Physical Intimacy and Sexual Coercion Among Adolescent Intimate Partners in the Philippines

Serquina-Ramiro / PHYSICAL
JOURNAL OF ADOLESCENT RESEARCH / July 2005AL
10.1177/0743558405275170 INTIMACY AND SEXU COERCION

Physical Intimacy and Sexual Coercion Among
Adolescent Intimate Partners in the Philippines
Laurie Serquina-Ramiro
University of the Philippines Manila
This study explores perceptions about intimate relationships including perspectives of
pressure and sexual coercion as experienced by unmarried Filipino adolescent males
and females aged 15 to 19 years. The study design included an initial qualitative phase
containing focus group discussions with adults and adolescents and key informant inter-
views with professionals, a community survey of 600 female and male adolescents, and
in-depth interviews with selected survey respondents. The results indicated that sexual
coercion was regarded as common in adolescent intimate relationships. Viewed from a
broader perspective, it can occur at any stage of the intimate process using a combination
of methods. Of the 600 adolescent survey respondents, 64% reported whether they have
ever practiced or experienced any form of pressure and coercion in their intimate rela-
tionships. Of this number, 321 were targets of coercion, whereas 65 admitted that they
had perpetrated the coercive act. Among the victims, 42.3% were males and 64.6% were
females (p < .0001). The use of verbal pressure to pursue coercive sex was commonly
reported. Recommendations were made to facilitate a healthy sexual development
among male and female adolescents.

Keywords: sexual coercion; physical intimacy; adolescents; Philippines

Intimate relationships are governed by societal notions of gender roles,
socialization, and power relations. Although the Filipino culture is relatively
more egalitarian compared to cultures of other East Asian countries (Bouis,
Costello, Solon, Westbrook, & Limbo, 1998), certain norms specific to each
gender are expected. In the traditional setting, Filipino males need to be
strong, firm, decisive, assertive, rational, and responsible; women should be
meek, submissive, caring, and affectionate. Males are anticipated to perform
the more active part in courtship and sex, whereas females wait for the males

This study was supported by the World Health Organization Special Programme for Research, Development
and Research Training In Human Reproduction. Address all correspondence to Professor Laurie Serquina-
Ramiro, Department of Behavioral Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Ma-
nila, Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila, Philippines; e-mail: lsramiro8888@yahoo.com.

Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 20 No. 4, July 2005 476-496
DOI: 10.1177/0743558405275170
© 2005 Sage Publications
476

Serquina-Ramiro / PHYSICAL INTIMACY AND SEXUAL COERCION 477

to make the first move. These patterns, however, are quickly being chal-
lenged by today’s Filipino youth (Conaco, Jimenez, & Billedo, 2003). The
influx of Western liberal ideas either through migration or cyberspace and the
strong advocacy by women’s groups in the country have increasingly restruc-
tured the Filipino adolescents’ worldview of sex and sexuality.
Adolescence signals the beginning of a more serious interaction with the
opposite sex. Filipino adolescents generally first engage in romantic relation-
ships at age 15, with males starting earlier than females (Raymundo, Xenos,
& Domingo, 1999). Filipino adolescents today face earlier initiation into dat-
ing because of advancements in communications, changing lifestyles, more
options for living arrangements, and greater liberty in the choice of date part-
ners and places of dating. These romantic relationships provide an important
context in which adolescents explore issues of sexuality and intimacy
(Feiring, 1996; Shulman, Laursen, Kalman, & Karpovsky, 1997).
As part of this exploration into one’s sexuality, intimate activities go
deeper in many adolescent romantic relationships. In the 2002 Philippine
Young Adult Fertility Survey 3 (YAFS3) study, 23% of the 19,798 Filipino
adolescents sampled nationwide had engaged in premarital sex (31% of
males and 15.7% of females; Raymundo & Cruz, 2004). Among these ado-
lescents who engaged in premarital sex, 42.1% wanted the sexual activity to
happen; 32.5% did not want it to happen, but went along with it; 32.5% did
not have plans, but it happened anyway; and 2% engaged in the sexual act
against their will. Having their first sexual encounter at a younger age, Fili-
pino males have sexual relations repeatedly with different partners, whereas
Filipino girls generally engage in such activity only with their boyfriends.
An adolescent’s decision to engage in sexual activity can be affected by a
variety of factors. Aside from biological reasons, factors such as personality
orientation, sociodemographic characteristics, attitudes and behaviors of
parents, siblings and peers, and media influence an adolescent’s initiation to
sex (Lam, Shi, Ho, Stewart, & Fan, 2002; Little & Rankin, 2001; Ouattara &
Thomson, 1998). The 2002 Philippine YAFS3 study indicated that those who
wanted their first premarital sex to happen were relatively older (20 to 24 age
bracket), had lower levels of education, and were currently working. In their
study, Gowen, Feldman, Diaz, and Israel (2004) also reported that girls with
older boyfriends were more likely to engage in all forms of sexual intimacy
and experience sexual coercion.
Negotiation strategies, such as bargaining, compromising, and gentle per-
suasion, have been used by romantic partners to express their sexual desires
(Eyre, Read, & Millstein, 1997; Kippax, Crawford, Waldby, & Benton, 1990;
Melendez, Hoffman, Exner, Leu, & Ehrhardt, 2003). Often the more aggres-
sive and persuasive of the two sexes, males go on dates, make phone calls,

