DISSERTATION

School of Social Science & Law
MSc Contemporary Issues of Drug Use
Drugs, Crime & Sport:
Can sport be used as an effective tool for reducing
problematic drug use and offending behaviour?
An account, of clients, sports staff and substance misuse
professionals involved in the 2nd
chance sports
programme County Durham and a review of previous
research finding.
Mark Williams
Dr Mark Simpson
Date of submission: 29th
of August 2008
Word Count: 21.810

G7086401 Drugs, Crime & Sport
Acknowledgement
First and foremost I would like to thank my Wife and best friend Carole for her
belief in me and her constant support and encouragement when I needed it most.
I would also like to thank my Parents, Sons, family, and friends who have also
encouraged and supported me, especially throughout the writing of this
dissertation.
I would like to acknowledge all of the participating Agencies, Organisations,
Professionals and especially Clients. Without their participation and cooperation,
this piece of work would never have been possible.
I am also very grateful to my employer ‘Addaction’ and my colleagues, past and
present, who have supported me and have had an invaluable influence on my
development and progression.
Last but not least, I would like to give a very big thank you to Frank Whittle, Mark
Symington and Sarah Landale. They have all been a fountain of ideas,
inspiration and most importantly motivation throughout my study. Without their
help, support and guidance this would not have been possible.
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Dedicated to my Grandmother Martha Mary Rees and my Father In-law Arthur
West who would have been so proud.
Abstract
The following study explores and examines the possible influences sports
activities may have on effectively reducing problematic drug use and the
subsequent crime related to the problem. It will focus predominantly on the 2nd
Chance Sports Programme in County Durham and review the current opinion of
both the professionals and participating clients on its benefits.
The purpose of this study is to investigate specific themes connected to the use
of sport as a tool in rehabilitating drug using offenders. Firstly, it will examine the
arguments surrounding the possible links between sports activities and a
reduction in drug use and offending behaviour. Secondly, it will examine the
argument of cost effectiveness of such programmes. Finally, it will look at the
social attitudes and opinions vented towards such sports-based interventions for
the rehabilitation of drug using offender. It will examine a variety of similar
programmes which have embraced this concept and review both their findings
and outcomes.
A phenomenological approach will be used due to the fact that it will be asking
for their individual perceptions and experiences, and a purposive sample of four
drug using clients, two sports coaching professionals and two substance misuse
professionals were selected due to their personal involvement in the programme.
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All professionals are currently working with drug using offenders on a regular
basis. The overall Opinion from previous research in to the 2nd
Chance
Programme and this current research study on the importance of sport and how it
can be implemented as an intervention to reduce an individual’s drug use and
offending behaviour have been strikingly similar among clients, sports coaching
staff and substance misuse professionals. Both client and professional
perception has largely been that sporting activities do have a major role to play in
both reducing drug use and offending behaviour. However, there is also a body
of academic literature which questions this argument. The conclusion of this
study supports the argument that sport does have a major role to play in the
treatment of drug use and in reducing acquisitive crime. It will also argue that
public attitude towards such initiatives rehabilitating drug users and offenders are
extremely negative and that punishment and not rehabilitation is at the forefront
of public opinion. Finally it will argue that the cost effectiveness of these
programmes can only be examined once the rationale or specific objectives of
the programme are more clearly defined. However, the study does support the
argument that drug treatment is cost effective in reducing problematic drug use
and crime.
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Content
Chapter 1
Introduction
1) Background 8
2) The link between drugs & crime 13
3) 2nd
Chance Programme 14
Chapter 2
Literature Review
1) Drugs & Crime 17
2) Sport, Drugs & Crime 20
3) Sports Culture 28
Chapter 3
Methodology
1) Preparation 33
2) Sampling 34
3) Interviews 35
4) Transcription and Coding 38
5) Analysis 38
6) Ethical Considerations 40
Chapter 4
Does it work?
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1) Little Evidence and Poorly Developed Rationale 43
2) ‘Those in Favour 50
Chapter 5
Review of Interviews
1) The Professionals view 61
2) The Clients view 67
Chapter 6
1) Cost Effectiveness 74
2) Social Attitude 79
Chapter 7
Conclusion 89
Chapter 8
Appendix A: Invitation Letter for Professionals 98
Appendix B: Invitation Letter for Clients 100
Appendix C: Information Sheet for Clients 102
Appendix D: Consent Form 104
Appendix E: Interview Guide for Professionals 105
Appendix F: Interview Guide for Clients 106
Appendix G: Face Sheet for Clients 107
Appendix H: Transcripts of Clients 108
Appendix I: Transcripts of Professionals 116
Appendix J: Request for Ethical Approval Form 126
References 133
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Glossary
DAAT Drug & Alcohol Action Team
DCMS Department for Culture, Media and Sport
DH Department of Health
DIP Drug Interventions Programme
FA Football Association
FF Football Foundation
GONE Government Office North East
HO Home Office
NIDA National Institute on Drug Abuse
NOMS National Offender Management Service
NTA National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse
NTORS National Treatment Outcomes Research Study
PPO Prolific & Priority Offenders
YOI Youth Offending Institute
YOT Youth Offending Team
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Chapter 1
Introduction
The Background
In Britain, as in many other countries, there is a widespread, though largely
untested, assumption that sport and physical activities can make an important
contribution to reducing drug use and crime. The provision of sporting facilities as
a means of accommodating disaffected working class youth has been articulated
in several policy statements since the early 1960s, and that policy was reinforced
by the rise in youth unemployment and by the serious urban unrest in the 1980s
and 1990s. Waddington (2000:1)
The UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 was the first international
document endorsing the principle of providing measures of treatment, education
aftercare, rehabilitation and social reintegration as an alternative to, or in addition
to, conviction or punishment (Article 36b) for drug related offences.
This principle has been reaffirmed several times in subsequent years in
international agreements, strategies and action plans (European Monitoring
Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction - EMCDDA 2005). The EU Drugs Action
Plan 2005-2008 asks member states to 'make effective use and develop further
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alternatives to prison for drug addicts who commit drug-related offences'
(European Commission, 2005).
Within Britain, sport-based schemes designed to combat delinquency and drug use
have won support from all the major political parties, from the police, the probation
service, and local government and, not surprisingly, from organisations involved in
promoting sport, such as the Sports Council and Sport England. On this basis,
such schemes have attracted large amounts of funding both from the government
and from voluntary sector organisations concerned with drug users and offenders;
at the moment they are of particular interest in terms of the Government’s agenda
on social exclusion.
The research undertaken as part of this study will focus on how clients and
professionals perceive the use of sport and specifically the 2nd
Chance
Programme as an effective intervention in reducing their problematic drug use
and subsequent offending behaviour which can be related directly to their
addiction. A brief introduction to the 2nd
chance programme and its origins is
highlighted here in Chapter 1.
The Clients and professionals involved in the 2nd
Chance Sports Initiative have
been interviewed, using a semi-structured interviewing technique and the
approach used was ethno-methodological. Interviews did not take longer than 30
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minutes and in these interviews clients were asked to briefly describe their
background, outline how long they had be introduced to the programme, how
long they had been accessing the sports provision available and how easy it was
to access the sports programmes. They were also asked to share their opinion
on how the sports programme could be improved or broadened.
The sports coaching staff and the substance misuse professionals give details of
any previous experiences, relevant knowledge, and qualifications relating to
either sports coaching or substance misuse worker role. Finally their personal
opinions and impressions, gained from their experiences on using sport and
sports activities to engage and to treat problematic drug users and to address
their offending behaviour.
One important point to consider when reviewing the outcomes of the professional
interviews would be that although both the sports coaching staff and the
substance misuse professionals work together and both passionately believe that
the use of sport is extremely beneficial for the clients and their well being, both
sets of professional come from very different backgrounds and agenda’s.
However, even though the professionals meet from different cultures and
agendas their opinions and attitudes towards the use of sport as a tool to engage
and treat problematic drug using offenders is strikingly similar.
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Chapter 2 covers the literature review. After delving into the concept and
reviewing the relevant literature and material available this study can conclude
that there has been a limited amount of research invested in investigating the
links between sport, drug treatment and crime reduction and that a considerable
amount of the research focusing on this concept is mostly directed at youth crime
and drug addiction. There has also been a limited amount of governmental
documentation, policies or guidance available for review when researching in this
area. However there has been some notable academic research from both these
shores and beyond which together with a small group of studies, including this
one, form the base of a large amount of the arguments and conclusions.
Chapter 3 looks at the methodology and methods used during conducting the
interviews. It will concentrate on sampling strategies, data collection, recording
information, transcription, strategies used to analyse the interviews, and finally
the possible risks and ethical implications.
Chapter 4 will be divided in to the arguments fore and against the idea that sport
can be used as an effective tool in combating drug use and crime. It will discuss,
compare, argue and summarise the main findings and opinions. This study will
argue that sports programmes such as the 2nd
chance programme do have a
significant role to play in both the treatment of drug use and in the reduction of
acquisitive crime.
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Chapter 5 reviews the research material gathered from the client and
professional interviews highlighting themes of consensus, before attempting to
construct the conclusion which will indicate that both clients and professionals
overwhelmingly support the arguments for such programmes.
Chapter 6 will consider some of the main issues surrounding the cost
effectiveness of the programmes and to review public opinion and attitudes
towards the use of such initiatives in the rehabilitation of drug using offenders.
Chapter 7 will provide a concluding summary of the study as a whole, pointing
out the possible weaknesses and limitations within it, such as the limitations in
size. It will also highlight ideas for further research and debate such as, larger
scale and more longitudinal research studies with a more defined rationale.
Chapter 8 consists of all the relevant documentation required in undertaking the
research study, such as, letters of invitation, research information and consent
forms. The interview questions and references can also be found in this section.
The intended outcome of this study is to be an informative and useful piece of
work for both professionals working in the sports activities field and those
working in the substance misuse and criminal justice fields. It hopes that it will
give useful indications as to how the clients or participants perceive the concept
and the service provision already available and how they feel it can be developed
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or improved. It will also give a strong indication as to how the professionals
directly involved in the programme perceive the concept and its potential.
It is expected that this piece of work, although limited, may have some
contribution in influencing those who have the privilege of policy making and
commissioning schemes and services that utilise the concept of sport as a tool in
reducing drug use and crime. However, as Weiss (1997) so poignantly suggests
‘Nobody in high office reads social science journals, far less papers or books’.
Coalter (2007:15)
Pawson (2006) cited in Coalter (2007:15) suggests that ‘As one ascends the
intervention hierarchy the capacity to absorb complex information dwindles by
the bullet point, so that rules out some potential readers’!
The study will now briefly examine the interaction between drugs and crime. This
relationship is a complex one and an in-depth examination is beyond the scope
of this study. However, it will give a brief outline of the possible links for the
purpose of the arguments and its outcomes of the study.
Links between drugs and crime.
Crime may result from the illegality of the drug itself, such as possession of, the
selling of, or the importing of an illegal substance. It maybe caused by behaviour
accredited to the influence of the drug itself on the individual or individuals.
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Finally, it may be related to the need for acquiring monies to buy the drugs. This
could lead to individuals participating in activities such as, theft, burglary, or
robbery to fulfil this need.
A review of the literature regarding drug abuse and the criminal justice system
(Hough 1996) concluded that, despite the widespread use of illegal drugs, most
drug users are not drawn into other forms of crime. A small minority of drug users
develop serious dependency problems, need substantial sums of money and
finance at least part of their drug misuse through crime. The variety of sources
includes income, benefits, and gifts, loans, selling property, theft, prostitution and
drug dealing. This review also found that a significant minority of crime is drug-
related, where the proceeds of the offence happen to be spent on drugs, but a
smaller proportion is drug-driven, where the offence is committed solely to pay
for illegal drugs.
The 2nd Chance Programme.
The Drug Interventions Programme is a large scale Home Office funded crime
reduction programme which seeks to get drug using offenders into treatment and
retain them there in order to reduce their levels of offending. Treatment
programmes which offer pharmacological and psychological interventions are
key to this behaviour change, however there is frequently a problem in motivating
individuals to engage in this process of change.
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Many have a range of additional problems and difficulties largely resulting from
social exclusion and there is a need to develop programmes and interventions
more suited to their needs and interests and to include accommodation, learning
and skills and employment as part of the essential “wrap around services”.
Since June 2005 a series of football training projects have been run throughout
North East England as part of a unique rolling Drug Interventions Programme
sports initiative. The 8-week long projects which run for a day each week have
been supported and led by student coaches within the North East’s five main
universities, each resulting in local tournaments in Newcastle, Teesside,
Sunderland and Durham. Affiliated with the FA, over 400 drug service users
have to date been engaged in sporting activities through this Project. 14 service
users have gained FA coaching qualifications and 1 individual has since found
employment.
In May 2006 Durham University embarked on the fifth sports Programme,
involving service users from both Durham and Darlington Drug Intervention
