1. Contemporary Architecture in the Arab World
An END and a BEGINNING:
The making of modern Kuwait.
Author: Dr. Yasser Mahgoub
Introduction
Since the beginning of history, human beings have been fascinated with
endings – the end of their lives, the end of their seasons, and of the end of the
world. … In fact for those of us who study the built environment, endings are
also coupled with beginnings, and destruction (creative or otherwise) is
sometimes a precondition or prerequisite to construction or
reconstruction.(AlSayyad, 2004, p. vi)
This chapter is about an END and a BEGINNING: the END of Kuwait as a
vernacular indigenous settlement overlooking the Arabian Gulf, and the BEGINNING
of Kuwait as a modern city that lies on the crossroads of global interests and conflicts.
It focuses on the history of the making of modern Kuwait city between 1950 and
1970; a period that witnessed the destruction of the old city and the construction of
the new city.
Kuwait has become at the center of world attention since the middle of the 20th
century, following the discovery of oil with commercial quantities during the Forties,
as a major exporter of oil to industrialized countries. It also became at the center of
attention during the Iran-Iraq war during the Eighties. Its invasion and occupation by
Iraq- and later liberation by allied forces led by the United States- during the Nineties
1

2. illustrated the new world order after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Again, Kuwait
became at the center of the world attention as the only available point of entry to Iraq
for the allied forces led by the United States during the Iraq war in 2002. As one of
the largest oil reserves of the world, containing 8% of the world's total oil reserves,
Kuwait will be increasingly influenced by global events and affairs.
Figure 1. Map of the Gulf.
The case of Kuwait represents the impact of globalization on the formation of other
cities around the world, especially other Gulf cities that went through similar
transformations. It provides important lessons to other world cities currently being
influenced by the recent waves of globalization. They are also useful for guiding the
future development of other cities around the world.
The built environment found in Kuwait today is a product of the decisions made
during its early stages of planning and construction. The modern urbanization in
Kuwait has passed through significant stages. During each stage a Master Plan, or a
review of the master plan, was produced which contributed to the development of
modern Kuwait (Kuwait Municipality, 1980). These stages were:
1. The First Master Plan: prepared by Monoprio, Spencely and Macfarlane in
1952.
2

3. 2. The Municipality Development Plan: Assembly of different planning studies
for different areas during the period from 1952 and 1967.
3. Colin Buchanan and Partners Developed a Second Master Plan from 1967 to
1968.
4. First Review of the 2nd Master Plan by Shankland Cox Partnership in 1977
5. Re-examination of Master Plan by Colin Buchanan and Partners in 1983
6. A proposed Third Master Plan by Kuwait Municipality in 1997
7. In 2003, Kuwait Engineering Group in collaboration with Colin Buchanan
were commissioned to develop a new master plan review.
This chapter focuses on the formation of modern architecture in Kuwait between
1950 and 1970. It traces the origins and means of introducing modern architecture in
Kuwait. During this period Kuwait was transformed from a vernacular settlement
overlooking the Gulf into a modern city. It was the first stage of globalizing this Gulf
city-state. Kuwait was mostly isolated from external influences until the discovery of
oil during the 1940's. The fast speed of transformation that it went through from
fishing and trading vernacular settlement to a modern planned metropolis was the
result of efforts made by the Kuwaiti’s to utilize the wealth generated by the
discovery of oil to improve their living conditions and join the developed, modern
world. It was not imposed on them by outsiders as much as it was a selection and
choice. The problem was not in choosing to modernise but in the “rushing” towards
modernization without comprehending its drawbacks.
Globalization has unsettled the conventional connection between place and
culture. While some saw these dislocations as new traditions in and of
themselves, others argue that the spatial basis of tradition is still firmly
3

