NIBR arrangerte seminar om Rio de Janeiro før OL i 2016:
Rio de Janeiro: Hva blir den «olympiske» effekten?
Gilmar Mascarenhas, professor ved Geografisk institutt, Universitetet i Rio de Janeiro: “From Barcelona 1992 to Rio de Janeiro 2016: a critical view of how mega sports events (the Olympic Games) influence urban development”.
Einar Braathen, forsker ll ved Norsk institutt for by- og regionforskning (NIBR): “Policies and politics addressing urban inequality: the case of Rio de Janeiro since 2008”.
Nell’iperspazio con Rocket: il Framework Web di Rust!
Presentasjoner fra seminar om Rio de Janeiro 281112
1. From Barcelona 1992 to Rio de Janeiro 2016:
A Critical View of How the Olympic Games
Influence Urban Development
Gilmar Mascarenhas
CNPq (National Counsel of Technological and
Scientific Development)
UERJ (State University of Rio de Janeiro)
Brazil
2. Successful Games or Not?
Emblematic Architecture and Legacy (Beijng 2008)
The most spectacular and expensive Olympics ever, it was designed to announce China's
arrival as a global superpower.
As a mega-event, the Games produced their own landscape.
Powerful landmarks, the Bird’s Nest and the Water Cub are very expensive.
Number of visitors are low and even decreasing, especially among foreign tourists.
Lack of planning for post-olympic legacy?
Or is it just a successful planning for capital accumulation and to strengthen China’s and
Benjing’s global image?
3. Today’s Olympism: a Confluence of Interests and
a Market Oriented Urban Management
• The Olympic industry’s requirements
• Appropriation of sports terminology by the war
of places (vigour, discipline, health, initiative,
effort, leadership, team spirit, etc.)
• Global promotion of the urban image
• Accumulation by dispossession (David Harvey)
• The real estate sector and contracting business
• Local political dividends
4. Olympic Globalization
• Olympism received initially eventual financial support from
bankers, factory owners and others who were sympathetic to
the racist, nationalist and colonialist cause of Coubertin's
"religion". It wasn't long before olympism started to attract
political and economic interest and promote events that were
increasingly more prominent internationally (Jean-Marie
Brohm, 2008)
• The romantic side of the Olympic ideals (ecumenism and
amateurism) gradually loses ground to the "Olympic industry"
(Hellen Lenskyj, 2008).
5.
6. Olympic’s business time
• 1980 – Juan Samaranch is elected President of the
IOC
• 1981 – Amateurism is revoked
• 1986 - The impediment of commercially exploiting
the Olympic emblems is abolished: the flag, the
symbol, the motto, the anthem etc.. are considered
to be "properties" of the Olympic Movement.
• The powerful alliance media-sport-business.
• New international corporation.
7. Impact on the Games’ organization
• A new "Olympic urbanism," which distances
itself from the welfare state (social housing
and community sport practices)
• Moscow 1980 x Los Angeles 1984: beyond the
Cold War
• Seoul 1988: the large urban project affected
15% of the population, who had to find new
places to live - 48 000 buildings were
destroyed (Rolnik, 2011).
8. The mythical Barcelona 1992 model:
spatial distribution of the facilities
(Jean-Pierre AUGUSTIN, 1996)
9. BARCELONA 1992: myth and reality
• Relative consideration to the Strategical Plan of the post-
Francoism (PSOE): the “urban equilibrium” principle
• Attempt to meet some of the local needs for sports
infrastructure
• The Ollympic Village as a recovery project for a deprecated
area, but it led to voluminous evictions and gentrification and
disregarded the city’s historical heritage.
• The driving force for the city’s development and international
recognition.
• Rising living costs and touristification of the city (Delgado,
2007)
• A double effect of marketing: for the city and for the Olympic
movement.
11. From Atlanta 1996 to Athens 2004
• 1996 – A strange centenary outside Olympia: the
“Coca-Cola games” in Atlanta, the “revanchist city”.
• 2000 – Sydney: ecological marketing- the "green
games". Sustainability’s spectacularization (use of
solar energy in the Olympic village, recyclable and
organic objects, collective displacements to reduce
emissions, etc.) COHRE: rising prices and evictions.
