Models of embodied rationality.

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Benoit Hardy-Vallée, Ph.D.

I present suggestion for reconciling rational decision-making with embodied cognition

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Models of Embodied Rationality Benoit Hardy-Vallée, PhD. University of Waterloo/UQAM http://bhv.direct.to - | - [email_address]

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Behaviorism and Social Cognitive Theory 2 Assessment 1: Behaviorism and Social Cognitive Theory- Gisela PSY-FP7411 Capella University Professor Tara James-Lamonica Ashley Moore 6/5/18 Case Study Gisela is a 6-year-old girl who has begged her family for a pet dog for years. Her parents claim that she has been drawn to them since she was a baby, but they just haven’t had the time for a puppy, yet everyone in their neighborhood seems to have one. A few months ago, while she was walking the two blocks to school all by herself, a beautiful looking dog was in a yard along her path. Delighted, she opened their gate and rushed to the dog while squealing with delight. Suddenly the dog jumped on her and knocked her down, giving her a growl and snapping his teeth at her. The dog continued to bark at her until the owner came out from the house and discovered a shaking, sobbing child who had wet herself in terror. She was unable to tell the man her name or where she lived, and it was an hour until police arrived to assist. Gisela’s parents share that now, several months later, they have a big problem. At first, Gisela seemed to only be afraid of that one brown dog, but now she has become afraid of just about anything related to dogs. Gisela is too afraid to walk to school even with her parents, she is afraid there will be a dog around every corner, she notices dog barks “from really far away”, she is afraid of sirens, and won’t go to parades. She has wetting accidents almost every day when she did not before. Ironically, she is still begging for one of her own, and while they are now considering a family dog, they are hesitating given Gisela’s situation. Behaviorism The Behaviorist Theory was developed as an alternative orientation toward studying and explaining a person’s conscious experience and originally rejected both the tenets of mentalism. Mentalism was focused on the study of mind, applying the method of introspection. In Watson's classical approach on the Behaviorist Theory, it was conveyed as an objective experimental branch of natural science whose goal was the prediction and control of behavior, whose boundaries acknowledged no dividing line between humans and animals, and his approach rejected perceptions such as mind, consciousness, and introspection (Roeckelein, 2006). The Formal Behaviorist Theory was influenced by logical positivism, where propositions in science need to be verified by empirical and observable evidence. This approach attempted to explain behavior in terms that consisted of operational definitions of concepts, processes, and events both directly observed and unobserved. The logical behaviorism of the American psychologist Clark Leonard Hull (1884-1952), was formulated in terms of a hypothetico-deductive learning theory and it was the most systematized theory of the formal behaviorists. Another variation of the formal behaviorist theories was the American psychologist Edward Chace Tolman's (1886-1959) purposi ...

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Decision-making is usually a secondary topic in psychology, relegated to the last chapters of textbooks. Most of the time these chapters acknowledge the failure of the “homo economicus” model and propose to understand human irrationality as the product of heuristic and biases, which may be rational under certain environmental conditions. Psychology pictures decision-making as a deliberative task, studied by multiple-choice tests using the traditional paper and pen method. Psychological research on decision-making assumes that the subjects’ competence in probabilistic reasoning – as revealed by these tests – is a good description of their decision-making capacities. This conception takes for granted (1) that the process of reasoning about action is identical to the process of decision-making and (2) that psychology documents either human failures to comply with rational-choice standards or how mental mechanisms are ecologically rational. In this talk, I argue that decision neuroscience (“neuroeconomics”) may suggest another approach for the study and the nature of decision-making. Research in this field show that information processing in decision is affective, embodied and prosocial: Evolutionary older neural structures, such as the limbic system or dopaminergic neurons, are highly involved in subjective risk and certainty assessment; somatosensory information is integrated in prefrontal areas and helps evaluating choices; In games where players may adopt fair or unfair attitudes, the first ones tend to be more frequent and the second ones elicit emotionally negative reaction. Moreover, I suggest (against bounded rationality) that these mechanisms achieve near-optimality in social decision-making and (against ecological rationality) that this optimality is not fitness-enhancing. Consequently, I argue that the study of decision-making should be construed as an investigation into “natural rationality” (the mechanisms by which cognitive agents make decisions) and that decision-making should be a central concern for psychology.

Natural Rationality: Beyond Bounded and Ecological Rationality

Benoit Hardy-Vallée, Ph.D.

The experimental study of economic exchange behavior revealed many discrepancies between normative theory of strategic rationality (game theory) and actual behavior. In many games games where defection and competition is expected by game theory, subjects robustly display cooperative behavior. In the ultimatum game, for instance, a ‘proposer’ makes an offer to a ‘responder’ that can either accept or refuse the offer; if the responder refuses, both players get nothing. The rational outcome is a minimal offer by the first player and an unconditional acceptance of the offer by the second. In fact, proposers make ‘fair’ offers, about 50% of the amount, responders tend to accept these offers and reject most of the ‘unfair’ offers (less than 20%;Oosterbeek et al., 2004). Cooperative and prosocial behavior is also observed in similar games, e.g. the trust game and the prisoner’s dilemma (Camerer, 2003). Neuroeconomics, the study of the neural mechanisms of decision-making (Glimcher, 2003), also showed that subjects seems to entertain prosocial preferences. Brain scans of people playing the ultimatum game indicates that unfair offers trigger, in the responders’ brain, a ‘moral disgust’: the anterior insula, an area involved in disgust and other negative emotional responses, is more active when unfair offers are proposed (Sanfey et al., 2003). In the prisoner’s dilemma and the trust game, similar activations have been found: cooperation and punishment of unfair players elicit positive affective emotions, while unfairness elicit negative one (de Quervain et al., 2004; Rilling et al., 2002). The received view of these behavioral and neural data is that human beings are endowed with genuinely altruistic cognitive mechanisms, a view now labelled “Strong Reciprocity” (SR). According to SR, an innate propensity for altruistic punishment and altruistic rewarding makes us averse to inequity (Fehr & Rockenbach, 2004). In this talk, I argue that this moral optimism is far-fetched. Yes, the ‘cold logic’ model of rationality is not an accurate description of our decision-making mechanisms, but the SR model, I shall argue, relies on unwarranted assumptions. I present another model–the ‘hot logic’ approach–according to which human agents are selfish agents adapted to trade, exchange and partner selection in biological markets (Noë et al., 2001). Cognitive mechanisms of decision-making aims primarily at maximizing positive outcomes and minimizing negative ones. This initial hedonism is gradually modulated by social norms, by which agents learn how to maximise their utility given the norms. The ‘hot logic’ approach provide a simpler explanation of cooperation and fairness: subjects make ‘fair’ offers in the ultimatum game because they know their offer would be rejected otherwise. Responders affective reaction to ‘unfair offers’ is in fact a reaction to the loss of an expected monetary gain: they anticipated that the proposer would comply with social norms. This claim is supported by other imaging studies showing that loss of money can be aversive, and that actual and counterfactual utility recruit the same neural resources (Delgado et al., 2006; Montague et al., 2006). This approach explains why subjects make lower offers in the dictator game (an ultimatum game in which the responder make an offer and the responder's role is entirely passive) than in the ultimatum, why, when using a computer displaying eyespots, almost twice as many participants transfer money in the dictator (Haley & Fessler, 2005), and why attractive people are offered more in the ultimatum (Solnick & Schweitzer, 1999). In every case, agents seek to maximize a complex hedonic utility function, where the reward and the losses can be monetary, emotional or social (reputation, acceptance, etc.). SR is thus seen as cooperative habits that are not repaid (Burnham & Johnson, 2005).

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