478 JOURNAL OF ADOLESCENT RESEARCH / July 2005

maneuver into the situation, and propose sex. Girls use such sexual strategies
as hinting at sex, flirting, and working through friends. Coercive behaviors,
however, are not uncommon. In their study among Canadian adolescents,
Poitras and Lavoie (1995) found that verbal coercion, threats, physical force,
and the deliberate use of drugs or alcohol are used to obtain sexual behaviors.
In Wood’s (2001) study of young people in a South African township, the use
of weapons or physical threats in rape situations, as well as verbal tactics,
such as persuasion, blackmail, or verbal threats, was apparent. Although
Holland, Ramazanoglu, Sharpe, and Thompson (1992) found that young
women experience both verbal (persuasion or coercion) and physical pres-
sures (intimidation, sex when drunk, child abuse, force, or threat of force),
Williams (2001) reported the use of humiliation and degradation; forced sex
with other adults, children, parents, or animals; forced prostitution and por-
nography; and forced sex without protection from pregnancy and disease in
intimate partner sexual abuse.
Heise, Moore, and Toubia (1995) define sexual coercion as the “act of
forcing (or attempting to force) another individual through violence, threats,
verbal insistence, deception, cultural expectations, or economic circum-
stance to engage in sexual behavior against the will” (p. 4). But as Ingham
(1992) stressed, sexual meanings and scripts are dependent on the under-
standing of the social and normative contexts in particular cultures. In many
societies, sexual coercion is viewed in a continuum of tolerated to transgres-
sive behaviors (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 1999; Jewkes & Abrahams,
2001). It may also exist in a scale of coercion and severity of personal viola-
tion (Koss, 2001). For example, people may sanction forced sex with a prosti-
tute, a servant, or an unresisting woman, whereas any sexual relationship
between adults and children, or among immediate family members forced or
sex with a virgin or rape by a stranger may be considered a crime. Although
the experience of nonconsensual sex in marriage and adolescent dating are
common, these behaviors are regarded as gray areas in some cultures.
Numerous studies have been done to assess the magnitude of sexual coer-
cion among adolescents. Using data from a large national health study of
adolescents between 11 and 21 years of age in the United States, Roberts and
Klein (2003) found that 21% of boys and 22% of girls experienced being
called names, insulted, treated disrespectfully, swore at, threatened, and
pushed or shoved or having something thrown at them by their intimate part-
ners. In Jaffe, Sudermann, Reitzel, and Killip’s (1992) study, 21% of female
students in Ontario reported experiencing physical abuse, 23% were sexually
abused, and 57% experienced verbal abuse by their intimate partners.
Maxwell, Robinson, and Post (2003) found that nearly half of their female
American respondents experienced sexual aggression, and one third of males


admitted committing this type of offense. The likelihood of reporting victim-
ization increases with more frequent dating, going out with different part-
ners, and dating older males. In western India, 26% of the adolescents sam-
pled reported incidents of sexual coercion ranging in severity from unwanted
kissing to sexual intercourse. No gender differences were discovered regard-
ing victim status or types of coercion tactics experienced (Waldner, Vaden-
Goad, & Sikka, 1999).
Relevant data in the Philippines are mostly in the form of descriptive stud-
ies of sexual molestations, including rape and incest, predominantly perpe-
trated by strangers or immediate family members (e.g., Gabriela, 1987;
Ramiro, Madrid, & Santos Ocampo, 1998; Sobritchea, 1990; United Nations
International Children’s Fund and the Center of Women’s Studies, 1996;
Viloria, 1990). So far, no detailed information is available to describe the
nature of sexual coercion in Filipino adolescent intimate relationships. This
present study was an attempt to fill in this gap of knowledge.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The aim of this study was to explore young people’s perceptions and expe-
riences of physical intimacy and sexual coercion in adolescent intimate rela-
tionships. It sought to analyze the emic meanings and scripts attached to
physical intimacy and sexual coercion as perceived and experienced by Fili-
pino adolescent males and females.
Specifically, this study tried to answer the following research questions:
What behaviors between adolescent intimate partners can be culturally con-
sidered as physically intimate? How is sexual coercion understood locally?
What is the prevalence of sexual coercion among adolescent males and
females? At what point in the physical intimate process does sexual coercion
usually occur? What types of coercive acts are most common among adoles-
cent intimate partners? What are the conditions or circumstances that lead to
sexual coercion? What are the consequences of sexual coercion?

METHOD

Research Design
A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used for this
study. Conducted in three phases, key informant interviews, focus group dis-
cussions, and in-depth interviews were used in combination with a commu-


nity survey. Phase I explored the notion of physical intimacy in adolescent
relationships and community perceptions of sexual coercion and violence.
Phase II consisted of a community survey that provided an age-specific and
generalizable description of physical intimacy and sexual coercion in adoles-
cent intimate relationships. In Phase III, in-depth interviews were conducted
to provide more details about the respondents’ coercive experiences and to
clarify some preliminary information from the survey.

