector
51
Figure
2:
The
Waste
Flow
in
the
Informal
Recycling
Sector
52
Figure
3:
Structure
of
Delhi’s
Informal
Waste
Recycling
Sector
89
Photograph
1:
Emerging
Dualities
in
Delhi
85
Photograph
2:
Child
Waste
Pickers
Near
India
Gate
115
Photograph
3:
Tooth-­‐Paste
Tube
Recycler
in
Nagloi
115
Photograph
4:
Plastic
Segregators
in
Nagloi
116
Photograph
5:
Aluminium
Recycler
Operating
Smelter
116
Photograph
6:
E-­‐Waste
Recycler
in
Shastri
Park
(Dismantling
DVD
Drives)
117
Photograph
7:
Rag
Picker
Community
near
the
Ghazipur
Landfill
Site
117
Photograph
8:
Formalised
Waste
Pickers
at
New
Delhi
Railway
Station
118
Photograph
9:
‘Melting
Wok’
Like
that
of
Shambhu
118
Photograph
10:
Foreign
Policy
Magazine’s
Photographic
Portrayal
of
Global
Delhi
121

14.
xii
LIST
OF
ABBREVIATIONS
$
-­‐
Dollar
ADB
-­‐
Asian
Development
Bank
A.T.
Kearney
-­‐
Andrew
Thomas
Kearney
BCE
-­‐
Before
Current
Era
CBO
-­‐
Community
Based
Organisation
CDM
-­‐
Clean
Development
Mechanism
CO2
-­‐
Carbon
Dioxide
DDA
-­‐
Delhi
Development
Authority
EIU
-­‐
Economist
Intelligent
Unit
E-­‐Waste
-­‐
Electronic
Waste
e.g.
-­‐
exempli
gratia
[for
example]
etc.
-­‐
etcetera
[and
so
forth]
FDI
-­‐
Foreign
Direct
Investment
GaWC
[Network]
-­‐
Globalisation
and
World
City
Network
GIZ
-­‐
[Deutsche]
Gesellschaft
für
Internationale
Zusammenarbeit
[German
Institute
for
International
Cooperation]
GTZ
-­‐
[Deutsche]
Gesellschaft
für
Technische
Zusammenarbeit
[German
Institute
for
Technical
Cooperation]
HDPE
-­‐
High
Density
Polyethylene
IPD
-­‐
Investment
Property
Databank
i.e.
-­‐
isto
es
[that
is]
IGI
[Airport]
-­‐
Indira
Ghandi
International
Airport
ILA
-­‐
Informationsstelle
Lateinamerika
ILO
-­‐
International
Labour
Organisation/Office
IMF
-­‐
International
Monetary
Fund
IT
-­‐
Information
Technology
ITES
-­‐
Information
Technology
and
Enabled
Services
JNNURM
-­‐
Jawaharlal
Nehru
National
Urban
Renewal
Mission
KPMG
-­‐
Klynveld
Peat
Marwick
Goerdeler
kWh
-­‐
Kilowatt
Hour
MA
-­‐
Massachusetts
MCD
-­‐
Municipal
Council
of
Delhi
MMF
-­‐
Mori
Memorial
Foundation
MNC
-­‐
Multinational
Corporations
MPD
-­‐
Master
Plan
for
Delhi
MSW
-­‐
Municipal
Solid
Waste
MSWM
-­‐
Municipal
Solid
Waste
Management
n.d.
-­‐
no
date
n.p.
-­‐
no
pagination
NGO
-­‐
Non-­‐Governmental
Organisation
NURM
-­‐
National
Urban
Renewal
Mission
PIL
-­‐
Public
Interest
Litigation

15.
xiii
PVC
-­‐
Polyvinyl
Chloride
RWA
-­‐
Residential
Welfare
Association
SSC
-­‐
Subaltern
Studies
Collective
tCO2e
-­‐
tonnes
of
Carbon
Dioxide
equivalent
TNC
-­‐
Transnational
Corporation
ULCRA
-­‐
Urban
Land
(Ceiling
and
Regulation)
Act
UN
-­‐
United
Nations
UNEP
-­‐
United
Nations
Environment
Programme
US
-­‐
United
States
USAID
-­‐
United
States
Agency
for
International
Development
WEEE
-­‐
Waste
Electrical
and
Electronic
Equipment