• 2004 – Athens:the most expensive games until then
(twice as costly as Sydney). High level of repression
of social movements (post-September 11): The
"State of Emergency" (Stavrides, 2008)
14. Beijing 2008 : the spectacle
Interventions cover the different areas of the city, mainly north, west and east.
Associated to the Games, a great plan to expand the subway network is developed. On
the other hand, it focused on monumentality rather than the real sports legacy.
15. Beijing 2008: U$ 40 billion on
the“Olympic Make-Up”
• China has 16 of the 20 most polluted cities in the world, Beijing being one
of the worst (World Bank).
• Temporary closure of factories, prohibition on movements of trucks and
on car rotation system, as well as the suspension of construction works
around the city
• Intense political repression during the Games
• Forced displacement: 3 million people were relocated and had no rights
16. Delhi 2010
Anti Commonwealth Games Front: Around 200,000 – 250,000 people have been rendered homeless and
had their homes demolished due to the Games.
18. London 2012
• The election of the 2012 venue happened a year after the disastrous
Olympic experience in Athens (2004). By then it looked like the Beijing
Olympics (2008) would follow a costly, unpopular and monumental model.
Thus the election of the 2012 host was marked by a framework of
pressure and the risk of discrediting the international Olympic movement.
• As in Barcelona, the design of the London Games was conceived under a
leftwing local administration (Ken Livingstone), focusing on urban
regeneration of an old "de-industrialized“ area, in addition to investing in
improvements of the metropolitan public transport.
• The eastern side was elected as the main stage of events and investments.
The decision of this location surprised many, considering the historical
social and economic dichotomy in London’s urban space.
19. London 2012
• In short, London 2012 overcomes Barcelona in terms of
legacy: in both cases the metropolitan periphery conquered
improvements, but in London the rate of expropriations was
much smaller. We can not yet, however, fully assess the legacy
of 2012, since the future of the Olympic Park is still unclear, as
well as the process of urban renovation and acceleration of
real estate appreciation that may occur in Stratford, a
northward extension of the process of Canary Wharf, resulting
in intensive gentrification of a section of the old port area,
creating a new landscape at the East End. Between Strattford
and this area, a route already displays intense gentrification,
with famous international chains of hotels and business
buildings: the Stratford High Street.
20. Rio 2016: reflections
• Winning bid: Tokyo and Madrid (scenario of crisis, car rotation
system and time zone); Chicago faced strong local protests,
internal opposition and resistance against the unipolar model
(USA). Rio has adequate sports facilities (South American
pioneer) and profits from the country's positive image
(emerging market). However, it faces social and urban
infrastructure problems.
• Doubtful legacy: the Pan-American Games 2007 in the city of
Rio de Janeiro produced sports facilities of international
standards, but poorly managed and very little used. Public
investments shall be multiplied for an Olympics.
23. Rio de Janeiro 2016: perspectives
• Concentration in Barra da Tijuca (still. ..)
• Timid insertion in the suburbs
• Large project for the waterfront zone
• Lack of transparency and democratic channels
• New white elephants
• (Ongoing: real estate speculation!)
• Revanchist City: the UPPs and the removal of
communities
24. Rio de Janeiro 2016 : a case of elitist deconcentration
Four clusters. Barcelona’s influence but main concentration of venues and investments
.
in noble zones. Urban Master Plan has been dropped Revitalization of the waterfront
zone
25. Ongoing trends: 1992 to 2016
• High investment in discursive legitimation (urban patriotism,
forced consensus) and stifling dissent;
• Construction of monumental architectural icons of expensive
maintenance and low social returns;
• Creation of temporary decision-making bodies which are
above the bureaucratic-institutional apparatus and regulatory
frameworks
• Little or none civil society participation in the design and
management of the mega event;
• Removals and great appreciation of urban land
• Investments concentrated in areas of greater private interest
• Rise of the spectacular metropolis
26. Policies and politics
addressing urban
inequality:
the case of Rio de Janeiro since 2008
Einar Braathen
Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research (NIBR)
NIBR Faglig Forum, November
28, 2012
28. Methodology
• Part of international multi-thematic research
project, Chance2Sustain, 2010-2104
• Own work package on Urban Inequality
• 4 countries, 10 cities
• 2 or 3 sub-standard settlements selected in each
city
• Qualitative field work, following a joint
conceptual and methodological framework
• Comparison within cities, across cities
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
29. Focus
Policies to address urban inequality: Housing.