Study Setting
Data collection was done in 2001 in the Sampaloc district of the city of
Manila. Compared to other areas in the city, Sampaloc has a dense residential
population. As one of the 14 administrative districts of Manila, it has a total
population of 352,329 in 2000. Predominantly a middle-class community,
the district is composed of 241 barangays (villages), with an average of 315
households per barangay. Sampled from the 10 barangays with the highest
residential population, three barangays with household populations of 561,
608, and 560 were randomly chosen for this study.

Study Population
For Phase I, three groups of respondents were involved. Four men and
4 women with ages ranging from 28 to 60 years composed the group of pro-
fessionals that included social scientists, medical doctors, law enforcers, and
teachers. Being in their professions for an average of 14 years, they have had
intensive experiences with adolescents either through counseling, teaching,
research, clinical treatment, and other social encounters.
The second group was composed of 3 male and 3 female adults with ages
ranging from 36 to 59 years. All of them were employees of a government
institution and were chosen on the basis of their having children aged 15 to 19
years at the time of the study. Finally, 5 males and 5 females, whose ages
ranged from 15 to 19 years, composed the adolescent group. The adolescent
interviewees were college students in a government university and had expe-
riences in intimate partnerships.
Six hundred unmarried adolescents aged 15 to 19 years were asked to par-
ticipate in the Phase II survey. Among them were 298 males and 302 females.
They were 17.7 years of age on average (males = 17.7, SD = 1.67; females =
17.6, SD = 1.77). About 47% reached the college level (males = 48.3%,
females = 46.4%) and 2.5% had elementary education alone (males = 3.1%.
females = 2.0%). Eighteen percent (males = 16.2%, females = 19.0%) were
currently working, either as crew in a fast-food chain, part-time office


worker, house helper, vendor, or service provider (e.g., gasoline boys). In all
sociodemographic variables, there were no significant differences between
males and females. A total of 820 households in the selected barangays were
approached for the survey. Of this number, 220 households did not partici-
pate in the study. About 62% had no eligible adolescent in the household;
27.3% had an eligible adolescent but was not available at the time of survey;
and 10.5% had an eligible adolescent who refused to be interviewed.
For Phase III, 40 survey respondents were invited to participate in the in-
depth interviews. Out of this number, 29 agreed to get involved in the third
phase. The 14 male and 15 female interviewees had an average age of 17.2
years (SD = 2.4). Of these interviewees, 4 had sexual preferences for the same
sex, 3 were having a relationship with married men or women, 4 were having
an affair with older men or women (i.e., older by more than 5 years), and 3
were going steady with persons of higher social status and 3 with persons of
lower social status. The remaining 12 persons were having intimate relation-
ships with partners from the opposite sex who were of the same age and
social status as the respondents.

Procedures
Key informant interviews with professionals and focus group discussions
with adults and adolescents were conducted. Questions related to the local
understanding of physical intimacy and sexual coercion were asked during
these exploratory interviews. In addition, the range of adolescent behaviors
perceived by the community as physically intimate were identified. The con-
text, process, and outcomes of sexual coercion within adolescent intimate
relationships were also discussed. The results of the interviews and focus
group discussions were transcribed verbatim. Main themes, patterns of
responding, and significant quotes were noted. The data obtained in Phase I
were used in designing the questionnaire for the subsequent community
survey.
In Phase II, a multistage sampling scheme was used in the selection of the
final respondents. From each of the three sample barangays, 200 eligible
households were selected through systematic sampling. If there was more
than one eligible adolescent in the selected household, the final respondent
was chosen using a computer-generated table of random numbers. Two
callbacks were required before the selected respondent was dropped from the
sampling list.
The 15-page pretested questionnaire, written in Tagalog, consisted of
questions that asked about history of intimate relationships; experience of a
variety of physical intimate acts; and opinions, attitudes, and experiences of


sexual coercion and violence. The list of physical intimate acts in the survey
questionnaire was based on the results of the exploratory interviews that
identified the intimate behaviors commonly experienced by Filipino adoles-
cent partners. Similarly, all questions and response options relating to sexual
coercion conformed to the findings of the initial interviews.
As part of the ethical standards, the purpose and mechanics of the survey
were explained to the respondents. They were assured that their answers will
be treated with utmost confidentiality. They were told that a second interview
may be necessary in the future. They were also given the opportunity to ask
questions prior to the survey, after which they were asked to sign the
informed consent form if they wished to participate. Because of the sensitiv-
ity of the topic, the respondents were freely given the option of answering the
questions by themselves or asking the assistance of an interviewer. Through-
out the interview, the interviewer was available for clarifications regarding
the questionnaire. Male interviewers did the asking of questions to male
respondents. Similarly, female interviewers assisted the female interviewees.
The questionnaire was answered in a place of utmost privacy.
The survey data were checked and field edited for completeness and con-
sistency. They were encoded, edited, and cleaned. Answers to the open-
ended questions were listed down before major domains were established.
These domains were then coded and entered into the data entry system.
Descriptive statistics (e.g., frequencies, proportions, measures of central
tendencies, and variability) were predominantly used to summarize the data.
Significant differences between males and females were tested using the t
test for continuous variables and chi-square for categorical variables.
The in-depth interviews (Phase III) were conducted 2 months after the
survey had been completed to provide more details about the respondents’
coercive experiences and clarify some preliminary information from the sur-
vey. Forty survey participants were invited for the in-depth interviews. They
were selected on the basis of their reported coercive experiences with their
intimate partners, on the distinctiveness of their intimate relations (e.g.,
same-sex relationships, intimacy with older partners), and on their availabil-
ity for the interview.
The in-depth interviews lasted for 1 to 1.5 hr and were conducted in a
place where utmost privacy was observed. Once rapport had been estab-
lished, the respondents were asked to tell a story about their coercive experi-
ences. They were also encouraged to do written narratives if they found it dif-
ficult to orally disclose their experiences. The respondents were also asked to
explain some of the initial findings of the survey. For example, they were