4. grounded. The fervent revival of some place-based traditions marked the urban
landscapes of much of the world at the end of the millennium.(AlSayyad, 2004,
p. vi)
The case of Kuwait illustrates the impact of early waves of globalization on
architecture durng the middle of the 20th century. AlSayyad (2004, p.10) proposed
four historic phases regarding the production of space:
1. Insular Period: characterized by indigenous vernacular, architectural
production was largely determined by local forces,
2. Colonial Period: characterized by “hybridity” of core and peripheral
styles,
3. Independence and Nation Building: characterized by the modern and
sudo-modern (invented traditions), and
4. Globalization: characterized by homogenized settlements, yet their
inhabitants are likely to demonstrate rising levels of awareness of the
ethnic, religious, and racial associations of the subcommunities within
which they exist.
This paper argues that the period between 1950 and 1970 in Kuwait witnessed the
end of an old tradition and the beginning of a new tradition. The built environment of
the old city carried imbedded traditions and way of life that was transmitted from
generation to generation. This tradition has disappeared and was replaced by a
modern built environment carrying another way of life. The old tradition was replaced
by a new tradition introduced by the urban environment. The transformation occurred
within less than 10 years and was witnessed by many inhabitants, some of whom are
still living today.
4

5. What is tradition? What are its elements? Henry Glassie stated that “all
architecture is the embodiment of cultural norms that pre-exist individual buildings.”
(AlSayyad, 2004, p.8)Yi-Fu Tuan identified the primary component of tradition as
constraint. Tuan suggested that traditional societies had limited number of choices,
that were imposed on them by religious custom, available resources, local climate,
etc. He explained that, “a space of constraint is a space bounded by a neatly defined
culture and ecology.” (AlSayyad, 2004, p.7) Paul Oliver suggests that tradition is a
process and that we should “concentrate on the actual process of transmission, both
oral and other in our study of these traditional environments.” (AlSayyad, 2004, p.7)
This chapter adopts the definition proposed by AlSayyad that considers tradition
as “a foil for exploring the contested subjectivities involved in producing and/or
occupying space. Thus, the tangible products of tradition are those processes by which
identities are defined and refined.” (AlSayyad, 2004, p. 6) It focuses on the elements
that contributed to the making of new tradition in Kuwait.
This chapter utilizes the model proposed by (Ibrahim, 1985) to discuss the
formation of modern architecture in Kuwait. Ibrahim argued that:
The industrial revolution had gradually influenced and contained Western
architecture during its early technological and scientific development until it
became a natural outcome of this revolution. Yet, the impact of the industrial
revolution on the Arabian architecture was sudden and external that made it
not able to absorb. (Ibrahim, 1985)
He suggested that there were two venues that permitted the new styles of
architecture to enter the Gulf area after the discovery of oil:
5

6. 1. The first venue was large projects of monumental architecture that were
designed and constructed by Western architects without any economic or technical
limitations in designing these projects, i.e. banks, hotels, public buildings service
buildings, etc., to the point that the Gulf area was described by Western critics as the
"playground of architecture" for foreign architects. The role of the local architects was
very limited due to their limited experience in studying, evaluating and managing
large projects.
2. The second venue was domestic architecture built by individuals in the form
of private houses or apartment buildings, which were mostly designed and constructed
by local or Arab architects. They were influenced by economic, cultural and social
requirements of the owner who usually imposed his views on the architect in order to
reflect his social and cultural status. Many architects from neighboring countries, such
as Syria, Egypt, Iraq, India, Iran, etc. were attracted to the region along with many
construction workers and labors. They brought with them their ideas, understandings
and styles of architecture.
Kuwait Before 1950
The Arab-Gulf state of Kuwait is located on the northwestern tip the Arabian Gulf.
It occupies an area of approximately 18,000 square kilometers, shaping a triangle with
its base on the Gulf and tip pointing towards the West while the northern border is
facing Iraq and the southern border is facing Saudi Arabia.
6

7. Figure 2. Map of Kuwait.
7

8. Figure 3. Map of old Kuwait.
Figure 4. The traditional urban environment found in old Kuwait.
Kuwait was mostly isolated from external influences until the discovery of oil
during the 1940's. It was a vernacular settlement overlooking the Arabian Gulf
composed of courtyard houses built using mud brick along narrow alleys called farrij
8

9. or harat. The traditional houses lined along narrow streets, looking inward into
courtyards suitable for climatic conditions and social needs. The city was surrounded
by semi-circular defensive wall with several gates called dirwazas. The Wall was
constructed in 1918, in two months, to protect the city from tribal attacks. The
inhabitants referred to their city as ad-Dira reflecting its oval shaped plan.
Figure 5. The old Kuwait Wall.
Figure 6. The Gates of old Kuwait Wall.
9