Programmes. Addaction led the Durham DIP contribution supported by DISC
and Lifeline, with NECA leading from Darlington. An average of 25 drug users
took part in the football coaching programme whilst 4 women took part in
activities in the gym. Twelve Durham university students coached the service
users and achieved their FA Level 1 coaching certificates.
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During the summer of 2007 the 2nd Chance Sports Programme was rolled out
throughout the North East replacing the old DIP sports initiative. The programme
had received a considerable increase in funding through the Football foundation,
Sport England and Northern Rock, as well as retaining the long term funding
commitments from all of the Drug & Alcohol Action Teams (DAATs) in the North
East. The 2nd chance programme opened up to all service users and not only
DIP clients as was originally the case. It also offered a much wider variety of
sports and sports activites, such as, rock climbing, white water rafting and
archery, to name but a few. Durham University actually advertised the possibility
of over forty different sports and has pioneered rowing with the potential of
entering boat crews made up of clients in the local Regatta and other racing
events. The 2nd chance programme in County Durham currently runs weekly
core activities, such as, the Gym, football, trampolining, and kick boxing as well
as monthly taster events such as, archery and rockclimbing, as mentioned
earlier. Clients are regularly asked for feedback on the events and also surveyed
as to what events and activities they wish to participate. All events and activities
are organised and coordinated by the University coaching staff and the
participating staff from the relevant drug support agencies.
Chapter 2 will now review the literature used in constructing the relevant
arguements of this study, both those in favour of the use of sport as a
rehabilitative tool and those with reservations regarding its effectiveness.
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Chapter 2
Literature Review
Drugs & Crime
In Britain, as in many other western societies, there has been over the last two or
three decades growing concern over what has been described as 'widespread
drug use amongst very large numbers of young people' (Parker et al., 1998: 1).
In particular, concern has been expressed about the use of illegal recreational
drugs such as cannabis and 'harder' drugs such as cocaine, as well as the many
and various kinds of criminal behaviour said to be associated with drug use
(Boreham and McManus, 2003; Condon and Smith, 2003). This concern has
manifested itself in a number of ways, not least in the emergence of a plethora of
policy initiatives designed to combat social problems, including those of adult
drug users and offenders.
In 2007 The European Association for the Treatment of Addictions (EATA)
statistics showed that approximately 4 million people are using at least 1 illicit
drug each year throughout the UK. It is estimated that drug habits cost between
£10 and £18 billion therefore in response to the current problem the government
allocated in the region of £400 million to be spent on treatment services and
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provision in 2008 (NTA 2007). In an attempt to address the high levels of illicit
drug use, the national drugs strategy ‘Tackling Drugs Together’ was published in
1995 and the 10 year strategy ‘Tackling drugs to build a better Britain’ 1998. This
strategy has now been review, revamped, and relaunched in April 2008 with just
as much importance and priority as its predesesors.
The National Treatment Agency (NTA) is also a leading organization in terms of
substance misuse, the NTA was launched in 2001 as a specialist agency to
‘improve the availability, capability and effectiveness of treatment for drug
misuse in England’ (NTA, 2007).
The interaction between drugs and crime is complex, examining the full extent is
beyond the remit of this study. However, it will give a brief outline of the possible
links for the purpose of this dissertation, its arguments and its outcomes.
Crime may result from the illegality of the drug itself, such as possession of, the
selling of, or the importing of an illegal substance. It maybe caused by behaviour
accredited to the influence of the drug itself on the individual or individuals.
Finally, it may be related to the need for acquiring monies to buy the drugs. This
could lead to individuals participating in activities such as, theft, burglary, or
robbery to fulfil this need.
A review of the literature regarding drug abuse and the criminal justice system
(Hough 1996) concluded that, despite the widespread use of illegal drugs, most
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drug users are not drawn into other forms of crime. A small minority of drug users
develop serious dependency problems, need substantial sums of money and
finance at least part of their drug misuse through crime. The variety of sources
includes income, benefits, and loans, selling property, theft, prostitution and drug
dealing. This review also found that a significant minority of crime is drug-related,
where the proceeds of the offence happen to be spent on drugs, but a smaller
proportion is drug-driven, where the offence is committed solely to pay for illegal
drugs.
While hard and fast definitions are impossible, the term ’problem drug users’ is
generally employed by drug workers to include those whose drug taking involves
dependency, regular excessive use, or use which creates serious health risks.
There are, depending on source, an estimated 90,000 to 250,000 problem drug
users in England and Wales who could benefit from different forms of treatment.
NTORS (2005). A Home Office report on referring offenders to drug services
adds that those users whom we regard as problematic typically use large
amounts of heroin, crack or amphetamine; usually as part of a pattern of
polydrug use; they generally show signs of dependency; their drug use poses
risks to themselves and others; and they are often extensively involved in crime
to support their drug use. Hough, M. (1996)
Problem drug users are those who could benefit from the services of drug
agencies offering medical or other forms of treatment. However, the Association
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of Chief Officers of Probation advises caution in drawing too precise a conclusion
about crime and drug use by stating that it is simplistic to assume drug misuse
causes otherwise honest individuals to commit crime. What appears to happen is
that problematic drug use often coexists with other deviant behaviour including
offending. As drug use becomes increasingly problematic, the individual’s
propensity to offend increases. Increasingly problematic drug use is therefore
associated with the frequency and scale of offending but is much less often
associated with initiating a criminal career. House of Commons Report (2000:14)
Sport, Drugs & Crime
The use of sport has never played a major part in crime reduction or drug
rehabilitation programmes for adults, though it is argued that the Positive Futures
Programme run with Youth Offending Teams (YOTs) and other simular projects
and initiatives have clearly identified the value that sport has in engaging with
hard to reach groups, such as drug using offenders, or have they? Determining
whether sports activites are an effective tool in combatting drug use and crime
will be the main focus of this dissertation.
Coalter (2007) has examined the presumption that sport has the potential to
alleviate a variety of social problems and generally to ‘improve’ both individuals
and the communities in which they live. Sport is promoted as a relatively cost
effective antidote for a range of issues, such as, social exclusion, drug abuse,
persistent offending and educational underachievement, to name but a few.
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A large majority of the most recent literature surrounding this concept presents a
political and historical context for increased governmental interest in what has
become known as ‘sport for good’. The literature explores the particular social
issues that governments seek to address through sport, and examines the nature
and extent of the evidence for sports positive role.
Coalter (2007:1) highlights that in recent years sports have achieved an
increasingly high profile as part of New Labour’s social inclusion agenda. He
goes on to say that this is due to the assumption regarding its potential
contribution to addressing the social issues mentioned above and at the same
time being cost effective. However, these new opportunities which have been
welcomed by many involved in sport have been accompanied by a potential
threat which is, evidence based policy making.
The cost implications linked to drug use and crime, especially to the criminla
justice system are not only enormous in monetary terms but also in the price to
society in terms of human dignity. The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA)
states, “According to several conservative estimates, every $1 invested in
addiction treatment programs yields a return of between $4 and $7 in reduced
drug-related crime, criminal justice costs, and theft alone. When savings related
to health care are included, total savings can exceed costs by a ratio of 12 to 1.
With such savings reportedly possible it is hard not to justify an increase drug
treatment programs and initiatives. Chapter six will examine the differing views
and opinions regarding this question and attempt to derive a conclusion.
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The economic costs imposed upon society by the NTORS cohort were largely
due to their criminality. Crime costs made up a substantial proportion of the total
economic costs of addiction, whereas direct addiction treatment costs accounted
for only six per cent of costs.
Detailed calculations of the crime costs after NTORS treatments were made both
in terms of offences and client contacts with the criminal justice system (arrests,
court appearances, prison stays etc). Both methods yielded similar results with
considerable reductions in crime costs after treatment. Health and social care
costs were relatively small in comparison. The reductions in offences were
associated with a drop in crime costs from around £6m before treatment to
approximately £2m at one year follow-up. Subsequent crime costs estimates at a
two year follow-up were also recording lower than at admission.
Cost-effectiveness and cost-benefit studies carried out in the US have also
shown that drug treatment was cost-effective and cost-beneficial in terms of
crime reduction effects. In most cases, the cost of treatment was recouped
during treatment, with additional cost-benefits as a result of reduced post-
treatment drug use.
A variety of commentators such as, (Coalter 2007 & Nichols 2007) point out that
the effectiveness of sports interventions are not easily measured and therefore
difficult to evidence. They also draw attention to the lack of a strong cumulative
body of research evidence for which to inform policy and practice. In fact, in an
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era of evidence-based policy making, the cumulative evidence base for many
claims for sport is relatively weak.
As for the links between sport and crime prevention (Coalter, Nichols, and
Crabbe) argue and discuss the vague and really unexamined claims regarding
sports ability to tackle such issues as anti-social behaviour, crime and substance
misuse. It is argued that this assumption is not a new one, in fact he refers to
Bailey (1978) and the Department of the Environment, white paper (1975:2)
which discuss concerns around ‘boredom and urban frustration’ and it’s
contribute to the reduction of hooliganism and delinquency.
The debate about the relationship between sports participation and crime divides
broadly into theories about rehabilitation of offenders and theories regarding
crime prevention or ‘diversion’. The rehabilitation theory tends to involve small
schemes with limited numbers of offenders or drug users, and is often based on
out door adventure activities. They tend to focus more on an intensive
counselling approach in which the programme is adapted to meet the needs of
the drug users or offenders. They are aimed at developing personal and social
skills, improve self-esteem and self-confidence, which it is hope will be
transferred to the wider social context and reduce drug use and offending
behaviour. Coalter (1998). Taylor et al (1999), West & Crompton (2001), Nichols
and Crow, (2004).
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Diversionary programmes, which are the predominant concern of social policy,
tend to be relatively large scale, open access sports programmes targeted at
‘youth at risk’ and run in specific areas for maximum effect. Coalter (2007:116)
With New Labours social inclusion agenda the significance of sport is indicated
by the establishment of a national sports-based programme called Positive
Futures. This was established in 2002 and by the end of 2004 had received over
£6 million in funding, as a partnership between the Home Office Drugs Strategy
Directorate, Sport England, the Youth Justice Board and the Football Foundation.
Coalter (2007:116). In many circles it is still undecided whether the money spent
on these and other similar initiates are a good investment or could be used more
productively.
The initial 24 Positive Futures projects were directly targeted at 10 – 16 year olds
and little if no funds made available to engage older young people or adults.
However, there are also indications from other initiatives, especially from the
USA that show that sports activities such as, ‘midnight soccer or basketball’
seem to have been associated with reductions in recorded crime. Morgan (1998),
Wilkins (1997), Hartmann & Depro (2006).
Coalter (2007:7) concludes that if research is to inform policy, he argues that it is
essential to seek to explore the question of sufficient conditions, which sports, in
which conditions, have what effects for which participants?
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A Major narrative review of the impacts of sports concluded that, although there
appear to be strong theoretical arguments for the potentially positive contribution
which sport can make to the reduction of the propensity to commit crime, ‘there is
an absence of robust intermediate or outcome data. Coalter et al (2000:47).
Coalter, Nichols and Crabbe amongst others reiterate throughout there literature
that we may need to adopt a different approach to research and evaluation if
sports researchers are to develop their understanding and make a substantial
contribution to sports policy.
Nichols (2007) amongst others also asks the question ‘Can sport help create an
environment that dissuades young people from crime and how can we better
measure the effects of sports-led initiatives against crime?
Nichols has examined eight different sports-led initiatives from around the World
and to evaluate them by highlighting ‘best practice’ in programme design and
evaluation, as well as the success and failure of the programmes.
Although Nichols is mostly focusing on youth drug use and crime, this study feels
that the same questions and answers can be used when directed at both adult
drug users and adult offenders. Especially as many of the most problematic drug
using offenders are in their late teens and early twenties.
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Nichols suggests how there may be synergy between programme objectives of
crime reduction and sports development. He argues that by understanding the
process by which sports activity may be an effective medium
for crime reduction programmes has implications for other forms of programmes
utilising other mediums such as art.
It is argued by some observers that an understanding of the role of sport in
programmes to reduce both problematic drug use and criminal behaviour
requires an understanding of how such programmes have a positive impact on
the individuals. Nichols draws attention to Brantingham and Faust’s (1976)
categorisation of programmes as Primary, Secondary and Tertiary as discussed
earlier. Understanding these categorisations and choosing the correct type for
any future schemes may be important in the success of the scheme and
evaluating and interpreting the findings and outcomes.
Notwithstanding the rhetorical and common-sense claims made on behalf of the
effectiveness of ‘sport in the community schemes’, the consensus among more
critical observers is that, despite the vast numbers of such schemes currently in
operation in the UK, there is very little evidence for their effectiveness in reducing
and preventing crime and drug ‘abuse’(Coalter, 2001; Collins and Kay, 2003;
Dunning and Waddington, 2003; Hartmann, 2001; Long and Sanderson, 2001;
Long et al., 2002; Nichols, 1997, 2004; Robins, 1990). This argument is due to a
lack of hard evidence on the outcomes of these programmes. Research has
26