16.
1
INTRODUCTION
“Delhi
is
now
a
megalopolis,
sprawling
beyond
its
own
borders,
swallowing
up
villages
and
farmland,
sucking
in
migrants,
spewing
out
pollution.
There
are
no
natural
limits
to
this
rampant
city,
nothing
to
stop
it
growing,
except
perhaps,
if
it
fails
to
live
up
to
the
new
Indian
dream.
[…]
Delhi,
the
city
of
Sultanates
and
Mughals,
of
Djinns
and
Sufis,
the
poets
and
courtesans,
is
now
also
a
city
of
cybercafés
and
multiplexes.
It
is
the
past
and
it
is
the
future”
(Miller
2009:
1).
Delhi
is
frequently
depicted
as
a
city
of
dualities.
Tourist
guides
and
travel
reports
refer
to
the
city’s
many
contrasting
features.
Some,
for
example,
point
out
the
juxtaposition
that
exists
between
Old
and
New
Delhi.
Old
Delhi
is
marked
by
a
vast
density
in
population
and
built
infrastructure
and
stands
in
stark
contrast
with
New
Delhi’s
open
green
spaces
(e.g.
Brown
and
Thomas
2008:
88).
Other
travel
literature
highlights
how,
in
most
parts
of
the
city,
sights
of
poverty
and
wealth
can
often
be
found
within
close
spatial
proximity
(e.g.
Kassabova
and
Ghose
2010:
31).
Miller’s
statement
above
draws
our
attention
to
an
additional
and
slightly
different
kind
of
dichotomy,
which
marks
India’s
capital
in
a
very
distinctive
manner.
Miller’s
reading
of
Delhi
is
that
of
a
city
of
the
past
and
the
future.
It
reminds
us
that
on
the
one
hand,
Delhi
is
a
city
of
ruins,
which
act
as
nostalgic
reminders
of
the
heydays
of
former
rulers.
On
the
other
hand,
the
city
is
increasingly
becoming
a
city
of
“cybercafés
and
multiplexes”,
as
its
future
is
being
steered
according
to
“the
new
Indian
dream”.
This
dream
encompasses
the
idea
of
transforming
India’s
larger
metropolitan
areas
into
‘modern’,
prestigious,
and
internationally
recognised
‘global
cities’.
The
imagined
future
of
cities
like
Delhi
increasingly
contrasts
with
these
cities’
conceived
past
and,
as
a
result,
new
kinds
of
tensions
have
started
to
emerge.
It
is
the
analysis
of
these
tensions
emerging
from
Delhi’s
attempt
to
fulfil
its
global
aspirations
that
lies
at
the
heart
of
this
thesis.
In
the
past
three
decades,
the
emergence
of
‘global
cities’
has
received
considerable
academic
attention.
The
academy
has
witnessed
the
growth
of
various
institutions
that
have
made
it
their
aim
to
gather
data
allowing
the
ranking
and
comparison
of
different
global
cities.
Rankings
based
on
this
data
tend
to
be
of
a
hierarchical
nature

17.
2
and
are
frequently
used
to
measure
how
embedded
different
metropoles
are
in
the
global
economy.
They
are
also
used
to
determine
the
specific
types
of
service
provision
in
which
various
global
cities
are
specialised.
Furthermore,
they
can
be
used
to
establish
to
what
extent
a
city
is
recognised
for
its
‘global’
status.
In
this
thesis
I
show
that
there
are
some
important
limitations
to
the
use
of
such
rankings
as
well
as
a
need
to
question
the
data
on
which
they
are
based.
In
Chapter
I,
I
argue
that
rankings
frequently
neglect
cities
in
the
global
South.
In
fact,
I
show
how
global
city
theory
more
generally,
disproportionately
draws
on
the
experiences
of
a
handful
of
Westernised
cities,
which
have
established
themselves
as
‘showcase’
or
‘model’
global
cities.
The
way,
in
which
these
cities
are
portrayed
in
academia,
the
media,
and
in
publications
of
international
consultancy
firms,
has
started
to
create
a
dazzling
and
awe-­‐inspiring
image
of
what
a
global
city
is
supposed
to
look
and
be
like.
This
image
of
the
ideal
global
city
has
started
to
inspire
many
cities
around
the
world.
Metropoles
in
the
developing
world
have
been
particularly
affected
by
the
glamorous
depiction
of
model
global
cities.
They
increasingly
try
to
improve
their
image
according
to
the
standards
set
by
internationally
renowned
global
cities.
Usually
depicted
as
‘Third
World’
cities
or
‘poor
megacities’,
they
want
to
transform
their
images
to
that
of
wealthy
and
modern
global
cities.
This
is
often
done
through
the
processes
of
infrastructural
modernisation,
economic
liberalisation
and
socio-­‐
cultural
transformation.
It
is
for
this
reason
that
I
steer
away
from
the
mainstream
approach
that
considers
the
global
status
of
a
city
as
a
quantifiable
condition.
The
alternative
that
I
propose
in
this
thesis
is
the
analysis
of
the
global
city
as
a
project
that
requires
political
will
and
substantial
financial
investment.
The
global
city
project
thus
describes
the
implementation
of
policy
as
well
as
the
actions
taken
by
policy
makers,
politicians
and
urban
planners
in
order
to
transform
their
cities
into
internationally
recognised
global
metropoles.
This
method
encourages
attention
to
those
cities,
particularly
those
of
the
global
South,
who
are
involved
in
such
processes
of
urban
restructuring.
It
furthermore
opens
up
a
route
to
include
the
poorer
sections
of
these
cities’
societies
within
global
city
theory.

18.
3
I
explore
these
issues
through
a
case
study
of
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
a
particular
part
of
society
that
has
so
far
not
been
given
much
academic
attention.
Significantly,
waste
pickers
as
an
occupational
group
have
until
now
been
completely
disregarded
in
the
creation
of
global
city
theory.
My
analysis
of
this
group
of
Delhi’s
society
is
especially
compelling
since,
in
contemporary
Delhi,
waste
pickers
tend
to
be
associated
with
those
parts
of
the
city’s
past
that
need
to
be
overcome
if
the
city’s
global
dreams
are
to
become
true.
This
thesis
is
the
first
serious
attempt
to
include
waste
pickers
in
the
theorisation
of
the
global
city.
I
therefore
offer
a
unique
and
extensive
review
of
the
academic
literature
that
deals
with
this
occupational
group
in
Chapter
II.
This
review
is
important,
as
it
helps
close
the
existing
gap
in
knowledge
surrounding
the
role
of
waste
pickers
in
the
global
city.
Given
the
absence
of
clear
definitions
of
this
occupational
group
within
the
existing
academic
literature,
I
develop
a
definition
of
the
terms
‘waste
picker’
and
‘rag
picker’.
I
explain
why
I
use
both
terms
interchangeably
and
how
a
clear
definition
of
this
group
allows
a
differentiation
between
different
kinds
of
formal
and
informal
solid
waste
collection.
I
show
that
the
occupation
of
waste
picking
has
existed
since
pre-­‐industrial
times
and
that
it
is
a
means
of
livelihood
sustenance
that
has
regularly
been
depicted
as
an
occupation
belonging
to
a
pre-­‐industrial
and
pre-­‐capitalist
past,
especially
since
the
industrial
revolution
and
the
writings
of
Karl
Marx
and
Friedrich
Engels.
I
then
review
the
academic
literature
that
deals
with
the
role
of
waste
pickers
in
the
capitalist
city.
This
review
includes
an
unprecedented
historical
overview
of
public
and
academic
attitudes
towards
waste
pickers
that
reveals
negative
stigmatisations
by
scholars
and
the
general
public
alike.
I
show
that
this
attitude
still
underlies
some
contemporary
scholarship.
Through
my
review
I
demonstrate
that
attempts
to
theoretically
classify
waste
pickers
in
the
capitalist
city
have
resulted
in
a
debate
that
remains
unresolved.
I
argue
that
the
reason
for
this
is
the
fact
that
theorists
have
until
now
only
analysed
waste
picking
in
terms
of
commodity
production.
I
overcome
this
narrow
conceptualisation
through
the
identification
of
globally
common
features
of
waste
picking.
Doing
this,
I
am
able
to
show
that
in
order
to
delineate
the
role
of
waste
pickers
in
the
capitalist
city,
their
occupation
must
be
understood
as
an
integral
part
of
informal
waste
recycling.
I
prove
that
waste
pickers
are
not
just
the

