Transforming Māori Experiences of Historical Intergenerational Trauma Phd thesis 2014

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TRANSFORMING MĀORI EXPERIENCES OF HISTORICAL
INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA
"Māku anō e hangā tōku nei whare,
ko te tāhuhu he Hīnau, ko ngā poupou he Mahoe, he Patatē"
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy (Ph.D) in Indigenous Studies.
Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi. April 2014
by
David (Rāwiri) Junior Waretini- Karena

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Declaration
To the best of my knowledge and belief this thesis contains no material
previously published by any other person except where due acknowledgment
has been made.
This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any
other degree or diploma in any university.
This thesis will be saved and stored at Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi and
made available for future students and researchers to read and reference.
Signature: David (Rawiri) Waretini-Karena
Date: 02/04/2014

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Copyright
Copyright is owned by the author of this thesis. Permission is given for this thesis to be read
and referenced by you for the purposes of research and private study provided you comply
with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand).
This thesis may not be reproduced without the permission of the author. This is asserted by
David (Rawiri) Waretini Karena in Whakatane, New Zealand, February 2014.

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ABSTRACT
This thesis examines links between Māori deficit statistics, Māori experiences of
historical intergenerational trauma or HIT, and colonisation. The thesis draws upon
Western critical theory combined with Indigenous methodologies that employ Māori
epistemologies or ways of knowing to make sense of historical discourses that have
traditionally impeded Māori wellbeing and development. Indigenous methodologies
such as Pūrākau theory are employed in this thesis to peel back layers of narratives
that are sometimes intergenerational, to expose contributing factors to Māori deficit
statistics. These theories interpret underlying themes and key factors in HIT. In
essence the study examines Māori experiences; Māori concepts and oral traditions
relevant to HIT. Essentially four research questions are posed. "What are Māori
experiences of historical intergenerational trauma?" "What were the political, socio-
economic implications for Māori both pre and post signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi?"
"What significance does locating self in this research have in terms of contextualising
Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma?" And finally "What are
Māori strategies that respond to this phenomenon?"
These research questions frame the thesis from a position that distinguishes Māori
experiences of this phenomenon, from the distinctive lived experiences of other
Indigenous cultures across the globe. The research questions also investigate the
political, socio- economic environment both pre and post Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This
gives a macro view that draws attention to Māori success in international trade and
economic development pre Treaty [Te Tiriti o Waitangi]. The thesis then examines
how Māori became subjugated to intergenerational positions of impoverishment, and
displacement through war, and legislative policies of the New Zealand Settler
Government who coveted Māori land, assets, raw materials and resources post Te
Tiriti o Waitangi. Locating self in research offers a micro view contextualising how
historical events may impact at a personal level. It also draws attention to how those
impacts have the potential for manifesting deficit outcomes. The final frame is
solution focused, and draws attention to strategies that respond to Māori
experiences of historical intergenerational trauma.

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Acknowledgements
Ki te taha o tōku Matua, Ko Tainui te Waka
Ko Taupiri me Kario ōku maunga
Ko Whaingaroa te moana
Ko Waikato te awa
Ko Ngāti Māhanga, Ngāti Māhuta ōku iwi
Ko Tainui Āwhiro te hapū
Ko Tūrangawaewae me Poehakena ōku marae
Ko Tūheitia te tangata
Ki te taha o tōku whaea ko Ngātokimatawhaorua, ko Mamaru, ko Tinana ōku waka
Ko Pūtahi, ko Maungataniwha, ko Pangaru ki Popta ōku maunga
Ko Waioro te Awa, me Rangāunu raua ko Hokianga oku moana
Ko Ngāti Hine, Ngāti Kāhu, Te Rarawa ōku iwi
Ko Ngāti Whakaeke, ko Patukoraha, ko Ngāti Manawa ōku hapū
Ko Te Kotahitanga, ko Karaponia, ko Motiti ōku marae
Ko Hohaia, Ko Rapehana Tohe, ko Paparoa ōku whānau
Tihei Mauri Ora
He hōnore he kōroria ki te Matua, te Whaea, te Tama, te Tamāhine, te Wairua tapu me ngā
Anahera pono, Pai marire.
I acknowledge my ancestors who I believe guided me on this path. I acknowledge that I
stand on the back of giants who have walked before me challenging colonial oppression. I
acknowledge two of my relations who have been inspirational in giving me a
Tūrangawaewae or a foundation to stand and position myself in this work. The first is Eva
Rickard on my father's side and Whina Cooper on my mother's side. I want to acknowledge
and thank my mother and father Neta and Raymond Waretini-Karena, as well as my siblings
Chris, Amelia, Laura, Denz, Stephen, Rayna and Corbin. I realise that had we not gone on
the journey that we did, this Ph.D thesis may never have been written. I also want to
acknowledge my mentor and whangāi mum Rebecca Fox Vercoe (Becky), Gordana,
Māhinarangāi, Derek Fox, Atareta Pōnanga, Andrew Vercoe along with Graeme and Margret
Vercoe for believing in me especially during the times I didn't believe in myself.
I acknowledge some pretty special people, groups, families and organisations that made a
difference in my life. Wayne Lehaarve, Murray Sampson, the Corbett Family Willy, Mere,
George, Vanessa, Violet, Wiremu, Christina, Ngāhuia and Jock, Graham Waewae , Bop
Mutu and family, Miranda Harcourt, AVP Waikato / Aotearoa, Elaine Dyer, Rere Stroud,

