1. I. THE REAL STORY OF LAI TECK/ LAI DE
THE TEXTBOOK
âLai Teck was a good organiser and an inspiring leader. Affected by changing the
mindset of the extremists in the MCP and through practical action, he won the support of
the partyâ
âIn 1948, Lai Teck suddenly disappeared from Malaya, taking the partyâs funds with him.
This greatly affected the MCPâs moraleâ â Impact
What happened to him?
Who was he?
THE REVELATION
His Personal Life
âI uncovered disturbing information about Lai Teâs private life. Miss Jang, a Hakka from
Penang, turned out to be the Secretary Generalâs 4th wife. In Singapore, I learned that his
first wife, a Vietnamese, was the daughter of a government contractor who had purchased
a beachside bungalow in Katong for the family
There was also another beautiful Vietnamese mistress who had lost a hand in an accident.
She lived in a flat in the Hill street area of Singapore paid for by Lai Te.
Our Secretary-General had also provided the capital behind the bar and restaurant she ran
in the same district. A third woman, a Cantonese, also lived in quarters maintained by Lai
Te. â â Chin Peng, p 178
His Duplicity
âThe Vietnamese community in Singapore had long suspected Lai Te was operating for
both the Japanese and the British. The Vietnamese business community on the island at
this time was some 300-strong. In a matter of weeks, I was able to amass a huge file of
evidence detailing our absent leaderâs various activitiesâ. â Chin Peng, p 178
Lai Teâs Death
Towards the end of my stay in Bangkok, a senior Siamese communist official escorted
me by trishaw from their party headquarters, a wooden building located on Si Phaya road,
to the Cathay Pacific Airways office then situated on Suriwong Road
During the Trishaw ride back from the airline office, we were travelling along a main
thoroughfare with our driver pedalling in a rather leisurely fashion, well to the left. My
eyes wandered beyond the oncoming traffic line to the footpath on the opposite side. My
attention was suddenly caught by the outline of what seemed a very familiar figure.
Surely it couldnât be Lai Te!
I saw Lai Te board a motorised tuk-tuk and take-off in a cloud of blue-black smoke. Pedal
power was no match for the motor and soon my quarry had vanished into the high-noon
traffic.
The Siamese comrades had sent a three-man squad to meet Lai TeâŚthey pounced as soon
as Lai Te entered the premises. One grabbed him in a headlock. Another lunged for his
2. throat. The man gripping him around the neck applied increased pressure. The struggling
form began writhing and contorting.
Then he frothed at the mouth, went limp and stopped breathing. At the back of the
shophouse, the men conveniently discovered some length of hessian used for making
sacks. They wrapped the body in these and waited for darkness. Late that night, the
deposed and disposed leader of the CPM â surely one of Britainâs greatest spying
triumphs â was unceremoniously dumped into the swift flowing waters of Bangkokâs
Chao Praya river.
3. 2. THE ATROCITIES - REASON FOR COMMUNIST DEFEAT IN THE
EMERGENCY
THE TEXTBOOK
âThe use of terrorist tactics, like killing and torturing Chinese squatters to
intimidate them into providing supplies, did not win them any support.â
âLed by dynamic and decisive men, the British took daring measures to combat the
communists. Gerald Templerâes daring attempt to include the people as partners in
combating communism won the heart of the peopleâ
THE REVELATION
Templer Reassessed
Templer for all the glory that has been bestowed upon him, was a most controversial
man. He faced heavy criticism even among the ranks of loyal colonials. If anyone
employed terrorist measures, he did. His techniques of brow beating and threatening
peasant villagers â well beyond Tanjong Malim â are documented. Combine all this
with British military ruthlessness and its accompanying brutality and you have a
particularly abhorrent anti-insurgency campaign. If Britain had gone ahead and
posted Templer, without the Briggs plan being in place, I am quite certain that his
leadership style would have worked substantially to our advantage, swiftly
compounding problems for the authorities an only adding further to our mass support
â Chin Peng, p 301
Atrocities Reassessed
ââŚthe greatest challenge British propaganda experts would be required to face
through the entire Emergencyâ
The Daily Worker articles- âOn April 28, 1952, the London communist morning
newspaper, The Daily Worker ran a front page photograph across four columns
showing a Royal Marine commando posing for the camera and holding the severed
head of one of my guerrilla fighters. The British soldier stood outside a hut which
bore the sign â40 Commando RMâ. To his right were two Dyak recruits wearing
Royal Marine berets, one of whom was pointing a rifle at the severed head. In the
background, other British troops appeared to be walking about unconcerned. The
headline above the photograph read, âThis is the War in Malayaâ â Chin Peng, p 303
Templer's response - Templerâs telegram to Oliver Lyttleton, Colonial Secretary â
âWar in the jungle is not a nice thing but we cannot forego the necessity for easy
identification of communist deadâ
Colonial Secretary's response - Oliver Lyttletonâs response to House of Commons
query â âThe photograph was not authorised and should not have been taken.