19.
4
producers
of
a
commodity,
but
that
they
provide
a
number
of
important
services
that
enable
the
daily
functioning
of
the
city,
and
which
also
sustain
cities’
global
city
projects.
The
theoretical
approach
that
best
suits
this
analysis
is
political
ecology,
which
I
adopt
for
the
case
of
Delhi’s
rag
pickers
in
Chapter
IV.
Before
doing
this,
I
elaborate
more
generally
on
Delhi’s
global
city
project
in
Chapter
III.
I
argue
that
contemporary
Delhi
is
the
result
of
a
long
period
of
political,
religious
and
ideological
tensions,
and
that
historically,
the
rulers
of
the
city
have
aimed
to
transform
Delhi
into
a
grandiose
place.
Currently,
this
is
reflected
in
the
aspiration
of
the
Municipal
Council
to
transform
Delhi
into
a
‘world-­‐class’
city.
I
explain
how
Delhi’s
global
dreams
have
resulted
in
infrastructural
modernisation,
the
organisation
of
grand
events
as
well
as
a
more
general
Westernisation
of
the
city-­‐
space.
I
argue
that
new
forms
of
consumer
culture
and
infrastructure,
which
reflect
a
Western
understanding
of
‘modernity’,
have
also
significantly
increased.
I
show
that,
as
a
consequence,
Delhi’s
global
city
project
is
predominantly
based
on
aesthetic
notions.
This
has
led
to
the
growing
use
of
an
aesthetic
rhetoric
by
the
city’s
middle
class,
politicians
and
the
English
speaking
media
that
has
resulted
in
an
aesthetic
mode
of
governance.
A
consequence
of
this
has
been
the
reinforcement
of
old,
and
the
emergence
of
new,
dualities
within
the
city.
Delhi’s
imagined
global
self
is
constantly
compared
to
an
aesthetically
‘less
appealing’
Other
past,
which
comprises
sights
of
poverty
such
as
the
slum
and
the
informal
workspaces
of
poorer
Delhiites.
Slum
dwellers
are
increasingly
becoming
associated
with
the
place
in
which
they
live
and
have
been
downgraded
to
an
‘underclass’
with
decreasing
political
rights.
As
a
consequence
their
livelihoods
have
been
jeopardised
and
they
have
progressively
been
shifted
towards
the
outskirts
of
the
city.
Delhi’s
rag
pickers
make
part
of
this
marginalised
section
of
the
city’s
society.
I
analyse
their
recent
plight
in
Chapter
IV.
As
suggested
in
Chapter
II,
I
examine
their
role
in
Delhi
by
considering
them
as
part
of
the
city’s
informal
recycling
sector
and
by
using
a
political
ecology
approach.
In
this
way
I
am
able
to
highlight
their
contributions
to
the
everyday
functioning
of
the
city
and
the
project
of
transforming
Delhi
into
a
global
city.
I
am
also
able
to
show
how
Delhi’s
global
city
project
affects
rag
pickers’
livelihoods.
I
provide
evidence
that
Delhi’s
rag
pickers
make
an