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Piripi Pikari, Gary Watene. I want to acknowledge the brothers; Johnny Leosavii, Masami,
Glen Paekau, Ritchie Rich, Simon Webb, Stephen Harney, Duke-Derek Kaitapu, Sonny
Paito, Dwight Fatu, John Hedges, the Barbarian. I want to recognise current and former
colleagues, Taima Moeke-Pickering, Jacquelyn Elkington, Maria Rangā, Caroll Aupouri
Mclean, Ariana Patiole nee Jameson, and Vyonna Berryman Conrad. I acknowledge families
from the Latter Day Saints; The Grey family, Bill, Marilyn Grey, Aaron, Karyn, Penny, Mike
and Steve, Khazia and Corom Grey/ Karena., the Higgins family and Mike Wilson and family.
I also acknowledge organisations that have supported me; Raymond and Loraine Phillips
from Hamilton Security Services, Te Toi Ā Kiwa School of Māori and Pacifika Studies,
WINTEC, Media Arts WINTEC, The Centre for Health and Social Practice (CHASP) from the
Waikato Institute of Technology, WINTEC, and Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi. I want
to especially acknowledge and thank Waikato Tainui, Te Atawhai o Te Ao-He Kokongā
Whare and the Ngārimu VC 28th Māori Battalion Doctoral Scholarship board for supporting
and believing in me. Finally I want to acknowledge the CEO Distinguished Professor Dr
Graham Smith, Dr Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Dr Cherryl Smith, Dr Leonie Pihama, Dr John Reid,
Dr Takarirangi Smith, Dr Paul Reynolds, Dr Patricia Johnston, Dr Te Tuhi Robust, Dr Phillipa
Pehi, Dr Richard Smith, Dr Virginia Warriner, Dr Margaret Wilke and Moana Jackson. I also
acknowledge and thank my examiners, Dr Tina Ngāroimata Fraser, Dr Wiremu Doherty, and
Dr Marilyn Brewin. Lastly I acknowledge my Ph.D supervisor Dr Rapata Wiri.
To conclude I dedicate this thesis to the memory of Nelson (Madiba) Mandela who has been
influential and inspirational in achieving the impossible in South Africa, and who by example
led the way for Indigenous peoples to respond to colonial oppression, through the power of
reconciliation and forgiveness.
Mā te huruhuru ka rere te manu
It is with feathers the bird flies

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Contents
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... 5
Contents ........................................................................................................................ 7
List of Figures.................................................................................................................. 11
Chapter One ...................................................................................................................... 14
Te Tongi a Tāwhiao – The Prophecy of King Tāwhiao ................................................... 14
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 14
Kingitanga Movement...................................................................................................... 14
1.1 Choosing a Māori King........................................................................................... 16
1.2 Te Tongi a Tawhiao ............................................................................................... 17
Whānau Connection to Kingitanga .................................................................................. 18
1.3 Whānau connection to Waikato Invasion and Orākau Battle .................................. 19
1.4 Intergenerational Impacts on Whānau.................................................................... 20
Summary of Thesis.......................................................................................................... 22
Chapter Two ...................................................................................................................... 26
A Literary Review of Historical Intergenerational Trauma ............................................. 26
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 26
Historical Intergenerational Trauma (HIT)........................................................................ 27
2.1 Historical Catalyst for Historical Intergenerational Trauma ..................................... 29
2.2 Prejudicial Policies ................................................................................................. 32
Influences on Health and Wellbeing ................................................................................ 35
2.3 Alcoholism ............................................................................................................. 37
2.4 Māori Alcohol Statistics .......................................................................................... 38
2.5 Boarding Schools for Assimilation.......................................................................... 39
2.6 Māori People and Child Welfare Policy .................................................................. 40
2.7 Indicators for Māori Counselling............................................................................. 42
Chapter Three.................................................................................................................... 46
Māhere Rautaki Rangāhau- Research Methodologies and Methods............................. 46
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 46
Literature Review Summary ............................................................................................ 46
Research Plan................................................................................................................. 48
3.1 Objectives .............................................................................................................. 48
Theoretical Perspectives ................................................................................................. 50
3.2 Pūrākau Theory ..................................................................................................... 50
3.3 Conflict / Critical Theory ......................................................................................... 51
3.4 Poverty Welfare and Social Exclusion.................................................................... 52