Instructions have been given to the High Commissioner that bodies should not be
decapitated for identification which should be secured by photographs and
fingerprintsâ
Senior Civil Service expert advice to the Colonial Office on the best propaganda
approach â ââŚthe most dignified way of dealing with this matter would be to ignore
the articles in The Daily Worker and to deal with the matter in Parliament if it is
4. raised there. Moreover, to issue a statement would be to draw much wider attention to
this matter and might well provoke further discussion in the press.â
5. 3. THE MALAYAN COMMUNIST THREAT IN THE POST-COLD WAR
PERIOD, RE-VISITED (1960-1961)
THE TEXTBOOK
âThere were also other Chinese educated members in the PAP led by Lim
Chin Siong, who was pro-communistâ â Impact, p 142
âMalayaâs sense of security was undermined by the threat of communism at
her doorstep. The communists gained strength in Singapore. They were
especially against a merger with Malaya as they had always used the anti-
colonial struggle as an excuse for communist subversion. They would lose this
stand if Singapore were to achieve independence through a merger. â
On 26 July 1961, the pro-communists left the PAP and formed the Barisan
Sosialis party to challenge the PAP. This alarmed Tunku Abdul Rahman who
feared that Singapore might end up in the hands of the communistsâ â Impact,
p159
THE LIM CHIN SIONG SAGA-REASSESSED
What was the status of Lim Chin Siong. Was he really an MCP mole or pro-
communist?
Chin Siong's importance - "Someone told me the key to meeting and
interviewing Lim Chin Siong and other prominent ex-detainees is in your
pocket," John Drysdale said to me. âŚthis suggests the importance of Lim
Chin Siong, whose side of the story could not be ignored when one writes
about politics in Malaya (including Singapore) in those turbulent years of anti-
colonial struggle" - Dark Clouds in the Sky, p 170
Colonial Office records - âwhile we accept that Lim Chin Siong is a
Communist, there is no evidence he is receiving his orders from the CPM,
Peking or Moscow. Our impression is that Lim is working very much on his
own and that his primary objective is not the Communist millennium but to
obtain the control of the constitutional government of Singapore. It is far from
certain that having obtained this objective Lim would necessarily prove a
compliant tool of Peking or Moscow.â - Phillip Moore (UK Deputy
Commissioner of Singapore) to Secretary of State, 18 July 1962. Comet in the
Sky, p 38
âThe fact is that there is no evidence at present that Communists or
Communist sympathisers in Singapore intend to resort to illegal activities or
violent action. So long as this remains the case, I do not see how the
examination of individual cases can produce justification on security grounds
for arbitrary arrest, nor is there a political case for arrests, especially in the
light of the referendum resultâ - Lord Selkirk (UK commissioner of
6. Singapore) to Duncan Sandys (UK secretary of state for Commonwealth
Relations) 8 Sept 1962, Comet in the Sky, p 41
Lee Kuan Yew views - âwhether a person is a Communist or a Communist
agent, only he knows and God knows. Between his conscience and God of
course lies the Special Branch and it is up to him to show that these men
whom they have arreste are Communists or Communist agentsâ â Lee Kuan
Yew, Debate on Operation Liberation, Singapore Legislative Assembly
Debates, 5-6 November, 1956. Comet in the Sky, p 21
Lim Chin Siong on himself - âSir, I should like to say that I am an elected
representative of the people. As such, I am not answerable for my actions to a
colonial official. I am only answerable to the people. Secondly, as a member
of the PAP, I stand for a free democratic Malaya through peaceful and non-
violent methodsâ, Lim Chin Siong, Singapore Legislative Debates, 16 May
1955, Comet in the Sky, p 20
Said Zakaria on Chin Siong - "Of course, it is no longer relevant, in the
1980s, for them to call Lim Chin Siong or Said Zahari communist or
chauvinist. Their 'anti-communist' mission had been finished.' - Dark Clouds
in the Sky, p 170.
Other Pro-Left views on the nature of communism - The choice between
co-operating with the Communists or not, is not a simple choice between good
and evil, or in neutral terms between black and white. .. one is always faced
with the suspicion in one's mind, whether one is not weakening the anti-
colonial struggle by not co-operating with the Communists. This makes the
choice even more difficult. - James Puthucheary's statement of Political Belief,
letter to Lee Kuan Yew from Changi Prison Camp, 2 Sept, 1957 in Battle for
Merger, p 196
THE COMMUNIST THREAT REVISITED
How coherent and effective was the communist strategy and plan?
The real strength of the MCP - âAlthough nominally I remained Secretary
General of the party from 1961 onwards, the day-to-day functions of this
position really lay in the hands of Ah Hai. In Peking my job became one of
coordination at the highest levelsâ â Chin Peng, p 436
MCP calculations and reaction to Malaysia - âSenior Singapore Communist
leader, Eu Chooi Yip (ECY)..briefed me. Two years earlier, the CPM Central
Committee had warned that Lee Kuan Yew, having secured such a resounding
electoral victory in May 1959, was likely to move heavily against the Partyâs
island-wide infrastructure. Our predictions had been premature. However, in
1961, we remained more convinced than ever that the crackdown we had long
feared was just around the cornerâ. â Chin Peng, p 437
âThe three of us â ECY, Chin Peng and Siao Chang â examined in detail the
Malaysia plan and came to the conclusion that it would be in the best interest
7. of our Party if we plotted to sabotage this. If we couldn't derail it, at least we
might substantially delay its implementation. We took the position that
Singapore should be kept a separate entity from Malaysia, despite the fact that,
right from the outset of our struggle, we had envisaged unity between the
island and its peninsular neighbourâ - Chin Peng, p 437
âWe were convinced Lee was planning to manoeuvre behind the Tunku and,
through manipulation, smash us not only in Singapore but throughout Malaya.