20.
5
important
contribution
to
the
global
transformation
of
the
city.
However,
regardless
of
this
contribution,
recent
changes
in
policy
and
planning
have
impacted
upon
waste
pickers’
livelihoods
in
an
undeniably
negative
manner.
In
fact,
my
analysis
reveals
a
contradictory
tendency:
rag
pickers
are
part
of
a
much
needed,
but
equally
unwanted,
labour
force.
There
are
thus
new
tensions
between
the
city’s
daily
need
for
their
cheap
labour
and
the
city
planners’
and
policy
makers’
urge
to
free
Delhi
from
sights
of
poverty
that
form
the
city’s
Other.
In
my
final
chapter
I
ask
how
focusing
on
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
contributes
to
our
existing
knowledge
about
the
global
city.
I
show
that
an
analysis
of
occupational
groups
such
as
waste
pickers
in
aspiring
global
cities
offers
a
deeper
insight
into
the
‘darker’
side
of
global
city
development.
The
latter
is
largely
ignored
in
mainstream
academic
accounts.
I
show
how
key
scholars
tend
to
over-­‐glamourise
the
global
city
and,
in
this
way,
create
a
mythical
aura
that
surrounds
those
cities
internationally
recognised
for
their
global
status.
I
argue
that
as
a
result
of
this,
our
understanding
of
global
cities
is
increasingly
becoming
that
of
wealthy
metropoles
free
of
the
sights
of
poverty.
This
on
the
one
hand
discourages
academic
attention
on
the
affects
of
the
global
city
project
on
poorer
people
living
in
aspiring
cities
of
the
global
South.
On
the
other
hand,
it
encourages
policies
and
city
planning
that
aim
at
freeing
aspiring
global
cities
from
an
aesthetic
association
with
poverty.
The
latter
leads
policy
makers
to
push
the
urban
‘poor’
out
of
the
central
parts
of
the
city,
instead
of
combatting
poverty
and
working
towards
the
creation
of
more
equitable
cities.
My
thesis
thus
asserts
that,
if
we
start
looking
at
workers
such
as
Delhi’s
waste
pickers,
we
discover
important
flaws
in
the
global
city
project
and
the
current
way
in
which
the
global
city
tends
to
be
theorised
in
academia.
The
former
amplify
socio-­‐
economic
and
spatial
dualities,
which
pose
important
questions
in
regards
to
urban
citizenship
as
well
as
the
right
to
the
global
city.
I
argue
that
global
city
theory
must
start
recognising
this
side
of
the
global
city
project,
for
if
we
ignore
it,
then
we
become
guilty
of
propagating
the
growth
of
global
cities
that
create
and
reinforce
inequalities.
Mainstream
theory
currently
propagates
the
idea
of
global
cities
in
which
the
glamorous
lifestyle
of
a
minority
is
supported
by
the
hard
and
often
dangerous
labour
of
a
marginalised
majority
that
lives
in
lamentable
conditions
and

21.
6
is
increasingly
excluded
from
the
benefits
of
the
global
city
project.
As
a
corrective
to
this
tendency
I
call
for
the
greater
levels
of
recognition
of
rag
pickers’
contribution
to
the
global
city
project
and
for
a
reconceptualization
of
urban
citizenship
and
belonging
within
the
contemporary
global
city.
Rag
pickers
can
in
many
cases
be
identified
as
‘ordinary’
urbanites.
Their
neglect
in
mainstream
global
city
theory
can
for
this
reason
no
longer
be
tolerated.
The
solution
that
I
propose
is
to
supplement
global
city
theory
to
account
for
the
role
that
these
people
play
in
the
transformation
process
of
a
metropolis
into
a
global
city.
I
argue
that
we
must
take
more
seriously
the
consequences
that
this
transformation
has
on
rag
pickers’
and
other
marginalised
groups’
livelihoods.
This
will
enable
a
rectification
of
existing
shortcomings
in
contemporary
global
city
theory.
It
will
also
enable
gaps
to
be
closed
in
our
knowledge
about
the
role
that
waste
pickers
play
in
the
daily
functioning
of
aspiring
global
cities.
Including
the
stories
of
the
‘poor’
and
marginalised
must
become
an
integral
part
in
the
creation
of
global
city
theory.
Using
the
case
of
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
demonstrates
that
this
approach
can
change
the
way
we
conceptualise
the
global
city.
It
allows
us
to
call
into
question
what
makes
a
‘successful’
global
city
and
to
begin
the
task
of
thinking
and
working
towards
more
just
and
inclusive
urban
futures.
The
arguments
I
put
forward
in
this
thesis
are
predominantly
informed
by
an
analysis
of
published
secondary
data
as
well
as
existing
academic
literature
on
waste
picking,
informal
recycling,
the
global
city,
political
ecology
and
Marxist
theory.
To
enable
a
better
understanding
of
the
global
city
project,
I
also
make
use
of
media
reports
on
different
(aspirational
and
model)
global
cities,
the
reports
and
rankings
of
global
cities
published
by
multinational
consultancy
firms,
as
well
as
sources
such
as
the
web
sites
of
tourist
boards,
that
show
up
the
auto-­‐promotional
use
of
the
global
city-­‐label
used
in
model
global
cities.
In
light
of
Delhi’s
global
city
project
and
the
changing
attitude
towards
municipal
solid
waste
management
in
Delhi
I
furthermore
refer
to
policy
documents
published
by
different
municipal
bodies
in
Delhi.
In
order
to
understand
the
historical
and
contemporary
role
of
waste
pickers
in
the
(global)
city,
my
literature
review
on
rag

22.
7
pickers
includes
previously
overlooked
historical
scholarly
texts
on
the
waste
picker
figure
and
an
insight
into
the
historical
evolution
of
socio-­‐cultural
representations
of
rag
pickers.
I
do
this
by
drawing
upon
poetry,
theatrical
plays,
paintings
and
novels.
My
analysis
of
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
greatly
benefits
from
the
inclusion
of
activist
and
NGO
publications.
The
latter
consists
of
the
most
important
source
of
contemporary
data
on
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
and
the
city’s
informal
recycling
sector.
The
discussion
of
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
and
Delhi’s
global
city
project
in
this
thesis
is
furthermore
informed
by
data
that
I
collected
as
a
research
intern
for
(and
under
the
ethical
guidelines
of)
Chintan
Environmental
Research
and
Action
Group,
a
Delhi-­‐based
NGO
that
promotes
the
rights
of
Delhi’s
waste
pickers
on
a
grassroots
level.
Chintan
is
actively
involved
in
the
collection
of
data
on
waste
picking
and
informal
recycling
in
Delhi.
As
a
research
intern
with
Chintan,
from
January
to
March
2011,
I
worked
on
different
research
projects,
some
of
which
I
draw
upon
in
chapters
III
and
IV.
I
offer
insights
gained
from
a
report
on
the
legal
status
of
informal
recycling
in
Delhi
that
is
based
on
several
semi-­‐structured
qualitative
interviews
with
legal
staff
as
well
as
the
analysis
of
the
case
documentation
of
the
case
Mahavir
Singh
vs.
Union
of
India
and
Others.
Also
included
in
this
thesis
are
passages
taken
from
case
studies
on
the
plight
of
individual
informal
recyclers
in
Delhi.
These
studies
are
based
on
semi-­‐structured
qualitative
interviews
with
waste
recyclers
operating
in
different
recycling
hubs
in
the
city.
The
full
case
studies
make
part
of
a
consultancy
report
that
was
commissioned
by
the
Delhi
Pollution
Control
Committee.
Additional
to
oral
and
written
data
I
have
included
photographic
evidence,
which
makes
part
of
a
larger
collection
that
has
been
shared
with
Chintan
in
Delhi
and
the
Action
Solidarité
Tiers
Monde,
which
is
an
NGO
in
Luxembourg.
I
collected
this
photographic
evidence
whilst
working
in
the
field
with
Chintan,
under
their
ethical
guidelines.
Seth
Schindler
from
Clark
University
took
Photograph
1
in
2006
and
kindly
gave
his
permission
for
me
to
reproduce
it
in
my
thesis.
Photograph
10
is
the
property
of
Foreign
Policy
Magazine
(Fung
and
Monschein
2010).