been soft to say the least and without hard facts this concept will always be a
focus of scepticism and criticism.
In addition to the absence of supporting empirical evidence there are also a
number of theoretical reasons why one might be sceptical about the claims made
on behalf of the effectiveness of such schemes. One frequent justification for the
use of sport in schemes where crime and drug reduction or prevention is the
main objective is that sport can create enjoyment and excitement, and thus
provide an antidote to boredom, for young people (Coalter, 2001; DCMS/Strategy
Unit, 2002; Nichols, 1997).
It is certainly the case, as Elias and Dunning (1986) have argued, that sport can
be seen as a ‘quest for excitement’. However, as Crabbe (2000: 383) has noted,
‘this is often for much the same reason that people might also choose to use
illicit drugs, become involved in criminal activity or even sport-related violence’. In
this regard, several studies have emphasised the importance that many young
people, particularly young males, attach to the use of legal (alcohol and tobacco)
and illegal drugs (such as cannabis and ecstasy) as one way in which to create
excitement, enjoyment and self-confidence while ‘hanging around’ and
socializing in the company of like-minded friends in their leisure time (see e.g.
Measham et al., 1998; Parker et al., 1998; Pavis and Cunningham-Burley, 1999;
Shildrick, 2002).
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Research has indicated that increased physical fitness, as a consequence of
sports participation, may enhance self-esteem (Trujillo, 1983). Sporting
achievement, may also offer a means of improving self-esteem. Self-esteem is
especially important for adolescents, for whom a central concern is establishing
their own sense of self-identity through social relations (Hendry et al., 1993:31-
57).
There is also evidence that sports activity can assist in the treatment of mental
health issues (see e.g. Careless & Douglas 2004, Morris & Faulkner 2003).
Occupational therapy commentators, despite taking up different theoretical
positions about the role and value of occupationally-linked activities in every day
life, seem to agree that engagement in physical activity has the potential to add
meaning and purpose to people’s lives. For example, Hammel (2004) argues that
purposeful activities, which would include football, have the potential to add
meaning through doing, being, belonging and becoming, while Dickie et al (2006)
suggests that it is not activity per se that makes the difference, but rather the
transactions that take place linking the person to the situation. If this is the case
and if one concedes that there is a link between problematic drug use and mental
health issues then one can only assume that this evidence also supports the
theory that sport a useful tool in addressing these issues.
Sport & Culture
As Dunning and Waddington (2003) have noted there is an important but
frequently neglected aspect of sporting culture which they describe as a
28