asked to elaborate more on the concept of “sweet talking” as a mechanism of
sexual coercion. They were also asked to explicate on the findings on male
sexual assault. As in the survey, the interviewers and interviewees were
matched by gender and age.
The interviews were taped upon consent of the interviewee. The qualita-
tive data were then transcribed. Key themes, patterns of responses, and sig-
nificant quotes were highlighted.
All data from the three phases were finally presented in triangulated form.
The survey results were explained and substantiated by the information
derived from the exploratory and in-depth interviews.

RESULTS

The results of this study are presented thematically. Findings from the
exploratory interviews, community survey, and in-depth interviews are com-
bined to form a more complete picture of each theme or subheading.

History of Intimate Relationships
Results of the exploratory interviews showed similar perceptions about
what constitutes an intimate relationship. In the Tagalog vernacular, intimacy
is referred to as pagkakamalapitan, taken from the root word lapit (close).
Couples were said to have an intimate relationship if they were emotionally
attached, lovers, romantically linked, and engaged in a serious relationship
and if they had feelings of mutual commitment. Intimacy may also connote
oneness (pagiging isa); there is an emotional and spiritual connection and a
deeper sharing of one another. In intimate relationships, there are more
physical expressions of love.
Defining an intimate relationship as experiencing a romantic involve-
ment, all survey respondents claimed to have been engaged in an intimate
affair at least once in their lifetime. The mean age of onset was 15.5 years
(male = 15.4 years, SD = 5.04; females = 15.6 years, SD = 2.41), with the
majority of their first partners being of similar age as them. The respondents
reported to have been involved with about two to three intimate partners on
average (range = 1 to 12). At the time of the survey, 51.7% of the 298 male
respondents and 66.9% of the 302 females had current intimate partners. The
average duration of current intimate relationships was 9.4 months (range = 1
to 32 months).


Holding
hands

Sticky eye Putting arms Hugging/ Touching the Touching or
staring around shoulders Embracing nape stroking the hair
(malagkit na (yakap)
tingin)

Kissing the Smacking Kissing the Kissing the face
Torrid kissing lips (halik sa (panandaliang cheeks (halik and neck except
labi) halik) sa pisngi) lips and cheeks

Wrapping the Touching the Kissing/ Touching/ Touching
waist and hips breast fondling the stroking the /stroking the
with arms breast buttocks thighs

Stroking Licking the Kissing the Kissing the
Undressing feet upwards thighs
pubic hair navel
to face

Rubbing/ Licking or Penetrative
Touching the
fingering the swallowing the sex
genitals
genitals genitals

Figure 1. Sequential flow of intimate events as reported by the adolescent
respondents.

Concept of Physical Intimacy
The initial interviews emphasized the physical elements of intimacy.
Although a number perceived an intimate act as synonymous with penetra-
tive sex, sexual intercourse, or sexual act, a majority of the respondents had a
broader perspective of physical intimacy. Accordingly, physical intimacy
involves a wide range of behaviors that include holding hands, eye staring,
putting arms around the shoulder, embracing, touching, smacking, kissing,
torrid kissing (i.e., intense kissing involving the tongue), rubbing, licking,
fondling, fingering, undressing, and sexual intercourse. There was, there-
fore, a common notion that physical intimacy is not always in the form of
penetrative sex.
Based on this broad list of physical intimate acts, the survey respondents
were asked to arrange the behaviors according to their normal sequence in the
intimate process (Figure 1). Generally, it appeared that holding hands and
sticky eye staring (malagkit na tingin) were considered as the first steps in the
intimate process, with penetrative sex as the ultimate goal. Moreover, the inti-
mate process starts from the upper portions of the body, down to the waist and
hips, and then to the lower extremities and genitalia.
The survey respondents were also asked about the forms of intimate acts
they have already engaged in with their current or last partners. Table 1 pro-
vides the proportion of adolescent males and females who have experienced
each intimate act.