23.
8
Finally,
Chapter
4
includes
ideas
that
I
previously
expressed
in
the
form
of
two
articles
published
in
Brennpunkt
Drëtt
Welt
in
2011
(Schiltz
2011a;
2011b).
Both
articles
are
based
on
notes
and
a
diary
kept
whilst
working
in
the
field
and
visiting
different
projects
that
Chintan
has
implemented.

24.
9
CHAPTER
I:
A
WORLD
OF
GLOBAL
CITIES
-­‐
THE
FRAGMENTARY
NATURE
OF
THE
NEW
WORLD
MAP
In
the
introductory
lines
of
an
essay
on
the
world
city
network,
Beaverstock,
Smith
and
Taylor
(2000)
use
an
interesting
metaphor.
They
remind
us
that,
as
we
picture
Earth
from
outer
space,
we
cannot
recognise
any
of
the
artificial
borders
which
are
defined
by
the
imagination
of
a
Westphalian
cartography
(see
also
Cosgrove
1994).
In
fact,
it
seems
that
apart
from
the
Great
Wall
of
China
(itself
a
remarkably
strong
symbol
of
a
pre-­‐Westphalian
border),
little
or
no
human-­‐made
structure
can
be
identified
from
outer
space1
.
Beaverstock,
Smith
and
Taylor
(2000)
however,
remark
that
this
changes
the
moment
we
look
down
onto
those
parts
of
the
Earth,
which
are
no
longer
illuminated
by
the
rays
of
the
sun.
Indeed,
orbital
pictures
of
our
planet
taken
at
night
are
marked
by
a
pattern
of
lit-­‐up
dots
and
sprinkles
that
indicate
the
geographical
location(s)
of
human
urban
settlements.
“The
fact
that
these
‘outside
views’
of
Earth
identif[y]
a
world-­‐space
of
settlements
rather
than
the
more
familiar
world-­‐space
of
countries
has
contributed
to
the
growth
of
contemporary
‘One-­‐World’
rhetoric
(…),
which
has
culminated
in
‘borderless
world’
theories
of
globalization”
(ibid.:
123).
Beaverstock
and
his
colleagues
use
this
metaphor
to
open
up
a
line
of
argument
that
favours
an
understanding
of
the
world
in
terms
of
a
network
composed
of
world
cities.
In
this
chapter,
I
will
argue
that
this
idea
can
and
must
be
taken
a
step
further.
That
is
to
say
that
nocturnal
pictures
of
our
planet
must
not
merely
be
considered
as
a
metaphor
for
a
globalized
world
that
is
defined
by
a
network
of
inter-­‐connected
urban
areas.
The
city-­‐lights
identifiable
from
an
orbital
view
should
also
be
regarded
as
the
allegory
of
the
primary
focus
of
twenty-­‐five
years
of
global
city
research.
During
this
time,
scholarship
has
primarily
been
concerned
with
those
features
of
the
global
city
that
are
symbolised
by
the
very
structures
and
spaces
that
illuminate
the
city
at
night;
skyscrapers,
airports,
and
sports
stadiums,
just
to
name
a
few.
The
global
cities’
informal
spaces
and
settlements
-­‐
its
bidonvilles,
favelas
and
shantytowns
–
i.e.
those
parts
of
the
city,
which
remain
comparatively
dark
at
night,
1
For
a
brief
non-­‐academic
discussion
see
Loy
(1997).