10. While Kuwait was considered part of the Ottoman Empire, it was not subject to
direct occupation by the Ottoman forces. According to Slot, “for few decades in the
sixteen century, the territory which is now Kuwait may have been theoretically part of
the Ottoman Empire, although there never was real presence outside the strongholds
of Qatif and Basra. The territory in which the present State of Kuwait is situated was
called in Ottoman legal language the ‘Land of the Tribes’, the wilderness outside the
limits of the ‘Well-protected Empire.’”(Slot, 1998, p.10)
Kuwait 1950s
Urbanization is an economic, political, and socio-cultural complexity, and
so is its interaction with cityscapes. It is obvious that economic transitions
would determine the quality and volume of the built environment. Municipal
and state decision making further shape the nature of urban spaces, and
socio-cultural transformations influence perceived notions of the lived space
and, in turn, reshape the physical landscape itself. (Yacobi, and Shechter,
2005, p.499)
The first discoveries of oil in Kuwait occurred in 1938 but remained unexploited
during the Second World War. Income from oil generated a sudden wealth and
initiated an economic boom in all the Gulf countries. The goal was to use this wealth
to improve quality of life for the inhabitants. The improved economic conditions
required large number of labor force in the oil, construction and services sectors. The
labor market and high pay attracted workers and experts from neighboring Arab,
Asian and other countries to work in Kuwait. There were about 90,000 people living
in Kuwait before 1950. The population increased from 152,000 in 1950 to 278,000 in
1960, to one million in 1975 and more than 2 million in 1990. Currently the estimated
10

11. population of Kuwait is three million inhabitants; one million are citizens and the
remaining two million are expatriates. The rapid change of the composition of the
population indicates a change from a single culture to multiple cultures society. This
close contact with other cultures and ease of transportation and travel to different
parts of the world increased the speed of cultural change through cultural exchange.
One of the major forces that contributed to the need to plan the city was the
introduction of the automobile during the 1940s in Kuwait. As a major producer of
gasoline, Kuwaitis were eager to own and use cars in their travels and businesses. The
car became a symbol of wealth and social status- and continues to be today. The
traditional city with its narrow zigzagged streets was not able to sustain large numbers
of cars and automobiles. As Shiber remarked, “the car has been the dominant factor of
planning the city.” (Shiber, 1964, p. 75)
Figure 7. The Car in Kuwait.
The First Master Plan
11

12. Architecture has a role in expressing political goals. Several studies has
proved that the contemporary Arab city was formed as a result of political
decisions followed by the Arab States during the 20th century. … The symbolic
expression of national identity – architecturally – was tied to gigantic projects
that institute this national identity. (Al Naim and Al Mansouri, 2006)
After the discovery of oil with economic quantities during the Thirties and its
exportation during the Forties and the immediate wealth generated by its sales, the
rulers of the country appointed the British firm Minoprio & Spencely and P. W.
Macfarlane to propose a “Plan” for the development of the city of Kuwait. The main
objective of the master plan was to transform the vernacular settlement of Kuwait into
a modern town according to the standards of modern town planning at that time. As
stated by the planners, “Our main objectives are to illustrate and describe the
improvements which we consider necessary for the development of Kuwait in
accordance with the highest standards of modern town planning.” (Minoprio et al,
1951, p. 2)
The matters which Minoprio et al regarded as being of “primary importance” in the
replanning of the town were as follows: (a) the provision of a modern road system
appropriate to the traffic conditions in Kuwait, (b) the location of suitable zones for
public buildings, industry, commerce, schools, and other purposes, (c) the choice of
zones for new houses and other buildings needed in residential areas, both inside and
outside the town wall, (d) the selection of sites for parks, sports ground, school
playing fields and other open spaces, (c) the creation of a beautiful and dignified town
centre, (f) the planting of trees and shrubs along the principal roads and at other
12

13. important points in the town, and (g) the provision of improved main roads linking
Kuwait with the adjoining towns and villages. (Minoprio et al, 1951)
Figure 8. The First Master Plan for Kuwait for the old city.
Figure 9. The First Master Plan for Kuwait new suburbs.
13

