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The tourist portfolio Morocco in the second half of the 20th century was characterized by the three classic pillars of seaside tourism, cultural-oriented city tourism in the so-called royal cities of the country and by round trip tourism in the pre-Saharan Moroccan South. The overnight infrastructure was essentially created by national and international hotel chains and marketing was largely carried out by European tour operators, while the public sector was largely limited to the accessibility of the destinations and general marketing campaigns to promote a positive image.
This basic pattern ultimately committed to the Fordist production model has experienced a significant change since the turn of the millennium. The established destinations continue to experience volume expansion. In addition, at the latest since the turn of the millennium, a variety of approaches to create tourist offers away from the traditional destinations in rural areas have been observed. This development is essentially supported by small-scale investments by actors, whose investment capital was often generated outside of tourism (e.g. from activity as an emigrant) and which are often characterized by a low degree of professionalism or low industry-specific skills. Accordingly some can be characterized as lifestyle entrepreneurs (Peters, Frehse & Buhalis 2009; Shaw & Williams 1998). At the same time, the tourism bundles of services (which tend to be post-Fordist and thus more complex) can only be generated by the interaction of a large number of stakeholders.
This changes the requirements for governance approaches in the new destinations in rural areas. According to the approach of Flagestad & Hope (2001) this can be characterized as a transition from the so-called corporate model (with a few dominant private actors) to the so-called community model (with a variety of smaller individual actors). With a view to the small businesses prevailing in rural tourism, the existing public governance framework conditions seem to present the central constraint, which means that the private activities for the implementation of an innovative – and at the same time also focused on sustainability aspects – rural tourism offerings have so far only seen limited success and only suboptimal results. The previous governance structures are (mainly) shaped by classic top-down approaches. At the same time, more civil society activities to create governance manifest themselves since the Arab Spring through the activities of various NGOs.
Even if NGOs and other actors of civil society and science have made some steps in an innovative approach to promoting sustainability and competitiveness of tourism, the preliminary analysis leads to the conclusion that they are unable to fulfill the leadership function. The question is how the interaction of the various public and private stakeholders could be optimized with actors in civil society and science.
The tourist portfolio Morocco in the second half of the 20th century was characterized by the three classic pillars of seaside tourism, cultural-oriented city tourism in the so-called royal cities of the country and by round trip tourism in the pre-Saharan Moroccan South. The overnight infrastructure was essentially created by national and international hotel chains and marketing was largely carried out by European tour operators, while the public sector was largely limited to the accessibility of the destinations and general marketing campaigns to promote a positive image.
This basic pattern ultimately committed to the Fordist production model has experienced a significant change since the turn of the millennium. The established destinations continue to experience volume expansion. In addition, at the latest since the turn of the millennium, a variety of approaches to create tourist offers away from the traditional destinations in rural areas have been observed. This development is essentially supported by small-scale investments by actors, whose investment capital was often generated outside of tourism (e.g. from activity as an emigrant) and which are often characterized by a low degree of professionalism or low industry-specific skills. Accordingly some can be characterized as lifestyle entrepreneurs (Peters, Frehse & Buhalis 2009; Shaw & Williams 1998). At the same time, the tourism bundles of services (which tend to be post-Fordist and thus more complex) can only be generated by the interaction of a large number of stakeholders.
This changes the requirements for governance approaches in the new destinations in rural areas. According to the approach of Flagestad & Hope (2001) this can be characterized as a transition from the so-called corporate model (with a few dominant private actors) to the so-called community model (with a variety of smaller individual actors). With a view to the small businesses prevailing in rural tourism, the existing public governance framework conditions seem to present the central constraint, which means that the private activities for the implementation of an innovative – and at the same time also focused on sustainability aspects – rural tourism offerings have so far only seen limited success and only suboptimal results. The previous governance structures are (mainly) shaped by classic top-down approaches. At the same time, more civil society activities to create governance manifest themselves since the Arab Spring through the activities of various NGOs.
Even if NGOs and other actors of civil society and science have made some steps in an innovative approach to promoting sustainability and competitiveness of tourism, the preliminary analysis leads to the conclusion that they are unable to fulfill the leadership function. The question is how the interaction of the various public and private stakeholders could be optimized with actors in civil society and science.
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