'Januform' character, for it has, at least since the late medieval/early modern
period, been characterised by two different and contrasting ideological
syndromes involving what one might call, on the one hand, a 'Dionysian' or
'Epicurean', that is, pleasure-centred, strain, and, on the other hand a 'Stoical' or
'Puritanical' thrust.
The latter ideology found perhaps its clearest expression in the development in
the 19th century of the mem sana in corpore sano ethos, a process which was
bolstered in the wider society by the emergence, on the one hand, of the 'rational
recreation' movement and, on the other, of what might be called the 'sport/health'
ideology' (Dunning and Waddington, 2003: 355; Waddington, 2000).
In contrast, the Dionysian/Epicurean aspect, which has long been associated, in
particular, with physically dangerous contact sports such as football and rugby,
involves, among other things, the idea that it is 'manly' not only to play such
sports, but also to drink beer and to be able to 'hold your ale', that is to drink
copious quantities of alcoholic beverages after matches without becoming visibly
drunk and losing control.
This subculture has also often included the following elements: alcohol-related
initiation rites; ritualised drinking games which had the dual function of, first,
testing physical prowess and self-control under conditions of advancing
inebriation and, second, of increasing the quantities of alcohol consumed; and
29

the singing of songs and the reciting of verses which had explicit sexual themes
and in which the mocking and degradation of females and male homosexuals
were recurrent themes (Dunning and Waddington, 2003: 356).
Studies of athletes and football clubs found that initiation ceremonies have
become normalised within sports clubs for both male and female athletes and
that, although initiation ceremonies were in some respects gendered (for
example, men's initiations more frequently involved nakedness and physical
abuse, ceremonies for both males and females tended to involve the excessive
consumption of alcohol (King, 2000). Alcohol related initiation ceremonies, or
'hazings', are also common in American collegiate sports (Hoover, 1999).
While there have been fluctuations in the relative emphasis and importance
associated with these two contrasting ideological syndromes, the
Dionysian/Epicurean element began, particularly from the Reformation period
onwards, to be pushed increasingly underground while the Puritanical/Stoical
element came increasingly to the fore, a process that occurred correlatively with
the emergence of Britain as a capitalist urban-industrial nation state (Dunning
and Waddington, 2003). This is important, for it explains the current pre-
eminence of the Puritanical/Stoical pole as a central aspect of the ideology of
those charged with the promotion of sport in public policy.
An understanding of this ‘Januform’ character of sport forms a vital prerequisite
for understanding key aspects of the increasing use of sporting schemes as
30

vehicles of social policy. In this regard, it is important to note that such schemes
are premised on a one-sided perception of sport. That is, they emphasise the
Puritanical aspects of sporting culture while largely ignoring the
Dionysian/Epicurean aspects. In other words, such schemes are based on an
uncritical perception of sport as an unambiguously wholesome and healthy
activity in both a physical and a moral sense. Of course, such a perception is not
wholly inaccurate, but it is one-sided and an appreciation of the other side, that
is, of the Dionysian aspects of sporting culture might lead to a more realistic view
of the likely effectiveness of such schemes.
When reviewing literature surrounding public or social opinion and attitudes
towards using such initiatives for the purpose of rehabilitating drug using
offenders, one does not have to look much further than the recent media
attention drawn on to the front pages of many national and local tabloids
regarding drug using offenders receiving free tickets for premier league football
matches.
This story typifies the position of the media and the subsequent reaction of the
law abiding public towards what they feel is preferential treatment for drug using
offenders. However, the chapter will also attempt to highlight how public opinion
can differ when involved in the debate and a rational explanation is given for this
type of intervention.
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As highlighted in the introduction, after reviewing a broad range of literature
covering the concept, the study will focus on three specific themes.
Firstly the argument surrounding the question ‘Can sport be used as an effective
tool to reduce problematic drug use and offending behaviour? This will be the
main focus of argument that will be explored; however, there are two secondary
discussions that will be highlighted by the study. These are the arguments
around the cost effectiveness of these programmes and the social attitudes, both
public and professional, to this kind of treatment method or intervention. Chapter
six will attempt review the debate and construct a conclusion to the arguments as
best possible from the limited research material available.
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Chapter 3
Methodology
This chapter will outline the progress of the research, the underlying theory of the
preparation, interview styles, transcription, and finally explore the ethical
considerations.
1) Preparation
Whilst preparing the research, it was decided to use a deductive approach, since
it ‘represents the commonest view of the nature of the relationship between
theory and social research’ (Bryman, 2004, p8). It furthermore specifies ‘how
data can be collected in relation to the concepts that make up the hypothesis’
(Bryman, 2004, p8).
A deductive approach was most suitable, due to personally having come across
and been involved in programmes and concepts similar to these prior to writing
this dissertation. Through being actively involved and discussing the concept with
colleagues it was decided to use this debate as a basis for the study and it began
researching into the concept of using sport as an intervention before starting the
interviewing process.
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During the preparation stage, interviewing, and analysing the data, the study has
been influenced by Interpretivism, as it is ‘critical to the application of the
scientific model to the study of the social world’ and views ‘that the subject matter
of the social sciences – people and their institutions – is fundamentally different
from that of the natural sciences. The study of the social world therefore requires
a different logic of research procedure, one that reflects the distinctiveness of
humans as against the natural orders.’ (Bryman, 2004:13). This approach was
particularly helpful when talking to the interviewees and understanding their
points since it emphasises the difference between ‘explanation’ and
‘understanding’ of human behaviour (Bryman, 2004, p13).
I was also aware that I would use an ethnographic approach, since I would
interview colleagues from a work setting. I have also met and spent time with the
clients before I decided to interview them and thus built up a certain degree of
knowledge about their circumstances, and a certain degree of trust so that they
would have no problems and feel rather comfortable in participating in the
research. Ethnography takes place when a ‘researcher is immersed in a social
setting for some time in order to observe and listen with a view to gaining
appreciation of the culture of a social group’ (Bryman, 2004, p267).
2) Sampling
My sample was created by a non-probable convenience sampling strategy. It is
defined as ‘one that is simply available to the researcher by virtue of its
34

accessibility’ and has a good response rate (Bryman, 2004, p100). As mentioned
before, I knew the clients I have interviewed through my professional life and
spent some time with them prior to interviewing. The Sports Coaching Staff and
the Substance Misuse professional I interviewed were people who I have worked
along side for some time and throughout the duration of my research.
However, a critique of this type of sampling is that ‘The data will not allow definite
findings to be generated, because of the problem of generalisation, but it could,
and hopefully will, provide a springboard for further debate and research’
(Bryman, 2004, p100).
3) Interviews
This study is based upon a phenomenological approach whilst preparing and
conducting the interviews. Phenomenology is defined as a ‘philosophy that is
concerned with the question of how individuals make sense of the world around
them and how in particular the philosopher should bracket out preconceptions in
his or her grasp of that world’ (Bryman, 2004, p13). Also, this philosophy, as
Interpretivism, recognises the ‘fundamental difference between the subject
matter of the natural sciences and the social sciences’ (Bryman, 2004. p14).
It appreciates that ‘social reality has a meaning for human beings and therefore
human action is meaningful – that is, it has a meaning for them and they act on
the basis of the meanings that they attribute to their acts and to the acts of
others’ (Bryman, 2004, p14). This philosophy is a useful tool to understand and
35

interpret my interviewees’ actions from their point, regardless if they are clients or
professionals.
Two slightly different interview guides were designed to focus on the client’s
perspective, and that of the professional’s points of view and attitudes. They
were directed specifically towards the 2nd
Chance Programme and the concept of
sport as a tool in both drug treatment and reducing crime. Both interview guides
were of a semi-structured nature; however, the professionals were given more
scope and therefore the interviews were of a slightly more unstructured nature.
In a semi-structured interview the ‘researcher has a list of questions or fairly
specific topics to be covered, but the interviewee has a great deal of leeway in
how to reply’ (Bryman. 2004, p321). Considering the circumstances of the clients
I intended to interview, I felt that a stricter semi-structured guide would give them
more confidence in talking about their experiences, since they felt more
comfortable when confronted with stricter guidelines and given less leeway.
The professional interview guide was slightly more unstructured to give the
professionals the opportunity to dwell or even expand on topics they might
deemed as important or relevant (Bryman, 2004, p321). Though the interview
guides differed slightly, they still gave the interviewees the power to decide to talk
about issues they considered as important or relevant, and the entire interview
became characterised to being more of a conversation (Bryman, 2004, p321).
36

This qualitative approach can be a very appealing research strategy, ‘because of
their human character’ (Gillham, 2005, p8). It furthermore is easier to probe and
clarify. Additionally, it gives me, the researcher the opportunity to show
appreciation and understanding, which was particularly important for my clients,
as it encouraged them to talk more openly about their circumstances. This,
furthermore feministic approach, is entirely different from the traditionally male
structured interviewing culture. It allows me to approach participants with a
certain ‘openness’, demonstrate ‘emotional engagement, and the development of
trust’ (Punch, 2006, p173).
Whilst constructing both guides, I paid attention that questions were open and
ordered, and that one question flows reasonably into the other, but yet stayed
flexible enough to alteration. I furthermore considered language issues, and how
I could adopt a language that would be easily understood, especially by clients.
In general, interviews did not take longer than 30 minutes and usually took place
in venues that were familiar to the participants, such as, the sports facilities they
attended or at their local treatment centre. All interviews were audio-recorded
after interviewees gave their consent. The participants had the right of receiving
a transcribed version of their interview, which they indicated on the consent form
(Gillham, 2005, p14). Prior to interviewing the participants were informed of their
rights and confidentiality issues.
37

