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So Now It Is All About Exports
GDP = Household Consumption + Investment + Government
Consumption
+ Net Trade (Exports – Imports)

Now if household and government consumption are falling
systematically, the only factor which can give a direct boost to GDP is the
relative movement in exports and imports. Positive movement here can
stimulate investment in the export (or tradeable) sector as expectations
build for increased demand.

Total Investment = Investment for Exports + Investment For Domestic
Demand.
Just Not Sufficiently Competitive?
                                       While Italian exports surged back
                                       after the financial crisis recession
                                       they never in fact attained their pre-
                                       crisis level, and now they are once
                                       more declining again. In addition,
                                       even though Italy’s goods trade
                                       deficit has reduced substantially over
                                       the last 12 months, it is still a DEFICIT.


As we can see in the chart on the
right, the Italian economy was on an
unsustainable path from the end of
2009 to mid 2011, as excessive
government spending fed an import
surge. As government spending was
cut this import boom burst, and
domestic demand collapsed, taking
the country deep into recession.
How To Define Competitiveness?
                                                           The issue of competitiveness has
                                                           become one generating more heat
                                                           than light in debate during the current
                                                           crisis. The validity of one
                                                           commonplace measure (REERs) widely
                                                           used historically has been repeatedly
                                                           questioned. In my opinion such
                                                           questioning has been largely motivated
                                                           by ideological and political motives in
                                                           contrast to scientific ones. In fact the
                                                           evidence is clear enough.



The REER (or Relative price and cost indicators) aim to assess a country's (or currency area's)
price or cost competitiveness relative to its principal competitors in international markets.
Changes in cost and price competitiveness depend not only on exchange rate movements but
also on cost and price trends. The specific REER for the Sustainable Development Indicators
is deflated by nominal unit labour costs (total economy) against a panel of 36 countries (=
EU27 + 9 other industrial countries: Australia, Canada, United States, Japan, Norway, New
Zealand, Mexico, Switzerland, and Turkey). Double export weights are used to calculate
REERs, reflecting not only competition in the home markets of the various competitors, but
also competition in export markets elsewhere. A rise in the index means a loss of
competitiveness. (Eurostat Definition)
Output & Productivity
                                                      High output per worker and high wages
                                                      are perfectly compatible. The road to
                                                      achieve this win-win combination is
                                                      through raising productivity, thus
                                                      maintaining unit labour costs constant,
                                                      or even reducing them.




As can be seen from the accompanying
charts, Germany achieved this combination
between 2000 and 2008, while Italy didn’t. In Italy
productivity stayed pretty much constant while
unit labour costs rose, meaning salaries rose
without the accompanying productivity, while in
Germany unit labour costs stayed constant while
productivity rose. This also gived the lie to the
“cheap German wages” argument, since if wages
hadn’t risen then ULCs would have fallen, which
they only did briefly between 2006 and 2008.
The problem in part is that value
                                                             added is often a sectorial issue.
                                                             For example agriculture and
                                                             construction have historically been
                                                             low value added and often high
                                                             unit labour cost sectors, whereas
                                                             petrochemicals or biotechnology
                                                             are high value added but also
                                                             often low ULC sectors, despite the
                                                             fact that wages are higher.


Naturally most societies would like to have a large proportion of high value added activities, and
a comparatively small proportion of low value added ones. But this isn’t as straightforward as it
seems, since the transition from agriculture to biotechnology doesn’t move along what we could
call a smooth production function. Namely you can’t simply transfer workers from one section to
the other. It ain’t that easy. The large number of construction workers recently displaced in Spain
can’t simply move into machine tool manufacturing, for example.

 A countries ability to engage in what are high value activities at any moment in time depends on
key factors like the skill, education and experience levels of the workforce, and these change
only slowly. Critically the distribution of these factors depends to some extent on the age
structure of the population.
But in part the level of unit labour
                                                     costs depends on the level of
                                                     international competitiveness, which
                                                     in part depends how much of the
                                                     economy is in the tradeable sector
                                                     and how much in the non-tradeable
                                                     part of the economy. By tradeable we
                                                     mean in competition with other
                                                     producers or service providers
                                                     beyond the national frontier.


The key mechanism assumed here is that the tradeable sector, being exposed to external
competition, by definition needs to be more competitive to survive.

So a measure of a country’s lack of international competitiveness isn’t only that exports
are too small, it is also that imports are too big, which is another way of saying that the
domestic tradeable sector isn’t big enough. Normally this loss of competitiveness is
associated with a growing trade and current account deficit, which means the process of
non productivity supported rising living standards can only continue as long as some
external agent is willing to finance it. When confidence that the process is sustainable
subsides, people cease financing, and a crisis occurs. This is what happened to Italy in the
summer of 2011.
Export Dependency and International Competitiveness
But now I would like to introduce an additional concept which is generally not accepted
in mainstream economic theory, the idea of export dependent economies. Basically the
idea is that as populations age, demand for credit and with it the rate of increase in
domestic demand wanes. As can be seen in the chart on the right below, household
consumption in Italy surged in the 1990s, and the rate of growth in consumer demand
was quite rapid. The consumer boom was also linked to Italy’s last housing boom. Then
between 2000 and 2007 something changed, and the growth rate slowed. Any internally
coherent macro economic theory needs to be able to explain this change. Then following
the global crisis household consumption slumped, recovered slightly and then slumped
again.