14. The “Plan” led to the demolition of the walled city and its traditional houses to
provide land for economic and public facilities and the establishment of western style
neighborhoods surrounded by modern highways for cars and vehicles. This sudden
change from a vernacular settlement to a modern urban environment had a dramatic
impact on the quality of urban life. As proclaimed by the late Kuwaiti architect Huda
Al-Bahr in 1985, “the changes in architecture experienced by Kuwait over the last
thirty years or so, are almost beyond imagination.” (Al-Bahr, 1985, p.63)
Figure 10. Demolition of the old Wall of Kuwait.
The late Fifties and early Sixties witnessed the implementation of the first master
plan by the Ministry of Public Works under the supervision of the Kuwait
Development Board established in 1950, headed by the Amir of Kuwait himself. The
demolition of the wall and old houses in residential areas inside it to clear land for the
construction of new public buildings paralleled the construction of new roads and
residential neighborhoods south of it in the desert. The neighborhoods were self
sufficient entities with schools, shops, mosques and other services. As Gardiner put,
14

15. “there was no need to come into the city except for work because every thing was
there.” (Gardiner, 1983)
Figure 11. New Kuwait downtown (left) and public housing projects (right).
Kuwait 1960s
In June 1960, Saba George Shiber assumed a planning post at the Public Works
Department, now the Kuwait Ministry of Public Works. He realized that what he was
witnessing was not a “routine or every-day occurrence on the Arab urban scene.”
(Shiber, 1964, p.1) He endeavored to document the “phenomenal urbanization of
Kuwait” in his massive detailed account titled “The Kuwait Urbanization:
Documentation Analysis Critique” published in 1964. Shiber was not only
documenting, but he was also commenting and criticizing the events that took place
around him.
15

16. Figure 12. Self portrait by Saba George Shiber.
As an Arab and a planner, I was both proud of and perturbed by much that I
witnessed happening with lightening speed on the arena of urbanization in
Kuwait. I was proud because here, in Kuwait, the Arab was building something
significant from both the social and physical points-of-view. I was particularly
proud of the social contents and connotations of the Kuwaiti buildup: low-
income housing, hospitals, schools, social centers, to mention but a few of the
many tangible manifestations of the socially oriented philosophy propelling
Kuwaiti development onward and which were rare incidents on other urban
stages. On the other hand, as a planner I was perturbed by the many
vicissitudes of engineering, architectural and planning deviations and
aberrations, as well as by a general disregard of the economic outlook in the
engineering of things. Both bride and perturbance prompted me to record my
observations and opinions. (Shiber, 1964, p.1)
16

17. As part of the government’s policy for the distribution of wealth, low income
families were given public houses built by the government while rich families were
compensated with plots of land and money for their demolished houses and land.
Building regulations proposed by the Plan required the construction of individual
“villas” on these plots of land. Buildings and houses erected during the 50’s and 60’s
reflected the modern style of architecture that dominated this era.
Figure 13. Examples of villas built during the late 1950s and 1960s.
As the processes of loosening up the old city gained crescendo, the
procedures for the new city gained momentum. All large family occupying a
small building in the old city of Kuwait, through a social and physical process,
or type, of ‘family-fission,’ set off a chain reaction of building many large
houses, or ‘villas,’ in the newly-developing sections of the new city of Kuwait
from Shuwaikh to Salmyya. (Shiber, 1964, p. 93)
As thoroughly documented by Saba George Shiber, planning and construction of
the modern city-state of Kuwait fifty years ago was a “dramatic urban revolution that
swept over Kuwait as a hurricane, leaving one dizzied and dazzled in its wake.
Kuwait literally exploded from a small village to a fast-urbanizing regional metropolis
in just over twelve years” (Shiber, 1964). He illustrated in his detailed account the fast
speed of transformation that Kuwait went through from fishing and trading vernacular
settlement to a modern, planned metropolis. As Kultermann pointed out, Shiber
17