25.
10
have
however
largely
been
ignored
in
the
theorisation
of
global
cities.
More
importantly,
the
people
who
live
and
work
in
and
around
these
informal
spaces
have
also
been
left
out
of
global
city
theory.
These
people
nevertheless,
constitute
a
significant
segment
of
many
(global)
cities’
overall
populations.
The
neglect
of
these
people
within
the
mainstream
global
city
literature
is
therefore
hardly
justifiable.
The
aim
of
this
chapter
is
to
show
that
it
is
not
only,
as
critics
of
the
global
city
paradigm
argue,
cities
that
risk
disappearing
off
the
map
that
defines
the
world
by
its
global
cities
(Robinson
2002),
but
that
the
neglect
of
the
slum
and
its
inhabitants
has
resulted
in
a
major
gap
in
our
knowledge
about
the
role
slum
dwellers
play
in
the
daily
functioning
of
the
global
city
and
how
they
contribute
towards
making
a
city
‘global’.
1
Globalization
and
Global
Cities
It
can
be
argued
that
since
the
1970s
the
international
stage
has
undergone
some
significant
structural
changes.
A
global
crisis
that
had
emerged
from
the
failures
of
the
post-­‐war,
Fordist-­‐Keynesian
accumulation
regime,
resulted
in
the
establishment
of
an
era
of
post-­‐Fordism
(Lipietz
1992).
Neoliberal
ideologies
quickly
turned
into
a
state
project
(Peck
and
Tickell
2002)
and
despite
constant
tensions
between
neoliberal
and
social-­‐democratic
forces
(Gough
2002;
Peck
and
Tickell
2002;
Gough
2003),
‘actually
existing
neoliberalism’
has
since
considerably
shaped
social
and
economic
policies
around
the
world
(Brenner
and
Theodore
2002a).
Markets
have
become
increasingly
global(ized)
(Held
et
al.
1999;
Scholte
2000)
and
the
role
of
the
state
has
altered
considerably
(Evans
1997).
Despite
the
fact
that
the
novelty
of
the
principal
features
which
mark
these
processes
of
globalization
has
been
contested
(e.g.
Hirst
and
Thompson
1999),
there
can
be
little
doubt
that
recent
technological
developments
have
enabled
flows
of
data,
information,
culture,
and
people
on
an
unforeseen
scale.
Despite
the
impact
the
forces
of
globalization
have
made
upon
the
authority
and
the
autonomy
of
the
nation
state,
our
world’s
cities
invariably
remain
very
important
arenas
for
social
struggle.
In
addition,
they
have
become
“central
to
the
production,

26.
11
mutation,
and
continual
reconstitution
of
neoliberalism”
(Brenner
and
Theodore
2002a:
28).
In
fact,
neoliberal
states
generally
promote
cities
and
their
respective
regions
as
favourable
locations
for
transnational
capital
investment
(Brenner
1998;
Brenner
and
Theodore
2005).
Also,
for
the
first
time
in
history,
the
world’s
urban
population
now
outweighs
its
rural
counterpart
(UN
Habitat
2008:
IX).
It
is
therefore
unsurprising
that
academic
attention
towards
cities
is
now
greater
than
ever
before.
This
is
of
course
not
to
say
that
academic
inquisitiveness
for
the
urban
is
something
new.
It
is
not!
However,
the
recognition
that
the
degree
of
a
city’s
‘creativeness’,
is
a
determinant
for
regional
economic
growth
(Jacobs
1969),
as
well
as
the
acknowledgement
that
inter-­‐city
relations
are
an
imperative
condition
for
such
growth
(Jacobs
1984),
have
both
made
a
significant
impact
on
how
the
urban
is
conceived
today.
Sure
enough,
in
1986
Friedmann
suggested
that,
to
understand
the
spatial
organisation
of
the
world’s
post-­‐Fordist
division
of
labour,
we
should
turn
our
attention
to
what
he
called
‘world
cities’2
.
These
are
cities
that
have
emerged
as
centres
for
capitalist
accumulation.
They
attract
international
capital
and
migrants
and
are
key
points
in
the
spatial
organisation
and
articulation
of
economic
markets.
For
this
reason
they
possess
global
control
functions
and
can
be
ranked
hierarchically
in
a
global
city-­‐matrix.
Representing
a
spatial
articulation
of
global
capitalism
they
evidently
also
reflect
capitalism’s
internal
contractions.
World
cities
are
socially
divided
and
spatially
polarised
metropoles
(Friedmann
1986).
Friedmann’s
hypothetical
statement
has
since
its
first
publication
become
the
basis
for
much
research
and
debate.
It
has
also
led
to
the
formation
of
the
Globalization
and
World
City
(GaWC)
Research
network.
A
primary
focus
of
GaWC
contributors
has
been
the
empirical
collection
of
data
that
allow
a
ranking
of
cities
according
to
the
significance
of
their
economic
command
functions.
Such
a
ranking
is
frequently
used
for
a
mapping
of
a
network/roster
of
world
cities
(Taylor
1997;
Beaverstock,
Smith,
and
Taylor
1999;
Beaverstock,
Taylor
and
Smith
2000;
Taylor
2000;
2001).
Despite
some
exceptions
(e.g.
Smith
and
Timberlake
1994;
Benton-­‐Short,
Price
and
2
Note
that
the
term
‘world
city’
was
firstly
coined
by
Geddes
(1915)
in
the
early
twentieth
century.
Friedmann’s
understanding
of
the
term
varies
significantly
however.

27.
12
Friedmann
2005)
the
criteria
chosen
to
rank
world
cities
are
mainly
based
on
economic
measurements.
Knox
(1995)
for
example
rates
world
cities
according
to
the
importance
of
their
international
corporate,
finance
and
telecommunication
functions.
The
work
of
one
specific
contributor
to
the
GaWC,
namely
that
of
Sassen
(1994;
2001;
2005)
has
become
particularly
influential.
Sassen’s
publications
have
led
to
a
rhetorical
shift
from
the
notion
‘world
cities’
to
that
of
‘global
cities’,
which
she
regards
as
concentration
points
for
firms
in
the
leading
industries
of
finance
and
specialised
producer
services.
She
(2001)
bases
her
work
on
a
limited
number
of
global
cities,
i.e.
London,
New
York
and
Tokyo.
These
cities,
together
with
a
handful
of
other
metropoles
such
as
Paris,
Singapore,
or
Hong
Kong
seem
to
have
become
model
global
cities
on
which
other
cities
are
measured
in
wider
literature
(e.g.
Taylor
1997).
Apart
from
standing
as
a
symbol
for
cities
that
are
embedded
in
global
economic
networks,
such
model
global
cities,
as
well
as
their
wider
city-­‐regions3
have
become
an
icon
for
new
possibilities
of
individual
fulfilment.
Different
inward
flows
of
a
plethora
of
multinational
and
multi-­‐ethnic
cultures,
customs,
and
social
behaviour
patterns
that
originate
from
all
around
the
world,
shape
the
global
cities’
different
milieus.
Whereas
some
people
feel
threatened
in
these
milieus,
others
find
them
all
the
more
stimulating
(Dürrschmidt
2003).
Global
cities
have
thus
been
celebrated
as
cities
of
diversity,
which
are
able
to
produce
the
conditions
for
cosmopolitanism
(Jacobs
1999).
2
Global
Cities
as
Divided
Cities
It
becomes
clear
that
the
way
in
which
global
cities
are
portrayed
in
academia
can,
on
occasion,
appear
almost
overly
glamorous.
The
fact
that
this
does
not
happen
without
reason
is
a
reflection
of
how
the
academic
idea
of
the
global
city
has
changed
since
Friedmann’s
original
theoretical
proposition.
Global
cities
are
no
3
For
a
discussion
on
global
city-­‐regions
see
Scott
(2001),
Scott
et
al.
(2001)
and
Pain
(2008).