TABLE 1: Forms of Physical Intimacy Experienced With Current or Last Partner,
by Gender, Urban Philippines, 2001 (In Percentages)

Male Female Both
Type of Intimate Act (n = 298) (n = 302) (N = 600)

Holding hands 100.0 100.0 100.0
Sticky eye staring 100.0 100.0 100.0
Putting arms on shoulder 100.0 100.0 100.0
Touching or stroking the hair 92.9 100.0 96.4
Kissing the cheeks 93.6 98.0 95.8
Hugging or embracing 92.4 90.1 91.2
Kissing the face and neck except lips
and cheeks 81.2 83.8 82.5
Kissing the lips 70.1 86.8 78.4
Touching the nape 82.2 73.6 77.8
Torrid kissing (involving tongue) 57.7 54.6 56.2
Wrapping the waist and hips with arms 42.9 65.5 54.2
Touching breasts or chest area 23.2 18.5 20.8
Kissing or fondling the breast 13.1 27.5 20.3
Touching genitals 22.8 17.5 20.2
Undressing 21.1 14.6 17.8
Rubbing, fingering, or fondling of genitals 22.1 13.6 17.8
Penetrative sex 19.8 13.9 16.8
Licking the genitals 21.8 10.9 16.4
Touching or stroking the buttocks 12.4 16.6 14.5
Touching or stroking the thighs 4.0 15.2 9.6
Kissing thighs 2.0 12.6 7.3
Kissing the feet upwards to face 2.3 7.6 5.0
Stroking pubic hair 5.4 2.1 3.8
Licking the navel 1.6 1.3 1.4

The reasons for engaging in physical intimacy were feelings of true love
(males = 42.9%, females = 44.7%), impulsiveness (males = 32.3%, females =
30.5%), physical attraction (males = 30.5%, females = 28.6%), curiosity or
experimentation (males = 18.8%, females = 5.7%), environmental influences
(males = 9.3%, females = 7.7%), and lust (males = 4.5%, females = 2.1%).
Males and females differed significantly with regard to being curious or
experimenting in their intimate relationships (p < .0001, χ2 = 24.319, df = 1).

Meaning of Sexual Coercion
In general, sexual coercion was regarded as a process where a person is
forced to engage in a physically intimate act against his or her will. Locally, it


is understood as sekswal na pamimilit, from the root word pilit (forced, forc-
ing). The essential elements were believed to be the use of force and the
unwillingness of one party to engage in an intimate act. Force was defined by
the key informants as pressures that are physical, psychological, and verbal.
However, not all pressures were believed to be harmful because a person can
be sexually coerced through promises, gifts, pleading, and the use of loving
words.
Unwillingness was also regarded as either overt or covert. As an adoles-
cent male commented, “There are girls who really tell you that they do not
like to make love with you, they struggle when you make attempts but there
are also girls who are difficult to spell—they show you conflicting cues”
(Male, 19, student).
Sexual coercion was seen to be highly associated with power. Males and
older persons were unanimously thought to be more prone to do coercive sex.
However, girls, older women, gay men, and lesbians were also perceived to
be capable of instigating the coercive acts. Aside from gender and age, power
was also associated with high social status. Persons with higher educational
and socioeconomic status were more likely to coerce their partners.
Aside from a show of power, sexual coercion was also seen as a form of
disrespect to one’s partner. One male respondent commented, “if you truly
love your partner, you should respect her wishes. You should uphold her dig-
nity. If she does not want to engage in sex, then be patient. Do not force”
(Male, 20, working).
The survey results revealed that 45% and 29.3% of respondents perceived
sexual coercion as “not okay” and “extremely not okay,” respectively. About
16% said that sexual coercion was “acceptable,” whereas 9.5% were non-
committal. For example, a gay respondent in the in-depth interviews claimed
that he enjoys being sexually coerced (“how I wish these young and hand-
some men will always force me to do it with them”). Another male inter-
viewee commented, “if a woman coerces me, that means, I am irresistible,”
whereas a young woman said “I like being coerced. It makes it all the more
challenging and exciting. But not when it becomes violent.”
In intimate relationships, sexual coercion (pamimilit) was not perceived
as exactly synonymous with sexual violence (pananakit) where one party
suffers from physical injuries and emotional trauma. Although sexual coer-
cion can have positive and negative effects, sexual violence was seen as a
purely negative event: “It is the extreme negative side of sexual coercion,
where love is absent” (Female, 19, student).


Context of Sexual Coercion
Sexual coercion was said to be “usually incidental” in romantic relation-
ships. It can occur without the obvious intentions because sexual coercion
happens mostly during the couple’s intimate moments. According to the in-
depth interviews, a man, at the height of arousal, can have difficulty control-
ling his urges. His tendency is to do every means to convince or force the
woman to give in to his sexual desires. If the relationship is still new and the
woman is a “first timer,” then sexual coercion normally ensues.
Sexual coercion was perceived by survey respondents to be most possible
when there is privacy (78.3%), the place is dark (45.3%), a person is drunk or
on drugs (32.1%), and when either party experiences some personal prob-
lems (11.3%). One common scenario derived from the in-depth interviews il-
lustrates the context of sexual coercion.