So if we go back briefly to the earlier
chart on the composition of GDP, we
can perhaps formulate a new and
better definition of international
competitiveness, which would be
having an export sector which is
large enough and growing
dynamically enough to produce GDP
growth in an environment where
consumer demand weakens as
populations age.

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Italy's international competitiveness

  • 1. So Now It Is All About Exports GDP = Household Consumption + Investment + Government Consumption + Net Trade (Exports – Imports) Now if household and government consumption are falling systematically, the only factor which can give a direct boost to GDP is the relative movement in exports and imports. Positive movement here can stimulate investment in the export (or tradeable) sector as expectations build for increased demand. Total Investment = Investment for Exports + Investment For Domestic Demand.
  • 2. Just Not Sufficiently Competitive? While Italian exports surged back after the financial crisis recession they never in fact attained their pre- crisis level, and now they are once more declining again. In addition, even though Italy’s goods trade deficit has reduced substantially over the last 12 months, it is still a DEFICIT. As we can see in the chart on the right, the Italian economy was on an unsustainable path from the end of 2009 to mid 2011, as excessive government spending fed an import surge. As government spending was cut this import boom burst, and domestic demand collapsed, taking the country deep into recession.
  • 3. How To Define Competitiveness? The issue of competitiveness has become one generating more heat than light in debate during the current crisis. The validity of one commonplace measure (REERs) widely used historically has been repeatedly questioned. In my opinion such questioning has been largely motivated by ideological and political motives in contrast to scientific ones. In fact the evidence is clear enough. The REER (or Relative price and cost indicators) aim to assess a country's (or currency area's) price or cost competitiveness relative to its principal competitors in international markets. Changes in cost and price competitiveness depend not only on exchange rate movements but also on cost and price trends. The specific REER for the Sustainable Development Indicators is deflated by nominal unit labour costs (total economy) against a panel of 36 countries (= EU27 + 9 other industrial countries: Australia, Canada, United States, Japan, Norway, New Zealand, Mexico, Switzerland, and Turkey). Double export weights are used to calculate REERs, reflecting not only competition in the home markets of the various competitors, but also competition in export markets elsewhere. A rise in the index means a loss of competitiveness. (Eurostat Definition)
  • 4. Output & Productivity High output per worker and high wages are perfectly compatible. The road to achieve this win-win combination is through raising productivity, thus maintaining unit labour costs constant, or even reducing them. As can be seen from the accompanying charts, Germany achieved this combination between 2000 and 2008, while Italy didn’t. In Italy productivity stayed pretty much constant while unit labour costs rose, meaning salaries rose without the accompanying productivity, while in Germany unit labour costs stayed constant while productivity rose. This also gived the lie to the “cheap German wages” argument, since if wages hadn’t risen then ULCs would have fallen, which they only did briefly between 2006 and 2008.
  • 5. The problem in part is that value added is often a sectorial issue. For example agriculture and construction have historically been low value added and often high unit labour cost sectors, whereas petrochemicals or biotechnology are high value added but also often low ULC sectors, despite the fact that wages are higher. Naturally most societies would like to have a large proportion of high value added activities, and a comparatively small proportion of low value added ones. But this isn’t as straightforward as it seems, since the transition from agriculture to biotechnology doesn’t move along what we could call a smooth production function. Namely you can’t simply transfer workers from one section to the other. It ain’t that easy. The large number of construction workers recently displaced in Spain can’t simply move into machine tool manufacturing, for example. A countries ability to engage in what are high value activities at any moment in time depends on key factors like the skill, education and experience levels of the workforce, and these change only slowly. Critically the distribution of these factors depends to some extent on the age structure of the population.
  • 6. But in part the level of unit labour costs depends on the level of international competitiveness, which in part depends how much of the economy is in the tradeable sector and how much in the non-tradeable part of the economy. By tradeable we mean in competition with other producers or service providers beyond the national frontier. The key mechanism assumed here is that the tradeable sector, being exposed to external competition, by definition needs to be more competitive to survive. So a measure of a country’s lack of international competitiveness isn’t only that exports are too small, it is also that imports are too big, which is another way of saying that the domestic tradeable sector isn’t big enough. Normally this loss of competitiveness is associated with a growing trade and current account deficit, which means the process of non productivity supported rising living standards can only continue as long as some external agent is willing to finance it. When confidence that the process is sustainable subsides, people cease financing, and a crisis occurs. This is what happened to Italy in the summer of 2011.
  • 7. Export Dependency and International Competitiveness But now I would like to introduce an additional concept which is generally not accepted in mainstream economic theory, the idea of export dependent economies. Basically the idea is that as populations age, demand for credit and with it the rate of increase in domestic demand wanes. As can be seen in the chart on the right below, household consumption in Italy surged in the 1990s, and the rate of growth in consumer demand was quite rapid. The consumer boom was also linked to Italy’s last housing boom. Then between 2000 and 2007 something changed, and the growth rate slowed. Any internally coherent macro economic theory needs to be able to explain this change. Then following the global crisis household consumption slumped, recovered slightly and then slumped again. So if we go back briefly to the earlier chart on the composition of GDP, we can perhaps formulate a new and better definition of international competitiveness, which would be having an export sector which is large enough and growing dynamically enough to produce GDP growth in an environment where consumer demand weakens as populations age.