18. “warned against the loss of identity that too-rapid modern transformation would
precipitate.” (Kultermann, 1999, p. 167)
Yet we, Arabs, go unmindfully about, thinking of the great glass walls, the
discordant colors, the anti-architecture, the absence of art and design in our
new environment as the ‘real things’, as progress, as civilization, as culture.
Well, it may be civilization if civilization is measured by silica, iron,
aluminum, paint or colors. This, however, is not culture. (Shiber, 1964, p. 35)
In 1968 a Second Master Plan was developed by Colin Buchanan and Partners that
continued the First Master Plan and stretched the city north and south along the Gulf
shores. It also called for the dissemination of the city centre by creating new centres to
overcome the growing traffic congestion problems. A committee headed by the
Kuwaiti Prime Minister was formed from the British Leslie Martin, the Italian Franco
Albini, the Egyptian Dr. Omar Azzam and the Kuwaiti Hamid Shuaib. The committee
decided to invite “four firms of architects from different countries to study the
planning of the new city of Kuwait. They were Candilis, Josie and Woods of France,
Belgoigose (BBPR) of Italy, Smithson of England and Pietila of Finland.” (Gardiner,
1983, p.66) It was an attempt to develop an “architectural” plan. As Gardiner put it,
“it was a far too interesting, creative and flexible conception to call it a Master Plan.”
(Gardiner, 1983, p.67)
In spite of the fact that most of the plans were not accepted, the exercise was
illuminating and led to another more fruitful endeavor where several architects from
different parts of the world were commissioned to design and build several
architectural landmarks in Kuwait. The Japanese architect Kenzo Tange was
commissioned to design Kuwait International Airport, Jorn Utzon, the architect of
18

19. Sydney Opera House, won an international competition for the Parliament building,
that became a national symbol for the country, the Swedish architect Sune Lindstroem
and the Danish Malene Bjoern were commissioned to design the award winning
projects of the Water Towers, Arne Jacobsen was commissioned to design the Central
Bank and Michel Ecochard was commissioned to design the National Museum. It was
a remarkable phase in the history of modern architecture in Kuwait that brought the
country to the frontage of the world architecture. It also facilitated the dissemination
of global trends into the urban environment in Kuwait.
Beside Tange, Utzon, Pietila, Jacobsen and BBPR, you find names like the
late Marcel Breuer, the Architect’s Collaborative, Skidmore, Owings and
Merrill, I.M.Pei, Lindstrom, Egnell and Bjorn. Arthur Erickson on the list –
an astonishing contrast to the names you would have found during the Fifties
and Sixties. (Gardiner, 1983, p.77)
With the rise of oil prices after the 1973 Middle East War, the country was able to
acquire enough income to support its ambitious plans. In 1977 the British planning
firm Shankland Cox proposed the establishment of two new cities. During the eighties
several remarkable buildings, designed by internationally recognised architects, were
constructed in Kuwait.
19

20. Figure 14. Kuwait International Airport by Kenzo Tange.
Figure 15. Kuwait Parliament by Jorn Utzon.
20

21. Figure 16. Kuwait Water Towers by Malene Bjoern.
Figure 17. Al Ahli Bank by SOM.
Conclusions
21

22. The rapid urban growth of Kuwait City over the last thirty years has been
almost unparalleled in the history of urbanism. And the city’s “building
boom,” richly nourished by the country’s oil revenues, has had dramatic
effects on the existing historic urban fabric. The speedy architectural and
urban developments have indiscriminately disintegrated the anatomy and
identity of the traditional city, eliminating most of its charming traditional
architecture. (Al-Bahar, 1984, p. 70)
This chapter traced the origin and development of the urban environment in
Kuwait during the Fifties and Sixties. It was not meant to be a comprehensive account
of all the transformations and changes that took place in Kuwait. It was an attempt to
highlight significant stages in the development of Kuwait from a vernacular to a
modern city. That period witnessed the death of the old city and the birth of the new
city. It also witnessed the birth of a new tradition that replaced the old and vanishing
tradition. The Kuwaitis used to refer to the old city as “ad-Dira” – or place of living.
In the new tradition they refer to the place of living as “ad-Dahia” or the
neighborhood. The traditional narrow alleys called “farrej” that were used by people
were replaced by wide streets for cars. The inhabitants became dependent on the car
for transportation and movement. The traditional inward looking courtyard houses
were replaced by western outward looking villas.
City planning in the region was largely taken as positivistic tool that modern
societies use to organize space, distribute resources, and balance different
interests for the benefit of a given society. This was expressed in the notion of
zoning and the creation of open public spaces that resulted from universal (and
obviously Western) planning knowledge, itself based on assumptions concerning
22