It was my first time to go and watch a movie with my boyfriend. Our relation-
ship was a month old then. At the ticket booth, we were already arguing where
to sit but as most dates are, we decided to be in the balcony. When we were in-
side, my boyfriend insisted that we sit at the backrow, but my decision pre-
vailed to be in the middle seats. As soon as we were seated, he put his arms
around my shoulder. It was OK with me until he kissed me in the lips. His kiss
was so intense, then his hands began to travel to my breasts. I tried to remove
his hands, but he prevailed. He then unbuckled my pants and planned to go be-
yond my waist. I whispered to him to stop, but he seemed so engrossed with
what he was doing. I struggled because I felt he was rough. I could sense his
plans. I talked to him again, but he could not be stopped. He held my waist so
tight I nearly could not breathe and told me to keep still. Then his hands went on
seeking beneath my pants. I wanted to shout, but I felt ashamed because we
were in a public place. I just silently cried. (Female, 18, working)

Another male victim said,

I knew he was a gay (bakla). He said he liked me. I do not know why I agreed to
have a relationship with him, maybe because he is very thoughtful, sweet
(malambing) and caring. I can tell all my problems with him and he supports
me all the way. The first time we did it, we were in their house and his parents
were away. He asked me to come to his room and he locked the door. He began
to undress me. . . . I felt numbed, a bit shocked. (Male, 17, college student)

Prevalence of Sexual Coercion
Sexual coercion is not uncommon among young people, according to
respondents in the exploratory phase. It is not at all unusual in adolescent inti-


mate relationships mainly because of heightened sexual instincts during ado-
lescence and the cultural limitations and taboos related to the expression of
one’s sexuality at this stage of life. One 18-year-old male adolescent respon-
dent elaborated that “the libido is extremely high in adolescence and the per-
son experiences an intense need to have this expressed.”
Out of the 600 survey respondents, 386 or 64.3% reported to have ever
practiced or experienced any one form of pressure and coercion in their inti-
mate relationships. Of this number, 321 had been targets of coercion,
whereas 65 admitted that they had perpetrated the coercive act. About 64.6%
of the 302 female respondents compared to 42.3% among males (p < .0001,
χ2 = 29.950, df = 1) claimed to have been victimized by their intimate
partners.
Although 80% of the perpetrators are males, the findings indicated that
young men can also be victims of sexual coercion. In the in-depth interviews,
one male respondent commented,

Men, especially young men like me, are also victims of sexual coercion, some-
times, violent. But our sufferings are often unheard especially if it has been
done by a woman. People believe that with or without coercion, it is always the
man who wins. But this is not true. (Male 19, student)

Gay men and older women (matrona) were regarded to be the perpetrators
of male sexual abuse, although it was not uncommon to see the same-age fe-
male intimate partner carrying out the coercive act.

Locus of Sexual Coercion
The meaning of physical intimacy appeared to be important in the way
sexual coercion was conceived. The range of behaviors culturally considered
as intimate acts defined the locus of sexual coercion. Although some respon-
dents in the exploratory phase considered sexual coercion only during
attempts on penetrative sex, the majority thought that it can occur at any stage
of the intimate process. Sexual coercion can be present at the beginning albeit
becoming consensual as the intimate process proceeds, can start at a later
stage, or can be continuously coercive from the beginning of the intimate pro-
cess until the consummation of the penetrative act. Accordingly, sexual vio-
lation was perceived to be more severe in parts below the waist, especially the
thighs and genitalia, although the breast and lips were also considered as
sensitive parts.
Findings in the survey showed that a majority of the respondents experi-
enced sexual coercion during attempts to touch or kiss the breasts, thighs, and


TABLE 2: Locus of Sexual Coercion Among Victims, by Gender, Urban Philip-
pines, 2001 (In Percentages)

Males Females p Value
Intimate Acts (n = 126) (n = 195) (χ2, df = 1)

a
Touching or kissing the breast 18.3 34.4 .002
Touching or kissing the thighs 15.9 31.3 .002a
Penetrative sex 25.4 16.9 .07
a
Kissing or touching the genitals 5.6 15.4 .007
a
Holding hands 5.6 12.8 .03
a
Rubbing or fingering the genitals 1.6 12.3 .001
a
Kissing the lips 2.4 11.3 .004
Kissing from neck to waist 4.8 9.2 .14
Embracing or hugging 4.0 8.2 .13
Kissing the cheeks 5.6 7.2 .57
a. These values are statistically significant.

genitals and during penetrative sex (Table 2). About 10% experienced coer-
cion when holding hands. Respondents in the in-depth interviews com-
mented that holding hands is normally the first step in the intimate process
and the “first is always the most difficult.” Moreover, touching the thighs and
genitals makes penetrative sex “easier to accomplish.”
Genderwise, significantly more females reported to have been coerced in
most of the intimate acts prior to penetrative sex (Table 2). Although not sta-
tistically significant, more males claimed to have been forced to have sex. In
the in-depth interviews, the respondents agreed that the coercive act in males
may have been inflicted by a gay man or an older woman. In general, however,
they opined that young Filipino women today have become sexually liberated:
“Sometimes, the woman can be more aggressive than the man. Men, now-a-
days, are more careful. They want it easy and do not like to assume unwanted
responsibilities” (Male, 20 years, student). This type of attitude may have
been precipitated by the economic difficulties faced by the country. With
scarce opportunities for employment and increasing costs of living, men
seemed to have become wary of engaging in premature serious relationships.
Nevertheless, there were also comments of possible underreporting on the
part of young women for reasons of shame and embarrassment.