28.
13
longer
‘just’
regarded
as
the
spatial
expression
of
a
post-­‐Fordist
division
of
labour,
but
have
become
a
strong
symbol
for
technological
development,
economic
prosperity,
multiculturalism,
and
cosmopolitan
citizenship.
Apart
from
being
the
‘place-­‐to-­‐be’
for
businesses
which
seek
to
network
and
to
foster
face-­‐to-­‐face
relationships
with
customers
and
service
providers,
global
cities
also
stand
as
places
of
hope
for
those
seeking
cultural
diversity4
,
a
change
of
life-­‐style,
or
maybe
even
a
space
enabling
the
liberation
of
their
sexual
selves
[for
this
see
Obendorf
(2012)
as
well
as
Dürrschmidt
(2003)].
According
to
Friedmann’s
original
statement,
there
ought
to
be
a
less
sparkling
flipside
to
this
dazzling
image
of
the
global
city.
According
to
his
proposition
(Friedmann
1986),
the
global
city
should
also
be
thought
of
as
a
divided
city
that
is
marked
by
spatial
polarisation
and
severe
class
divisions.
This
claim
has
been
confirmed
on
many
occasions.
Castells
(1989)
for
example
has
observed
the
rise
of
a
‘dual
city’
in
which
flexible
and
informal
work
practices
have
been
on
the
increase.
Davis
(1990)
explains
how
the
cityscape
of
Los
Angeles
is
highly
divided.
Here,
gated
communities,
on
the
one
hand,
stand
in
contrast
with
ghettos
and
run-­‐down
settlements,
on
the
other.
Expressed
more
specifically
in
line
with
the
global
city
discourse,
Sassen
(Sassen-­‐Koob
1987;
1989)
has
observed
an
increasing
numbre
of
informal
and
casual
labour
practices
in
model
global
cities.
She
(Sassen
2001)
explains
how
the
growing
number
of
specialised
professionals
who
concentrate
in
global
cities
has
led
to
spatial
and
socio-­‐economic
inequality.
High-­‐income
gentrification
has
emerged
from
the
growing
number
of
specialised
professionals.
These
professionals
create
an
increasing
demand
for
customised
and
locally
produced
goods
and
services.
This
has
led
to
a
growing
low-­‐wage
sector
that
frequently
operates
under
casual
and
informal
working
conditions
(ibid.).
There
is
thus
evidence
for
widening
wealth
divides
within
global
cities,
even
in
those
with
the
most
developed
global
city
functions.
Global
cities
are
not
only
“places
of
extreme
wealth
and
affluence,
but
they
are
also
places
of
severe
disadvantage
and
deprivation”
(Clark
1996:
139)
(see
also
Walks
2001;
Lipman
2002;
Patel,
d'Cruz
and
4
See
Chang
(2000)
who
discusses
the
‘Global
City
for
the
Arts’.

29.
14
Burra
2002).
The
global
city
can
therefore
be
described
by
the
features
of
the
modern
city
with
all
its
sensual
stimuli
as
described
by
Simmel
(1903),
as
well
as
by
socio-­‐spatial
divisions,
similar
to
those
described
by
Engels
(1976
[1845])
in
the
Condition
of
the
English
Working
Class.
As
a
result,
different
social
groups
and
geographical
areas
within
cities
seem
to
remain
excluded
from
the
prosperous
side
of
global
city
development
(Madon
and
Sahay
2001:
276).
3
A
Divided
World
of
Global
Cities
In
the
megacities,
i.e.
those
cities
with
a
population
of
more
than
ten
million
inhabitants
(Davis
2006),
of
the
developing
world,
the
discrepancy
between
the
two
sides
of
global
city
development
is
particularly
clear.
In
these
cities
only
a
very
small
elite
profits
from
the
relative
embeddedness
of
the
city
in
global
economic
networks
(Scott
et
al.
2001:
26;
Taylor
2007).
The
megacities
of
the
global
South
are
therefore
often
associated
with
poverty
and
not
thought
of
as
global
cities
(see
also
Chapter
V).
As
result
they
are
largely
ignored
in
the
mainstream
global
city
literature.
This
neglect
of
the
developing
world’s
megacities
is
rather
surprising.
Ninety-­‐five
percent
of
the
world’s
urban
population
growth
over
the
next
generation
is
expected
to
take
place
in
the
global
South
(Dawson
and
Edwards
2004:1).
This
means
that
the
population
in
the
developing
world’s
megacities
will
grow
and
that
an
even
greater
proportion
of
the
world’s
overall
population
will
be
living
in
these
megapoles.
Such
cities,
especially
those
of
the
African
continent,
are
frequently
absent
from
different
global
city
rankings
(see
Table
1).
Table
1,
for
example,
places
cities
according
to
an
index
that
“explores
the
comprehensive
power
of
cities
to
attract
creative
people
and
excellent
companies
from
around
the
world“
(MMF
2009:
1).
As
we
can
see
in
this
table,
cities
from
South
America,
South
Asia
and
Southern
Africa
are
significantly
underrepresented.
This
absence
of
Southern
cities
in
different
scholarly
global
city
hierarchies
is
also
evident
in
the
cartographic
representation
of
the
world
defined
by
its
global
cities.
A
glance
onto
the
world
map
of
global
cities
does
not
reflect
the
growing
population
patterns
of
the
Southern
(mega)cities,