23. the cultural use of space (eg. housing typologies and open public spaces), which
were not always applicable to the culturally different communities who lived in
Middle Eastern cities. (Yacobi, and Shechter, 2005, p. 506)
Architecture is the product of economic and cultural conditions and changes. It is
affected by multi-factors and not a single factor. Some of the factors can be changed
rapidly while other factors change gradually. In the case of Kuwait, the constraints of
the old tradition were all suddenly removed and there was no transmission or handing
down of practices or customs in building.
If we simply focus on globalization as a modern strategy for power, we will
miss its historical and social depths. Indeed the origins of globalization lie in
interconnections that have slowly enveloped humans since the earliest of times
as they globalized themselves. In this sense, globalization as a human dynamic
has always been with us, even if we have been unaware of its embrace until
recently (Robertson, 2003)
Globalization has created a new tradition that replaced the old one. The new
tradition was introduced through urban planning schemes, building regulations and
new materials and construction systems. It was also introduced through new building
types, i.e. shopping centers, fast food chains, office buildings, internet cafes, etc. Yet,
globalization failed to eradicate the old tradition completely. We are currently
witnessing the resurrection of the old tradition in different facets of culture as a trend
towards localism and regionalism.
This chapter attempted to illustrate how a new tradition was created in Kuwait
during the Fifties and Sixties following the implementation of its First Master Plan.
23

24. While the old tradition in Kuwait was the product of blend of culture, environment
and available resources through gradual, the new tradition was the product of
deliberate planning and sudden change. The new tradition conditioned the way of life
and view of the world especially of the new generations of Kuwaitis. The problem of
architecture and buildings is that they are tangible, static and lasting more than other
products of culture. They freeze moments of cultural process as products of certain
time and era. Baudrillard calls it “architecture’s cultural omnipresence.” (Baudrillard,
2003) While cultures change rapidly their architectural products remain unchanged
expressing moments of cultural change and development
References
Al Naim, M. and Muhammad Bin Jaka Al Mansouri (2006) The Formation of The
Modern City and the Construction of The National Identity: A Study of the
Relationship Between Politics and Architecture in the United Arab Emirates. Alam Al
Fikr. Vol. 34 No. 4 April-June 2006 pp. 273-305.
Al-Bahar, H. (1984) Traditional Kuwaiti Houses. In MIMAR 13: Architecture in
Development. Singapore: Concept Media Ltd.
Al-Bahr, H. (1985) Contemporary Kuwaiti Houses, MIMAR: 15
Al-Mutawa, S. (1994) History of Architecture in Old Kuwait City. Kuwait: Al-
Khat.
AlSayyad, N. ed. (2004) The End of Tradition? Routledge: Taylor & Francis
Group. London and new York.
24

25. Baudrillard, J. and J. Nouvel (2003) The Singular Objects of Architecture.
University of Minnesota Press.
Erickson, A. (1980) Projects in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. In Places of Public
Gathering in Islam. Linda Safran (ed). Philadelphia: Aga Khan Award for
Architecture.
Freeth, Z. (1972) A New Look at Kuwait, Allen & Unwin. Pp. 87- 92
Gardiner, S. (1983) Kuwait: The Making of a City. Longman.
Ibrahim, A. (1985) Factors Affecting the Formation of Arab Architecture in the
Arabian East.
Khattab, O. (2001). Globalization Versus Localization: Contemporary Architecture
and the Arab City. CTBUH REVIEW / VOL. 1, NO. 3: FALL 2001.
Kultermann, U. (1999) Contemporary Architecture in the Arab States. McGraw-
Hill.
Mahgoub, Y. (2004). Globalization and the Built Environment in Kuwait, Habitat
International, Volume 28, Issue 4, pp. 505-519.
Minoprio & Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane (1951). Plan for the Town of Kuwait:
Report to His Highness Shaikh Abdulla Assalim Assubah, C.I.E. The Amir of
Kuwait, November 1951.
Robertson, R. (2003) The Three Waves of Globalization: A History of a
Developing Global Consciousness. London: Zed Books.
25

26. Shiber, S. G. (1964) The Kuwait Urbanization: Being and Urbanization
Case-Study of a Developing Country. Al-Madianah Al-Kuwaitiyyah. Kuwait,
1964.
Slot, B. J. (1998) The Origins of Kuwait. Center for Research and Studies on
Kuwait. Kuwait.
Vale, L. (1992) Architecture, Power, and National Identity. New Haven and
London: Yale University Press.
Yacobi, H. and Relli Shechter (2005) Rethinking cities in the Middle East:
Political Economy, planning, and the Lived Space. The Journal of Architecture. Vol.
10 No. 5 pp. 499-515.
26