4) Transcription and Coding
As Bryman recommends (2004, p329), I transcribed every interview shortly after
it had taken place. The transcription helped to code the statements appropriately,
and to make sense of the data collected. I transcribed interviews word by word,
but left out exclamations, such as ‘ehm’, and pauses. Neither did I indicate words
that were stressed by the interviewees. However, a big disadvantage of
transcribing data is that the dimensions of speech, such a pauses, emphasis,
tone and pace get lost (Gillham, 2005, p121), which in turn might have an impact
on the meaning of what had been said.
The identity of the participants has been coded for use in referencing and to keep
their anonymity. They have been coded as follows: All the Professionals
interviewed will start with the letter (P) those who are drug workers will be coded
as (PDW) and then their number 1 or 2. Sports Coaches similarly will be coded
(PSC) and then their number. The Clients will be numbered I to 4 and put into
sex. There is only one female interviewee who will be coded (FSU1) while the
male clients will be coded (MSU1), (MSU2) and (MSU3).
5) Analysis
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After transcription carefully and systematically reviewed the data looking for
themes which I had integrated into the semi structured interview questions.
Themes such as, how did you find out about the programme? How do you think
the programme has benefited you? And how would you like to see the
programme develop?
The study could then easily compare the client’s answers and views to gain a
general overview of opinion. (See chapter 6) This method also highlighted any
new issues that may arise. The same approach was adopted for the
professional’s analysis but this time the themes were of a slightly different nature.
Themes such as, their personal and professional opinion on the utilisation of
sports activities in addressing drug misuse and criminal behaviour, or how they
personally would like to see the programme develop, if at all.
The comments from the themes were grouped together and from that it was
easier to gain a broad idea of the views shown. (See chapter 6) By using the
themes it was also easier to gain a general overview and deduce a conclusion
from both the client’s perspective as well a professional’s perspective.
By comparing these findings with those from similar projects using the same
concepts of sport to reduce drug use and crime, I have been able to in some way
triangulate my finding with the purpose of strengthening their validity. However, I
am fully aware that triangulation (multi ways of investigating situations or finding)
39

has its pitfalls. Silverman (2000) suggests that this approach can be ambitious for
the student researcher, that it requires time, personnel resources and verification
from participants who might not be the best to comment on their own actions.
Furthermore Silverman goes on to state that if using this generalisation method
that one must inspect and compare all data till your generalisation is able to
apply to every single gobbet of relevant data you collected. This he calls
‘Comprehensive data treatment’.
6) Ethical Considerations
Ethics play a mayor role whilst carrying out research. As Gillham stresses (2005,
p10), ‘People are responsive to the apparent interest of an interviewer, and
therein lies the essence of their vulnerability’, furthermore, ‘professional
impersonality seems to facilitate rather than inhibit disclosure’. It shows that
interviewers in general have a great amount of power. However, they should be
aware of that power and handle it with care; otherwise it is easy to exploit and
cause harm to participants.
Whilst preparing, carrying out and evaluating the interviews, I adhered to the 4
main areas of ethical principles, suggested by Diener and Crandall (in Bryman,
2004, p509), which are ‘Harm to participants’, ‘Lack of informed consent’,
‘Invasion of privacy’, and ‘Deception’. Furthermore, I was aware of the ethical
issues I could encounter from the beginning of my research until after the project,
proposed by Miles and Huberman (in Punch, 2006, pp277-278). The ethical
40

principles suggested by Diener and Crandall merge into the issues mentioned by
Miles and Huberman, and made me think more thoroughly about my research
and its ethical impacts, especially on clients.
Miles and Huberman’s ethical issues (in Punch, 2006, pp277-278) are divided
into three sub-categories. Early in the project I needed to think about the
worthiness of the project, my personal competence boundaries, meaning if I can
carry out the research personally, how I could ensure informed consent, and
finally, what the benefits, costs and reciprocity are likely to be.
During the project I needed to be aware of the likelihood of risks, and who might
be at risk. Furthermore, I might come across issues of honesty, trust, privacy and
confidentiality, especially since I have spent time with the clients before the
interview and would most likely spend time with them after it. I also needed to
think about issues of anonymity, and how I could provide it.
Lastly, after all interviews had been conducted and transcription had taken place,
I had to think about the research integrity and quality. I had to reflect if the study
was conducted carefully, thoughtfully and correctly, adhering to given ethical
standards. Then, I needed to clarify the ownership of the data and the research’s
conclusions, namely, who owns the collected material, and how would the study
be distributed. Finally, I had to be aware of the possible use and misuse of the
data and results.
41

I had to ensure that the data collected was correct and appropriate for me to
use. I also needed to decide if the data collected, regardless if it would be chosen
to be published, would cause harm to that participant or organisation in the
future. (Miles and Huberman, in Punch, 2006:277-278).
As mentioned before, ethics play a big part in carrying out a research study, and I
needed to be aware of ethical issues I could encounter throughout my research.
However, thanks to the support and guidance I have received I could carry out a
research that I believe is congruent with all underlying ethical considerations.
In concluding this chapter this study would advocate the use of realist evaluation
as a methodology for evaluating these types of programmes.
Chapter 4 will now explore in depth the arguments both for and against the use
of sport as an effective tool in combating drug use and crime. However, the
arguments that criticise such programmes are directed more towards the lack of
‘hard’ or significant evidence in support of them rather than the concept itself.
Furthermore, they argue that the rationale behind such programmes is in many
cases, weak and not measurable and until this is addressed it would be incorrect
to make such strong assumptions surrounding the success of such programmes.
42

Chapter 4
“Does it Work”?
Little Evidence and Poorly Developed Rationale
The critical question is: do such schemes work? In other words is there any
evidence to suggest that such schemes have a significant impact either on the
amount of illegal drug use by individuals or on their level of criminal activity?
“Sport has an invaluable role to play in improving the health and well-
being of communities. It can make individuals healthier and
communities more vibrant, by reducing health inequalities, lowering
long-term unemployment, cutting crime, and delivering better
qualifications, but also by developing pride among individuals,
strengthening community spirit, and empowering communities so
that they are able to run regeneration programmes themselves”.
RT Hon Richard Caborn MP Cabinet Office (2005:4)
One of many quotes delivered by government ministers in the promotion of sport
to eradicate a multitude of sins. As discussed earlier these concepts fit nicely
with the Labour government’s social inclusion policies (see e.g. Collins and Kay,
2003) and are based on assumptions or rationales such as those discussed by
Nichols (1997) attempts to review the most commonly used rationales which can
be identified as underlying sport as prevention schemes.
Nichols lists the following series of potential rationales:
1 1. Reducing the ability to take part in crime.
2 2. Meeting a need for excitement.
43

3 3. Physical fitness.
4 4. Increased self-esteem and sense of control over one’s life.
5 5. The development of cognitive competencies.
6 6. The importance of role models.
7 7. The importance of employment.
Another two, so called, positive key points which are commonly used regarding
the relationship of sport and physical activity reducing drug use and crime are
that they reduce boredom; and decrease the amount of unsupervised leisure
time.
“It was something that you planned ahead Thursday, it was like “oh
Thursday – we’ve got sports that day.” Everyone was looking
forward to it and nobody wanted to miss it.”
(Participating Client 2006 DIP Evaluation)
“It kills time, and it’s a healthy way of killing time. It’s the whole point.
If they’re not engaged in something and doing something then they
will start sitting around getting bored, and boredom leads to mischief
(which) leads to bad habits, and that’s the whole ball game.”
(Participating Worker 2006 DIP Evaluation)
Preventing and reducing boredom is important due to its reported links to
depression, distractibility and loneliness (Coalter et al. 2000; McGiboney & Carter
1988 in Reid et al.1994). In addition, there is consensus that if young people lack
stimulation and have little to do they will seek their own, often antisocial, activities
(Collingwood et al.1992; Crabbe2000; Felson 1998)
44