Process of Sexual Coercion
In general, a combination of methods was used to force the partner to sub-
mit to the sexual desires of the other (Table 3). However, the use of verbal
mechanisms, such as verbal deception and verbal insistence, were noted to


TABLE 3: Methods of Sexual Coercion With Victims, by Gender, Urban Philip-
pines, 2001 (In Percentages)

Male Female p Value
Method of Coercion (n = 126) (n = 195) (χ2, df = 1)

Verbal deception 27.8 35.4 .55
a
Verbal insistence 17.5 27.2 .04
Sweet talking 15.1 16.4 .75
Direct command or raising of voice 10.3 16.9 .10
Physical assault 11.1 14.4 .40
Avoiding communication 11.9 10.3 .64
Threats 6.3 7.2 .79
Harsh eye contact 3.2 2.6 .75
a
Bribery 8.7 1.0 .001
a. These values are statistically significant.

be most common in all stages of the intimate process. Significantly, more
females experienced verbal insistence than males (p = .04, χ2 = 4.038, df = 1).
Sweet talking was also mentioned as a way of persuading the partner to
give in to the sexual advances of the other. In the in-depth interviews, the
respondents clarified that sweet talking can take three forms: paglalambing,
pangungulit, and pambobola. Paglalambing was considered as a form of
sexual negotiation where a person makes persistent persuasion through the
use of sweet words, pleading, cajoling, and seductive gestures. On the other
hand, pambobola and pangungulit are more coercive in nature. Pambobola is
a form of verbal deception where a person tells sweet lies to the partner (e.g.,
saying how beautiful or handsome he or she is, promising marriage), whereas
in pangungulit, one partner repeats again and again his or her intentions,
though in a more gentle manner, until the other party gives in because of irri-
tation or annoyance. Direct commands and raising of the voice, physical and
psychological threats, and harsh eye contact were also used for a good num-
ber of cases. Significantly more males experienced being bribed (p = .001,
χ2 = 11.692, df = 1), typically in intimate relationships with gay men and
older women.
What comes to mind while sexual coercion is in process? In the survey,
76.6% of the 321 victims reported to have harbored negative thoughts. Young
women felt angry, afraid, sad, and uncomfortable. Others felt not being loved
and respected, thought of their own dignity, wished to slap the partner, or felt
like cutting the man’s penis (bayagan).
An interesting case was that of an 18-year-old girl who said that she was
“totally devastated” when her boyfriend attempted to have sex with her.


I never thought that my boyfriend of 2 years would do that to me. I had so much
respect for him, so I expected him to respect my womanhood. We never talked
about having sex, never, because both of us are not yet ready for marriage,
much more in having children. I felt betrayed, I cried, really cried. I don’t feel
safe with him anymore.” (Female, 18, college student)

Another female respondent who had a partner 7 years her senior reported,

When he tried to rape me, I fought back. First, I was shocked. How can he do
that to me? We had good times together. Several times, he made verbal at-
tempts to make me agree to his sexual desires, but I always said “no.” He even
said I do not love him because I do not want to give myself to him. But when he
finally did it, I had to defend myself. I caught his penis and twisted it. . . . It was
painful but that was a lesson for him. We have now parted ways.” (Female, 18,
working)

Male victims also felt angry, afraid, shocked, and remorseful. Others were
turned off by their partner and were afraid that they might be forced to marry
the woman (pikot). Others suspected that their partner was a prostitute.
On the contrary, about 16% of female victims and 29% of male victims
regarded the sexual encounter favorably. Among females, the foremost rea-
sons were “it’s part of the game” and “they finally liked it.” Males were sexu-
ally aroused and were assured that their partners loved them.

Consequence of Sexual Coercion
Although sexual coercion among adolescent intimate partners can have
positive consequences (e.g., assurance of love, sexual excitement, enhance-
ment of “macho” image), the majority of the respondents opined that sexual
coercion can be emotionally devastating because it indicates a lack of respect
from the partner. Especially when it turns violent, it could also bring about
physical harm. One female professional said that “sexual coercion is a moral
issue since it violates rules on human dignity.”
The survey results revealed that about 39% of the 321 respondent victims
were temporarily abandoned by their partners; 36% were left for another
woman or man, whereas 35.8% received insults or were belittled. Physical
violence was not unusual but to a lesser magnitude. About 5% were slapped
in the face; 3.4% were hit with a fist; 1.2% were kicked; and about 1% were
beaten repeatedly. Seventeen percent (males = 13.8%, females = 23.0%) con-
tinued to love and forgive their partners.
From whom did the victims seek help and advice? The peer group
(52.3%) and family (24.1%) were the major sources of social support. About
19% of the coerced respondents did not seek help from other people.