Our interpretation was wrong. Ultimately, it was the Tunku who determined
the timetable for Leeâs move against the CPM.â - Chin Peng, p 437
MCP Reaction to Malaysia - âDuring the consultation with ECY, we lacked
firm information on the Malaysia idea. There had been little open and
authoritative discussion about the so-called Malaysia plan since it was first
mentioned publicly by the Tunku earlier in the year. Although I agreed with
the political aim of working to sabotage the plan, I had reservations about the
workability of such strategy. - Chin Peng, p 437
Singapore, we maintained, would be entering Malaysia on terms that would be
unequal to the other territories. Malayaâs legislation, we said, strongly
favoured the Malays to the disadvantage of the Chinese and this situation
would remain in force within the new Malaysian concept. We knew the
Chinese of Singapore would be deeply worried by the prospects for education
in general and Chinese schools in particular under a Malaysia controlled from
Kuala Lumpur. - Chin Peng, p 438.
MCP Appraisal of the PAP - ECY argued strongly that there was an ever
widening split between the PAPâs right wing faction, led by LKY, and a
middle-of-the-road group, seemingly led by Sinnathaby Rajaratnam, a
Malayan born Tamil and former associate edior of the anti-colonial Singapore
Standard. There was also a third faction ECY identified as the âChinese
communal groupâ.
I doubted the depth of difference between Leeâs faction and the other two â
particularly when it came to the association between the PAP leader and
Rajaratnam. My two comrades were convinced that the rift was present an
would worsen. I was outvoted and went along with their opinion. - Chin Peng,
p 438
I was decidedly uneasy about these decisions and managed to convince my
two enthusiastic comrades, that from then on, our political strategy would be
to plan for the best but prepare for the worst. My idea of planning for the
worst was likewise valid but, to our cost, would never be followed through. -
Chin Peng, p 438
MCP on the effects of Operation Cold Store - the Singapore crackdown we
had been expecting for almost four years had, in fact, only materialised after
strong pressure on Lee from both the Tunku and the British. Our deliberations
with ECY earlier had correctly forecast the event, but had failed to visualise
putting in place any form of effective countermeasures â p 439.
8. THE DIFFERENT VIEWS TO MERGER
What truly motivated merger?
Singapore pro-Merger faction - "Merger between the Federation and
Singapore is historically inevitable. The man made boundary at the Straits of
Johore will disappear as must all the other freak colonial frontiers bequeathed
to newly independent drawers and surveyors of the colonial era - Policy
Statement of the Central Executive Committee of the PAP, 1960 in Battle for
Merger, pp 171
The Malay Anti-merger view - "I suggested âŚat the University of Singapore
organized by the University Socialist ClubâŚthat a genuine "Malaysia" itself
referred to a geographical entity encompassing the whole of the so-called
"Malay Archipelago", including especially, Indonesia. I also said at the forum
that the national interests of the people, as claimed. Rather it was to be used to
curb the sweeping current of the anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist uprising
not only of the peoples of Southeast Asia in particular but those of Africa and
Asia generally;" - Dark Clouds in the Sky, p 154.
Tunku views - âThe Tunku himself was not happy about the idea of a merger.
There was no reason why he should wish to take over all the other Territories
were it not for the Communist danger. In his view, Singapore was bound to go
Communist unless something was done soon. â Record of Meeting at
Chequers, July 28, 1962. Comet in the Sky, p 40
MCP view - "Singapore, we maintained, would be entering Malaysia on
terms that would be unequal to the other territories. Malayaâs legislation, we
said, strongly favoured the Malays to the disadvantage of the Chinese and this
situation would remain in force within the new Malaysian concept. We knew
the Chinese of Singapore would be deeply worried by the prospects for
education in general and Chinese schools in particular under a Malaysia
controlled from Kuala Lumpur" - Chin Peng, p 438.
Lim Chin Siong and Barisan view - Lim Chin Siong's position echoed the
old radical argument in the English revolutionary tradition, that a ruler's very
'possession of such arbitrary powers means that the continued enjoyment of
civil liberty remains at all times dependent on their goodwill. But this is to say
that you remain subjet or liable to having your rights of action curtailed or
withdrawn at any time. And this..is equivalent to living in a state of servitude.
In the context of late colonial Singapore, Lim was suggesting that whilst
discretionary powers of detention still remained, in whoever's hands, and not
withstanding the transfer of power, Singapore would still be unfree and
Merdeke itself would be unrealised - Comet in the Sky, p 47