‘It gives us summit to do. It gives us summit to look forward too every
week. Keeps us a bit fitter and keeps me out of trouble, dunnit’?
(MSU 2)
As Nichols (1997:181) notes, these rationales have developed in an ad hoc way;
they are poorly developed on a theoretical level and their relationships with each
another are not clearly articulated. Nichols suggests that it is a matter of concern
that, despite many years of funding for such schemes, no clear rationale has yet
been developed for programmes that use sport as a means of reducing illicit drug
use or criminal behaviour. Does it matter? He points out that we could, adopt the
approach which suggests that such schemes work even if we not understand
why they work. However this approach is inadequate for three reasons. Firstly,
there is no clear evidence that these programmes do indeed reduce drug use or
crime. Secondly one of the reasons for a lack of evidence is the poorly developed
rationale itself. Such a rationale is required in order to justify measuring specific
outcomes of the programme with reference to their impact on drug use and crime
reduction. Thirdly, a clear rationale would inform the design of programmes and
would allow the individual needs of participants to be matched to specific
programmes (Nichols, 1997:182)
There are also other arguments that arising from the claim that participation in
sport leads to improved self-esteem, a claim which has been made in a number
of studies such as, Collins et al (1999), Crabbe (2000), and DCMS (2001).
There are several problems here. Firstly, the increased self-esteem which may
be associated with excellence in sporting achievement is, by definition, only
45

attainable by a few and there may be difficulties of readjustment when the
individual loses the capacity to perform sport at an exceptional level. Secondly, it
is in the nature of sport that there are winners and losers; if enhanced self-
esteem is a consequence of winning then what, we may ask, is the impact on the
self-esteem of those who are the losers? In addition, the nature of the alleged
link between enhanced self esteem and reduced levels of drug use criminal
behaviour is by no means clear; indeed, as Crabbe (2000) has pointed out, in
some situations the drug use-crime nexus can itself provide meaning and
purpose in the absence of legitimate structured opportunities and can generate
status and identity in contexts of social and economic exclusion.
Furthermore, there are a number of theoretical reasons why one might be sceptical
about claims about the effectiveness of such schemes. For example one of the
principle reasons why sport is used in drug prevention and treatment interventions
is because people enjoy it.
However, as Crabbe (2000) has noted, this is often for much the same reason that
they might also choose to use illicit drugs, become involved in criminal activity or
even in sport-related violence such as football hooliganism. Crabbe suggests that
‘it is within this context that attempts to draw mutually exclusive boundaries
between sport and drugs use, or “good” and “bad” behaviour, become
problematic’.
46

Secondly, Crabbe notes that sport is just one of a range of leisure options and that
the relationship between sport and other leisure options is empirically variable. For
example, football is played by over 2 million people in the United Kingdom, but
they may play football alongside other leisure pursuits which positively promote
drug use and other deviant behaviour; a good example would be the heavy
drinking culture which has traditionally surrounded a number of sports, most
notably rugby and football, in the UK.
Thirdly, Crabbe notes that in terms of the degree to which sport can influence
other forms of behaviour, we need to recognise that the kinds of experiences
which people seek through sport, for example, emotional satisfaction,
exhilaration, confrontation, financial reward, the overcoming of fear and the joy of
celebration can also be achieved through crime and drug use. Indeed, he notes
that, in contrast to those approaches which stress sport’s allegedly wholesome
and socially cohesive nature, it might with equal validity be noted that sport
provides an environment in which ‘acts of violence, confrontation and drug use
may be licensed in ritualised fashion and given meaning through their association
with the hegemonic masculine ideals of toughness, heroism and sacrifice’.
Nichols (2007) reiterates that a variety of previous initiatives aimed at reducing
drug use and crime, have frequently used sport and leisure as a major activity.
However, there is little evidence for the effectiveness of such programmes in
reducing either drug use or crime. For example, Writing in 1990, Robins noted
47

that 'research into the relation between sport and delinquency has been virtually
non-existent in the UK' (1990:1). One of the few systematic studies which existed
at that time was that by Coalter (1989) who, following a review of the literature on
the subject was unable to conclude that there is a correlation between high levels
of sports participation and low levels and frequency of delinquency among young
people in the UK. Beyond Coalter's review, however, Robins observed that there
was a dearth of properly conducted and monitored evaluation of schemes where
the reduction of crime via sports participation was a main objective.
It was in this context that Robins critically examined all the major programmes
which had then been set up with the aim of using sport and recreation as part of
a crime prevention strategy. These included a wide variety of schemes — for
example, community development schemes, police schemes and schemes
designed to rehabilitate young offenders - and Robins (1990: 92) concluded that
there was 'little evidence of evaluation of the effect of programmes on young
people' and that, as a consequence, 'information about outcomes was hard to
come by'. He adds that an additional problem, was that none of the programmes
surveyed included a process of follow-up or after-care in their objectives and,
specifically with regard to those schemes which were targeted at convicted
offenders, he noted that information about re-offending patterns, where it was
available, was generally sketchy. He also noted that 'no clear picture of aims and
objectives and their underlying rationales emerge' Robins, (1990: 88). See also
Nichols (2007), Coalter (2007) & Waddington (2000).
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Gratton and Taylor concluded that, 'hard evidence in support of this argument (of
a relationship between involvement in sport and reduction in anti-social
behaviour) is difficult to come by' (1991, p. 66). There are considerable difficulties
in producing 'hard evidence'. Lyng’s (1993) concept of ‘edgework’ and
Csikszentmilhalyi’s and Csikszentmilhalyi’s (1992) ‘sense of flow’ support the
argument that there is no evidence that sport provided a long-term alternative to
the excitement derived from drug use or crime, however they do acknowledge
that this remains an unproven possibility.
Some claim that the inherent benefits of sport are that it improves personal fitness
if one does enough of it, and if one avoids injury. (The Department for Culture,
Media and Sport 2002). It is also associated with good mental health. However, as
noted by Nichols (2007) this still leaves the question of how this relates to drug and
crime reduction. One of the most simplistic explanations for sports programmes
effectiveness in reducing drug use and crime is that while on a programme the
participant is not able to take part in crime at the same time. This obvious
justification of a programme's effectiveness needs to be related to the cost of the
programme in relation to the cost of alternatives, for example, prisons, and the long
term impact of experiences on the participant. A related explanation of why a
programme might reduce crime is if the programme takes place on premises that
49

would otherwise be used for, and be the object of, criminal behaviour. (Crabbe, T.
2000; Coalter, F. 2007; Hartmann, D. & Depro, B. 2006; Measham, F. & Aldridge,
J. 1995; Nichols 2007; Parker, H. Ramella, M. 2004; Robins, D. 1990).
For example, a programme in Huddersfield observed by Nichols (1997) offers
after-school activities to young people between the time school activities finish
and 6.0 p.m. This has resulted in a substantial reduction in vandalism to the
school premises. Cost savings from reduced vandalism have exceeded the costs
of running the programme. Merely being involved in a purposeful and legitimate
activity may prevent involvement in crime. Nichols (1997: 3)
Arguments and critique such as these mentioned so far should sound a warning
against making simplistic assumptions about the effectiveness of sporting
participation as a means of combating drug 'abuse' and instantly reducing levels of
crime.
There have been many valid and justifiable arguments put forward in defence of
the arguments that these types of initiatives and in fact the concept itself have little
evidence that it actually works. However, let us now move away from this level of
general scepticism and examine some of the more empirically based studies
conducted within the UK, such as, the 2nd
Chance Sports Programme which has
sought to gauge and promote the effectiveness of these programmes.
Those in favour
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Crabbe (2000) analysed the rehabilitative and diversionary elements of the
Leyton Orient Football Club Community Sports Programme in London, the
objective of which was to establish a programme of activity, which would provide
local ex- and stabilised drug users with a range of sporting and personal
development opportunities. Crabbe (2000: 388) concluded, following four months
of observation of the project, that the participants ‘are benefiting from the
alternative focus that the sports activities provide and the need to remain “stable”
that participation requires’.
He noted that several participants, because of their involvement, had obtained
qualifications ranging from junior team managers awards to qualifications in
photography and places on other courses at local colleges. Two of the
participants were subsequently employed on a casual basis in the community
sports programme itself. Crabbe’s evaluation is, on the whole, a positive one,
although his evaluation is based, as is so frequently the case in such schemes,
on the identification of individual participants who have benefited from the
scheme rather than on the analysis of systematically gathered statistical
information, which would provide a more reliable basis for judgements about the
effectiveness of such schemes.
‘Sport can be crucial to the social and personal development of
young people. By participating in sporting activities they can learn to
differentiate between good and bad behaviour’. (Labour Party, 1997)
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As mentioned earlier, the original pilot for the now established 2nd chance
Programme was commisioned by the Home Office (HO) and coordinated by thier
North east Office (GONE). Its implimentation was through the provision of the
The Drug Interventions Programme in conjunction with the 5 North East
Universities. (Teesside, Durham, Sunderland, Newcastle and Northumbia). It has
also been supported by the Football Association who have been actively involved
with the delivering of coaching courses.
The idea was to use sport as a means of increasing client engagement and
helping to effect change in their lives. Initially the work began as a football
programme but now a whole range of sports are available. One of the important
principles is that it is a regular, structured activity, and not a one off tournament
or “afternoon out”. The structure is what helps to build a sense of purpose and
achievement.
Sven Goran Eriksson (The then) England manager says: 'Football can be a
powerful way of reaching and helping people with issues and problems. Positive
Futures is one the schemes that is doing just that. The players, everybody at The
FA and myself are proud to be associated with initiatives making a real difference
to people’s lives. Home Office (2007)
It is commonly perceived by those directly involved with the scheme and those
who supply the bulk of the funding that the programme has already shown that
there is clear evidence that sport and the accompanying improvement in health
52

can help to raise self-esteem and self-worth both of which are major deficiencies
in problematic drug users.
It is also argued that achieving fitness and a level of proficiency in a sport can
provide a valuable sense of achievement, creation of networks; personal gain,
such as increased patience, a sense of effectiveness and acquiring new skills or
knowledge (Rhodes et al., 2000) and for a small percentage it can offer
opportunities in volunteering and mentoring which in turn helps towards the
possibility of employment.
It is argued that it offers a strong counter message to drug misuse as sport
teaches a respect for health and the workings of the body which acts as an
excellent cognitive reinforcer for individuals going through drug treatment and
rehabilitation. It also claims that sport and health is an interest for a significant
number of men and women on the programme and can be used as a valuable
adjunct to existing treatment, a positive use of time and something that is
enjoyable and fun.
Furthermore, sport can help individuals to take responsibility, communicate
effectively, overcome barriers and develop social skills (Rhodes et al, 2000)
One of the arguements used to justify this stance is that the appeal of sport and
health can be seen by the fact that many prisoners engage in PE and sports
programmes whilst in prison and experience the positive effects, but only a tiny
53