DISCUSSION

This present study made a modest attempt to understand the socio-
cultural meanings and scripts attached to sexual coercion by young people in
their intimate relationships. However, the information derived is limited
by the extent to which the respondents were ready to disclose their sexual
experiences.
The results of this study revealed that sexual coercion is a phenomenon
that can happen even in passionate adolescent relationships. It was thought to
be common at this developmental stage because of young people’s height-
ened sexuality and emotional immaturity. Being inexperienced, adolescents
have difficulty managing the complexity of feelings and decisions and con-
flicts that arise in their relationships. Gaps in age, and social status, environ-
mental conditions, and the psychological states of partners at the time of dat-
ing were believed to be the predisposing factors to perpetrate or be a victim of
a coercive act.
Sexual coercion was seen as justifiable under certain circumstances. Sex-
ual coercion was tolerated when one party allows the privacy of the environ-
ment, sends conflicting cues, and provides the impetus for physical intimacy
and coercion to occur and when sexual impulses could no longer be con-
trolled. In their study, Jaffe et al. (1992) found that forced sex was perceived
by adolescents as “okay” if the couple had dated for a long time or if “she sex-
ually excited him.” As indicated by previous studies (e.g., Russell & Oswald,
2001; Sugarman & Hotaling, 1989; van der Straten et al., 1998), there is also
a tendency for girls to interpret sexual coercion, including jealousy and pos-
sessiveness, as “normal” signs of love.
The study also revealed that the mechanisms of sexual coercion vary
according to the stage of the intimate process in which it occurred, although
verbal strategies were more generally popular. Verbal insistence was most
common among females, whereas bribery was more significantly applied to
young men. In some respects, the dividing line between sexual negotiation
and sexual coercion seemed obscure. Sweet talking in the form of paglalamb-
ing, pangungulit, and pambobola is one instance where the method can be
misconstrued as negotiating and, at the same time, coercive.
There also seems to be a growing understanding of the extent to which
coercive sex can be consensual. A number of respondents in the in-depth
interviews admitted having eventually agreed to engage in physical intimacy
with their partners after a series of persuasions, sweet talking, pleading, brib-
ery, and the like. Such predicament was also illustrated in a number of studies
where the sex act may be ultimately agreed on but in which full consent of
one party was not freely given (Holland et al., 1992).


Model I:
Risk factors Sexual conflicts Sexual coercion Sexual violence Consequences (-)
Model 2:

Figure 2. Model of sexual coercion in nonintimate relationships as illustrated in
forced sex.
NOTE: The negative sign indicates negative consequences.

Model II: Sexual negotiation
(paglalambing)
Conflict resolution +
pambobola
Risk factors Sexual conflicts pangungulit Consequences

Sexual coercion
(pamimilit)
Sexual violence
(pananakit)
-
±

Figure 3. Model of sexual coercion common in intimate relationships.
NOTE: A positive sign indicates positive consequences. A negative sign indicates nega-
tive consequences.

Based on these findings, two models of sexual coercion can be distin-
guished. The common notion of sexual coercion assumes that sexual con-
flicts brought about by personal, interpersonal, social, or environmental exi-
gencies lead one partner to force the other to engage in an intimate act against
his or her will. In this first model (Figure 2), sexual coercion always has a
negative consequence and may, in fact, result in sexual violence. Sexual coer-
cion in incest and forced sex between strangers or nonintimate partners
conform to this model.
The second model applies to intimate relationships (Figure 3). Romantic
partners who experience sexual conflicts may either negotiate peacefully by
using verbal methods, such as paglalambing, or resort to sexual coercion
(pamimilit). In some cases, prolonged sexual negotiation (e.g., pangungulit
and pambobola) can eventually result in a coercive act. But because love
exists between partners, the coercive act may not necessarily lead to sexual
violence (pananakit).
What inferences can be made from this study? A major issue pertains to
the legal implications of the way sexual coercion in intimate relationships is
conceived. If intimate partners regard sexual coercion as inevitable in their
romantic relationships, then when can the coercive act be legally binding? If
sexual coercion is seen with favorable outcomes, then at what instance can
the perpetrator be criminally liable? What evidence can be presented in court
if judgment is based on the presence of physical injury or psychological
trauma and if these negative consequences may not necessarily be present in
intimate partner sexual coercion?


In conclusion, the development of a healthy sexual development among
young people is an important concern of society. As reflected in the consen-
sus statement of the National Commission on Adolescent Sexual Health (Ba-
con, 1999),

an important goal of adolescence is to develop sexually healthy adults who
have the ability to develop and maintain meaningful interpersonal relation-
ships; appreciate own body; respect both men and women in a manner that is
appropriate and true; and express affection and intimacy in accordance to one’s
own beliefs and values

Policies and programs to guide adolescents in their sexual development must
be established. Through the home and school system, adolescents should be
given support for developing the skills to negotiate a more consensual, plea-
surable, and nonexploitative relationship with their intimate partners.

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Laurie Serquina-Ramiro, Ph.D., is an associate professor of the Department of Behav-
ioral Sciences and an affiliate faculty of the Department of Clinical Epidemiology, Col-
lege of Medicine, University of the Philippines Manila. Her research interests include
domestic violence, lifestyle behaviors, and health-related quality of life.

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