• Repression/exclusion vs rights/inclusion of the
slum-dwellers.
• Up-grading existing vs building new houses.
Politics of substandard settlement upgrading.
• Participation by the residents.
• Use/abuse of environmental ‘risk’ in upgrading
and removal policy.
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
30. Key concepts
• Urban inequality socio-spatial segregation
• Sub-standard settlements
legality (status of occupation)
regularity (spatial lay-out and physical structure)
• Lack of security vs. rights/entitlements: “
issue of rights and obligations
citizenship in the settlement (“settlementship”)
• Agency and social mobilisation:
Invited, invented or conquered spaces for
participation
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
31. Sub-standard settlements (1)
Country Definition % pop.
• Brasil “Precarious housing” 14
• Peru “Overcrowded” 24
• India “Slum” 26
• SA “Non-formal” 30
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
33. Housing policies in Brazil/Rio
• With democratization of 1980s, favelas no-more
demolished
• But lack of large-scale and long-term social
housing programs 1980-2005
• Lula government 2003: Urban reform. Ministry
of Cities, Conferences and councils of cities.
• 2007: ’PAC’ and ’Minha Casa Minha Vida
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
34. Rio: turning points after 2006
• Ambitious pro-business strategy ’Global
City’ => hosting mega-events
• 2007: The PAN Games
• 2008: FIFA ’appoints’ Rio (Maracaná)
• 2009: IOC decides ”The Winner is Rio…”
• 2010: Extreme rain and floods
• 2010-11: Morar Carioca. All favelas
’urbanized’ by 2020, as ’legacy’
NIBR Faglig Forum, November
28, 2012
38. • Vila Autódromo. Fishing village => working
class neighbourhood in the boomtown Barra de
Tijuca. Pop.: ca. 2000. Olympic Games 2016 =>
Olympic Park = collective removal. Constant
mobilization.
• Manguinhos, a cluster of sub-standard
settlements in a (des-)industrialized area. Pop.:
ca 50 000. Federal ‘Program for Accelerated
growth’ (=PAC) incl. urban infrastructures and
housing. Accelerated demobilization.
• Morro da Providência, the first ever favela.
Pop.: ca 4000. Olympic Games 2016 =>
municipal projects: ‘Porto Maravilha’ => ‘Morar
Carioca’. Uneven mobilization.
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
39. Case: Morro da Providência
• ’No man’s land’, but cultural heritage sites.
Association & clientelism developed some
infrastructures.
• 2010: Unit of Pacification Police (UPP).
2011: ’Morar Carioca’ starts to ’urbanize’
the favela. Abuse of ’risk area’ argument.
Relocation of parts of the settlement.
• Mobilization uneven: up, down & up…
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
41. The ’risk area’ abuse
• 1600 houses in total
• 832 marked for demolition
• 317 because ‘in the way for public works’
• 515 because in ‘risk area’
• But no public ‘laudo’, only ‘contra-laudo’
• Áreas de riscos => Áreas de ricos”
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
42. Sub-standard settlements (2)
Semi-regular Irregular
Semi- Tolerated, but no titles Tolerated, but no titles
legal + +
SOME regulations, NO regulations, infrastructures,
infrastructures, services services
= Increasing. Most frequent? = Almost ceased.
Illegal Persecuted Persecuted
+ +
SOME regulations, NO regulations,no
infrastructures, services infrastructures, no services
= Increasing. Frequent with = Happens (new occupations)
up-grading
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012
43. Sub-standard settlements (3)
’Effective’ upgrading when well
coordinated among the main agents,
but divisive among the residents
Divisive upgrading: the poorest of the poor
further marginalized. Increases socio-
spatial segregation.
Is full participation and control by the
residents possible? Can it make upgrading
both ’non-divisive’ and ’effective’?
NIBR Faglig Forum, November 28, 2012