proportion continue with sports activities on release because of the problems of
drug use and social exclusion once they leave prison. Foster (2000)
Hendry et al (1993) found during a recent study of over 10,000 young people in
Scotland, that a significant relationship between participation in sport and
perceived physical and mental health, for males. This was an especially strong
relationship for males involved in team sports although the relationship was not
significant for females. Hendry concluded that:
A considerable body of empirical evidence now exists to support the
idea that an active leisure life can improve overall self-esteem and
mental and physical health. Put simply, leisure has a big part to play
in helping young people to make healthy and successful adjustments
in this phase of their life. Hendry et al (1993:72) cited in Nichols
(1997:184)
Government Office North East (GONE) compiled its first evaluation of the
scheme in the summer of 2006. The evaluation consentrated on the five
individual areas of the North East, however, the findings from all five areas of the
North East were interestingly simular at the time, however, although many of the
fndings from this piece of research maintain the same attitudes and enthusiasm
to the potential of the programme there has been a decline in the levels of
participants experienced in 2006.
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Findings identified that the partnership approach between the DIPs and other
participating drug services and the Universities has been successful with all the
key individuals involved taking an active involvement in the project and working
well together and that the success of the Project is dependent upon collaborative
working between drug service agencies. Also that the linked but separate
provision of drug rehabilitation in a sporting context and the use of sports within
care plans has been extremely attractive to drug service users. (GONE 2006)
The establishment of mutual respect and trust between participants, coaches and
key workers was key to the engagement and retention of the service users over
the eight-week period. The findings indicate that there are clear rehabilitative
benefits to be gained by drug users through involvement in sporting activity.
Sport is attractive to large numbers of service users and can provide a context for
an increased sense of well-being, physical exercise, healthy living, diet
awareness, social engagement, and a range of social and organisational skills
such as punctuality, teamwork, self management, and concentration. (Ibid)
For some drug users, involvement in the Project has provided the basis of an
alternative community with a different set of ‘rules’ to those which govern habitual
drug use - service users commented on the value they placed on the regular
social interaction they experienced in a setting outside of the usual “drugs
context” they normally associate in. However, as we have already observed this
is debatable and can be argued. (Ibid)
55

The Programme clearly demonstrated the benefits of using the University and its
students as coaches. For the service users these include a wide range of high
standard sports facilities, an insight into education opportunities and contact with
coaches to answer related questions, the involvement of ‘non’ drug users in the
Programme which “plays down” the drug histories of participants and offers
positive role models as ‘mentors’ for the service users. The University also
benefits by linking in with the Government’s agenda to involve more socially
excluded and undereducated groups in universities. (Ibid)
On a broader scale the Programme has also highlighted the benefits to the wider
community by involving drug service users and University students in the
initiative. This socialisation process has linked in a marginalised and socially
excluded group with a socially privileged group and bridging this gap develops
community cohesion. By retaining drug users in the Programme the initiative has
increased their engagement in services, retained them in treatment, and provided
routes into employment. The secondary benefits to society are found as the
numbers of drug misusing offenders in the community are reduced. (Ibid)
Here are some of the recorded comments from the key Workers and Clients
involved in the programme in 2006. Their comments support strongly the views
of those who argue that sport is an effective tool for reducing drug use and crime
although only one of the clients specifically mentions drug use and crime. The
main theme from these comments is bordom and having something to look
56

forward too, which is one of the main arguements used to justify such
interventions.
“A lot of clients want to be more active. Boredom and lack of self-
esteem, self-belief and self-confidence are a major factor in their
problems. The drug is an issue but in many cases not the source of
their problems. Their problem is their mental health and the
environment around them. They need a job, they need somewhere
to live, and they need all sorts of stuff. And it’s not having that that
leads to the drugs or the alcohol misuse in the first place.” (Key
Worker GONE report 2006)
“With sports it gives you something to do, it keeps you off the streets
instead of robbing places or taking drugs or anything like that. It’s
interactive, and it gives you more opportunity to do things in the
future.” (Participating client GONE report 2006)
“It gave us something to do, the boredom was what it was for me -
nay more boredom on a Thursday, it took away the boredom.”
(Participating Client GONE report 2006)
“It gave us something to look forward to each week. It was something
to do and it was exciting.” (Participating Client GONE report 2006)
“Probably the best project I’ve ever heard of like. Definitely.”
(Participating Client GONE report 2006)
“It has made me want to do more sports, yeah, definitely. It’s opened
up a whole load of more opportunities.”
(Participating Client report 2006)
In both the 2006 evaluation and within this study the service users placed a great
deal of emphasis on the benefits they considered sport brought about for them as
individuals. Broadly, the reason fell into six categories which in brief are: sport
motivates; it makes those involved less inclined to use drugs; it increases energy;
it helps individuals to structure time and feel organised; it develops a sense of
57

well being and it can be used as tool to engage other drug users in a positive
activity.
Another example of how sports activity can be used in the engagement,
treatment and rehabilitation of drug using offenders comes from the Blenheim
project in London.
‘If Tim Sampey and Terry Swinton had been asked in December
2003 what they would be doing in four years’ time, neither could
have imagined that they would have just celebrated the first
anniversary of a Saturday Social club they helped to set up. At the
time they were both still hooked on heroin and desperately trying to
kick respective 28 and 10- year heroin habits. But after getting
involved with the Blenheim Project in Kensington, the pair began a
journey of recovery which culminated with the former drug users not
only beating their addictions, but also giving something back to the
community. Sampey had talked his mate into playing badminton and
at the following Service Users Drug Group meeting they suggested
setting up a badminton club for people like themselves in recovery.
They were given an initial amount of £500, to buy some rackets,
hired some courts and to start the club’. DDN (2007:1)
‘We felt strongly that the treatment system of the borough was very
good, says Sampey. ‘However at the time there was no aftercare –
and aftercare is vital. ‘When you come off drugs you have a life to
rebuild. If you are abandoned at that point you are bound to go back
onto the drugs. You have time to fill and we wanted to come up with
something that would fill that time.’ DDN (2007:1)
Although this can be used as evidence supporting the positive effect of sport on
specific individuals, it still does not evidence that sport was a major factor in
turning around their lives for the better. Furthermore, the most stanch critics may
argue that if the participants had been stable and motivated enough to organise
58

and participate in such an activity they may have been stable and motivated
enough to stop using drugs and committing crime anyway.
The alternative High project run at Hindley Prison and Young Offender Institution
also professes to have a successful programme. Professional instructors had
been brought in and began to teach a group of teenage inmates how to climb a
wall. The concept was to combine physical activities with essential life skills, such
as team building, problem solving, concentration and focusing skills.
Emily Thomas, Hindley YOI’s head of reducing re-offending, said: ‘This is an
excellent initiative for Hindley that will have very positive benefits for the young
people we care for.’ While longer outcomes of the programme will need to be
monitored, staff at Hindley are satisfied that the two-month programme fulfilled its
aims. ‘We can say with some certainty that as the programme has progressed,
each individual has gained confidence and developed new skills, says Graham
Smith. ‘Their progress becomes evident to them when they read their own
weekly accounts of their experiences.’ DDN (2007:2)
‘I found it really exciting. It was interesting learning new skills and I
liked the teamwork. I feel I've achieved something and learnt things I
wouldn't have done before. It showed me ways of enjoying myself
without taking cannabis or cocaine.
(Alternative High Participant 2007)
‘I learned different things like rock climbing and team work. I feel glad
that I've done it as it’s improved my confidence. When I get out I
would definitely do something like that again if I got chance, but
before doing this I wouldn't have wanted to’.
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(Alternative High Participant 2007)
Another interesting point that has arisen whilst reviewing the effectiveness of
these schemes, is that there are indications that a key factor in the success or
failure of projects was accredited to the personalities of the coordinator and the
other professional staff drawn in to work on the project. Specifically, Davis and
Dawson (1996:30) suggested that it is important that project workers should have
‘authority’ in the eyes of the participants attending these projects but it was also
important that they should not be seen as authority figures; their authority must
lie in relevant knowledge and practice and it is also important that project leaders
have a high level of skill in the core activity (see also Coalter, 2001; Collins and
Kay, 2003; McCormack, 2001; Ramella, 2004).
This chapter has examined the argument both for and against and it concludes
that there is a strong argument in favour of the use of sport in combating drugs
and crime. However, it also concludes that the argument against is not so much
against the concept but more the lack of ‘hard’ the evidence and weakness of
their rationale. Chapter 5 will examine and comment on the research data
collected from both the client and professional interviews.
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Chapter 5
Review of interviews
The Professionals view
This Chapter will review the research collected from the semi structured interview
of both Professionals and clients. The study will focus on the themes previously
identified, review the comments and make a general conclusion before a final
summary of the findings
All professionals stated that they had become involved with the programme due
to there job role. The University coaching staff had been directed to assist in the
development and implementation of the programme as part of the Universities
community engagement policy. The workers both welcomed the challenge and
saw it as part of their as community sports coaches.
As for the drug worker, they both became involved due to the initial programme
being rolled out as a DIP initiative with the DIP teams given sole responsibility to
get the programme up and running. Although the workers welcomed the initiative
here where issues around the extra work load heaped upon them and also as the
programme was too implemented and developed with no additional funding or
61