30.
15
especially
those
of
South
Asia.
This
can
be
observed
by
comparing
Map
1
with
Map
2.
Table
1:
The
Mori
Memorial
Foundation’s
(MMF)
Global
Power
City
Index
2011
1
New
York
16
Boston
2
London
17
Geneva
3
Paris
18
Beijing
4
Tokyo
19
Copenhagen
5
Singapore
20
Madrid
6
Berlin
21
San
Francisco
7
Seoul
22
Vancouver
8
Hong
Kong
23
Shanghai
9
Amsterdam
24
Brussels
10
Frankfurt
25
Toronto
11
Sydney
26
Chicago
12
Vienna
27
Milan
13
Los
Angeles
28
Fukuoka
14
Zurich
29
Taipei
15
Osaka
30
Bangkok
Adopted
from
MMF
(2011:
9)
In
an
influential
critique
of
the
global
city-­‐model,
Robinson
(2002;
2006)
comes
to
the
conclusion
that
due
to
the
disproportionate
scholarly
focus
on
a
limited
number
of
global
cities
in
the
‘developed’
world,
cities
in
developing
countries
are
increasingly
neglected.
Robinson
(2002)
claims
that
the
primary
aim
of
global
city
research
has
become
putting
cities
in
‘boxes’
and
creating
hierarchical
listings
of
the
world’s
cities,
upon
which
the
new
global
city-­‐cartography
is
based.
This
claim
is
certainly
true.
Members
of
the
GaWC
research
network
have
been
involved
in
Conceptualising
and
Mapping
the
Structure
of
the
World
System’s
City
System
(Smith
and
Timberlake
1994)
through
the
search
for
Hierarchical
Tendencies
Amongst
World
Cities
(Taylor
1997).
Robinson
(2002:
538)
however
warns
that
“[i]t
is
one

31.
16
thing
[…]
to
agree
that
global
links
are
changing.
[…]
It
is
quite
another
to
suggest
that
poor
cities
and
countries
are
irrelevant
to
the
global
economy.”
Map
1:
The
World
Map
of
Most
Populated
Urban
Areas
in
2005
Source:
Nordpil
(2005)
Map
2:
The
World
Map
of
Global
Cities
According
to
GaWC
in
2008
Source:
GaWC
(2008)

32.
17
Other
criticisms
about
understanding
the
world
as
a
world
of
global
cities
include
too
great
an
emphasis
being
put
on
‘GaWC-­‐cities’
(Luke
2006
[2003])
and
hierarchical
city
rankings
(Robinson
2005).
The
reason
why
cities
located
in
the
global
South
often
cannot
be
found
on
maps
of
the
world’s
global
cities
is
claimed
to
be
the
Western-­‐centric
approach
to
data
collection
by
institutions
such
as
the
GaWC
network
(Simon
1995;
Clark
1996;
Yeung
and
Olds
2001;
Smith
2002;
Benton-­‐Short,
Price
and
Friedmann
2005;
Grant
and
Nijman
2006
[2002];
Mayaram
2009).
Some
argue
that
this
has
led
to
a
dualistic
conception
of
urban
areas.
Cities
are
considered
to
be
either
global
or
‘non-­‐global’
(McCann
2004).
Often
neglected
by
mainstream
studies
of
the
global
city,
and
thus
thought
of
as
‘non-­‐global’,
depictions
of
the
megacities
in
the
South
actually
provide
an
antipode
to
the
glorious
images
with
which
the
Northern
(and
regularly
Western)
model
global
cities
are
epitomised.
Metropolitan
areas
in
the
South
are
regularly
described
in
terms
of
their
growing
numbers
of
slums
and
informal
settlements
(Davis
2004;
2006;
Rao
2006)
and
have
rhetorically
been
downgraded
to
‘shadow
cities’
(Neuwirth
2005),
which
“embody
the
most
extreme
instances
of
economic
injustice,
ecological
unsustainability,
and
spatial
apartheid
ever
confronted
by
humanity”
(Dawson
and
Edwards
2004:
6).
What
is
seldom
acknowledged
is
that
the
forces
causing
the
marginalisation
of
many
urban
areas
in
the
South
are
the
same
as
those
which
have
led
to
the
economic
growth
of
the
model
global
cities
in
the
North.
In
an
essay
that
differs
quite
significantly
from
the
usual
focus
of
the
GaWC-­‐network,
Taylor
(2007),
one
of
the
network’s
main
contributors,
explains
that
neoliberalism,
which
is
now
globally
embedded,
has
had
a
dual
outcome.
On
the
one
hand
neoliberal
globalization
has
led
to
the
emergence
of
global
cities,
whilst
on
the
other
hand
it
has
increased
the
tendency
towards
a
‘planet
of
slums’.
Taylor
concludes
that
in
the
cities
of
the
South
these
processes,
both
triggered
by
neoliberal
globalization,
have
led
to
an
extreme
wealth
divide.
Adopting
a
world
systems
approach
(e.g.
Wallerstein
1974;
1979)
he
argues
that,
in
this
way,
some
cities
of
the
global
South
have
emerged
as
the
‘semi-­‐peripheral’
outcome
of
neoliberal
globalization
(Taylor
2007).