support from government office. This automatically raised eye brows and caused
some friction amongst colleagues and other drug service.
Professionals interviewed had some form of previous experience from working
with similar concepts;
‘In a previous life I worked for the national probation service that ran
a similar scheme as part of semi structured activities on the old
DTTO programme. Sport as ever, particularly football, is very popular
with our client group and seems to work well in occupying their time
in a constructive way’.
‘I have been involved in football projects to engage with hard to
reach groups previously when working for the National Association
for the Care and Rehabilitation of Offenders (NACRO). Football was
a popular method for engaging with disaffected young males’ (PDW
2)
When asked how it had benefited their services, there was a marked difference
between the coaching staff and the drug workers around this question although
all gave positive responses. However the coaching staff focused more on the
student participation and the image of the university, where as the drug workers
looked at the benefits to their own practice and services.
‘The benefit is to the students as it gives them an opportunity to work
with groups that they would not normally work with and wider their
social awareness. Good for the university around a PR point of view
and also to attract funding’.
(PSC 1)
‘It has most definitely given me a well needed option for a structured
activity and an opportunity to engage with some of my clients in a
different enviroment. As for the service it has given all workers the
62

same benefits of engaging with their clients and has given the
service a positive activity to promote itself’. (PDW 2)
‘I firmly believe that all of the clients which I have nominated to the
scheme over the duration of the project have benefited from the
scheme. I think the most reoccurring positive feedback which I hear
from my clients is that it has given them something constructive to do
and it has broken the monotony of everyday. (PDW 1)
Interestingly, when asked how they would like to see the programmes develop
there seemed to be a consensus that the programme should and would evolve
by utilising more service user involvement. The use of mentor and volunteer
support was also highlighted in the future success of the programme.
‘Piloting a mentoring and work experience scheme. I think the
programme evolves itself over time and from this you find out what
changes are required’. (PSC 1)
‘I passionately believe that the programme should be directed and
led by service users which will be integral to the programmes long
term success’ (PDW 1)
Other views on this question focused on a wider range of activities, a review of
the travelling and logistical issues and a more coordinated wider ranging
programme which could be rolled out throughout the country.
Funding, time constraints and commitment run through the majority of
professional responses in regard to barriers preventing development, however
there is also mention of logistics again and public perception which we will be
looking at later in this dissertation.
‘Time constraints on the staff currently working on the programme as
one to one support is important and money is always an issue’
(PSC 1)
63

‘Funding, high level commitment and commitment from the front line
staff to continue with the work already implemented. It is imperative
that the belief, motivation and commitment continue from front line
staff as without this the whole pack of cards falls down’. (PDW 2)
‘Most definitely. I think as a sector we probably have a very long way
to go before public perceptions of schemes like this begins to
change’. (PDW 2)
‘Restrictions on funding have meant that no additional private buses
could be hired to fill this void’ (PSC 2)
The overwhelming response was positive in regard to the benefits of the
programme. It is also very much the same opinion generated from the vast
majority of similar projects, programmes and initiatives researched
recently, such as, the GONE report (2006) Positive Futures review (Sport
England 2002), the Splash Scheme (2001) and the Summit Programme
(2002). However, as debated in depth earlier there is a lack of concrete
evidence to justify these presumptions.
‘The scheme clearly provides constructive activities for clients to
engage in, which it could be argued is keeping them out of crime, at
least whilst they are at the scheme!!
‘I feel the scheme has also given a lot of clients the opportunity to
discover attributes they probably thought they didn’t possess, both
physical and emotional’...
‘I feel the scheme has breathed confidence and improved self
esteem into the clients and has enabled them to review their own
lives, and in some cases has triggered thoughts and actions about
real sustainable change’
.‘The positives of sports initiatives have been well documented. The
concept can be linked to motivating individuals towards change, lift
their self respect and esteem. Improve both mental and physical
64

health and relieve boredom which is commonly linked to drug use
and criminal activity’. These sorts of programmes are good for
engaging hard to reach groups and give the worker an opportunity to
establish a stronger relationship due to sharing interests and
experiences. I feel workers should, if wanted, participate and share
the experience with their clients’.
‘Positive for clients as we can see marked improvement of their life
skills in a majority of the cases, good feed back from majority of
clients, gives them something to do and keeps them busy and
focused. Also it breaks down barriers and preconceptions’.
A for the negative aspects of the programme, the burden on a small group
of individuals such as the DIP team and the university coaching staff
seems to be a worrying and negative factor felt by the professionals.
There is also a worry that without wider support from all drug services and
a larger commitment from both staff and clients it may disappear.
‘As I said earlier, I feel that other organisations within our field need
to be playing a more significant part. I sense that because it was
the DIP who played such a crucial role in setting up and
implementing the scheme, it seems the perception that the DIP is
purely responsible for the scheme has stuck.
Probation, NECA, NHS Trust, DAAT and others all need to be
adding their influence and finance to the scheme.
‘If it does not develop there is a risk that it will just fizzle out which
will be very deflating and demoralising for those who have been
regular core participants. The concept, although fantastic for those
who enjoy it only targets and benefits those who enjoy sport. What
is there for those who don’t? The programme is currently
dependent on a few passionate people who believe in it and with
out their enthusiasm may again just fizzle out.
There seemed to be an overwhelming and unanimous consensus among all the
professionals that sport is an effective tool for combating both drug use and the
subsequent crime related to it. There is also an agreement that it is a cost
65

effective method in relation to prison but how cost effective is debateable. There
is importantly mention to the human and social costs which are difficult if not
impossible to measure.
‘Yes, most definitely! This is a great intervention and one which
needs to be developed, expanded and improved to accommodate
a greater number of service users. It should be open to all service
users offering a wide range of activities. As for cost effectiveness, I
think that by engaging with these individuals and by supporting
them there is a far greater chance that they will address their drug
using and offending behaviour than by incarcerating them and
excluding them from society. You have to look at the human cost
and not just at the monetary costs although I do believe that the
cost of such schemes will out way the cost on both the criminal
justice sysem and the national health service for which this group
are currently a massive burden’.
‘Confidence and self esteem, breads confidence and self esteem,
so I think the repeated involvement in constructive activities in a
positive and controlled environment can only be a good thing for
our client group. The project is one of a number of important
wheels in the cog of self discovery and recovery. In terms of cost
effectiveness it would depend on what the assessment criteria was.
If it were to be examined on the basis of reductions in the
acquisitive crime levels of each of the clients involved, then I would
suggest that it would not warrant further funding, but then
realistically speaking, you could never expect the scheme to
achieve large reductions in the acquisitive crime levels in the first
place. In terms of proving a venue for our clients to take part in
positive constructive activities, where they can learn new skills,
gain qualifications and improve their self esteem, and of course do
this all for free, then in that respect, I feel the scheme has been
tremendously successful and should certainly warrant further
funding’.
After listening to the professionals and evaluating there comments the study can
conclude that they overwhelmingly believe that this programme is benefiting
there clients and in doing so is benefiting society in general. They feel that it is an
66

important part of a package of treatment working towards the reduction of drug
use and the client’s involvement in acquisitive crime. There is a genuine belief
that it improves both the client’s physical and mental health including lifting self
esteem and confidence. During the interviews the commitment and passion
shown by the workers was more than evident which is exceptionally difficult to
measure or document but essential when trying to understand how and why
these types of scheme work.
The Clients view
As with the professional interviews this study will examine the research data
focusing on themes of agreement or areas of discourse. After reviewing and
commenting on the responses given the study will attempt to end this section by
constructing a conclusion from the research findings.
All clients recorded that their first knowledge of the 2nd
chance programme came
from their key workers at their local treatment centres. Interestingly (MSU 2)
mentions that this contact with the programme encouraged him to attend the
treatment centre more regularly after joining the programme.
‘My key worker at the treatment centre told me about it and she
picked me up and took me to the bus the first time I went’ (MSU 1)
‘Me mate said about it first like, then I met the workers on the bus
and then I started too got to the treatment centre more regular’.
Surprisingly, none of the clients interviewed had experienced any similar sporting
programmes since leaving school other than the use of the gym facilities whist in
67

prison. This highlights a justification for such programmes as there seems to be a
gap in leisure opportunities especially for this client group.
‘No, nowt like this, I’ve done sports at school and stuff but nowt like
this’.
‘I’ve been involved with this a couple of year but that’s all like’.
‘No, nowt like this, I wish there was more like this. I could do with
cumin’ here every day like’.
‘No, I’ve never been involved in anything like this, no since school
when we did different stuff. I think it’s a really good thing coz there’s
nothing round here to do especially if you’re on drugs. They should
do it more like every day not just once a week’.
The overwhelming response when asked what the 2nd
chance programme has
done for them was that of relief from boredom which again confirms the general
consensus of results from other similar projects and programmes, such as the
GONE report (2006) Positive Futures review (Sport England 2002), the Splash
Scheme (2001) and the Summit Programme (2002). There is also a theme of
socialising and the physical health improvements again supporting the
arguments from previous research.
‘Dunno really, I suppose it gives me summit to do which stops me
thinking about drugs. I’ve met lots of people too and it’s keepin’ me
fitter. I just like doin’ it, that’s all’.
‘It gives us summit to look forward to and gets us out of the house,
like I said I wish there was more like this around our way for
everybody to use, especially me and me mates’.
‘It’s helped us socialise more and get us out the house, its given us a
goal about what I want to do with me self and everything, coz I
wanna do the football coaching course, refereeing course and look
68

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