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3.5 Indigenous Research Methodologies ..................................................................... 54
Participants ..................................................................................................................... 58
Data Collection................................................................................................................ 60
3.6 Data Collation ........................................................................................................ 62
3.7 Importance and Limitations .................................................................................... 63
Proposed Analysis of Data .............................................................................................. 64
Chapter Four ..................................................................................................................... 69
Ko te Hinau - The Hinau Pillar.......................................................................................... 69
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 69
Ngāpuhi Links to the Research........................................................................................ 70
Mātauranga Māori ........................................................................................................... 71
4.1 The Exercising of Mana ......................................................................................... 74
4.2 Mana Atua ............................................................................................................. 75
4.3 Mana Whenua........................................................................................................ 75
4.4 Mana Tangata........................................................................................................ 76
Te Wakaminenga and Economic Success....................................................................... 77
4.5 Te Wakaminenga................................................................................................... 78
4.6 Initial Kaupapa Māori Research ............................................................................. 78
4.7 Establishing an International Flag .......................................................................... 81
He Wakaputanga and their use of the Term Mana .......................................................... 82
4.8 Letter to King William in 1831................................................................................. 82
4.9 Creating ‘He Wakaputanga’ ................................................................................... 84
Chapter Five ...................................................................................................................... 87
Ko te Mahoe - The Mahoe Pillar ....................................................................................... 87
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 87
Contextualising Te Tiriti o Waitangi via Doctrine of Discovery ......................................... 87
5.1 Ngāpuhi Evidence Concerning Te Tiriti o Waitangi................................................. 89
5.2 Hobson's Statements and Assurances to Māori with regard to the Treaty.............. 90
5.3 Hobson's Actual Letter ........................................................................................... 92
Historical Contexts Leading to Legislative Violations ....................................................... 94
5.4 Imposition of Crown Rule ....................................................................................... 95
5.5 Legislative Violations.............................................................................................. 98
The Destruction of Māori Society................................................................................... 100
5.6 Māori Experiences of Historical Intergenerational Trauma ................................... 101
Te Kauwae Runga and External Knowledge.................................................................. 102
5.7 Te Kauwae Raro and Internal Knowledge ............................................................ 102

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5.8 Pōuritanga ........................................................................................................... 103
5.9 Whakamomori...................................................................................................... 103
5.10 Traditional Songs and Historical Intergenerational Trauma ................................ 104
5.11 Epigenetic Research.......................................................................................... 106
5.12 Human Needs / Ends Theory ............................................................................. 107
Māori Deficit Statistics ................................................................................................... 112
5.13 Māori Crime ....................................................................................................... 112
5.14 Deficit Theories.................................................................................................. 113
5.15 Responding to Deficit Theories .......................................................................... 113
Chapter Six...................................................................................................................... 119
Ko te Patatē – The Patatē Pillar...................................................................................... 119
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 119
Locating Self in the Research .................................................................................... 119
Personal Experiences of Domestic Violence and Child Abuse ................................... 121
6.1 Personal Trauma - Flashbacks, Hearing Voices Trances..................................... 122
6.2 Beginning a Crime Wave...................................................................................... 122
6.3 Death of Brother................................................................................................... 123
6.4 The Last Abuse.................................................................................................... 124
Gwenda Rowe............................................................................................................... 125
6.5 Foster Home ........................................................................................................ 126
6.6 Displaying Extreme Behaviour ............................................................................. 127
Beginning of the End ..................................................................................................... 128
6.6 Sentenced to Life Imprisonment - The Turbulent Years ....................................... 131
6.7 Plan of Redemption.............................................................................................. 132
6.8 Making Changes.................................................................................................. 133
6.9 New Beginnings....................................................................................................... 134
6.10 The Tides of Change.......................................................................................... 134
Alternatives to Violence Project Waikato ....................................................................... 135
6.11 Learning My Cultural Identity.............................................................................. 136
Becky Fox-Vercoe ......................................................................................................... 136
6.12 National Parole Board ........................................................................................ 137
6.13 The Road to Recovery ....................................................................................... 139
Rebuilding Worth and Integrity ...................................................................................... 141
6.14 Education........................................................................................................... 141
Contextualising Māori Experiences of Intergenerational Trauma ................................... 148
Chapter Seven................................................................................................................. 153

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Māku Anō E Hangā Tōku Nei Whare- I Will Rebuild My Own House ........................... 153
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 153
Findings......................................................................................................................... 154
7.1 Historical contexts pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi ........................................................... 154
7.2 Impact of the British and NZ Crown Collaboration post 1840 ............................... 156
7.3 Intergenerational Impacts for Māori...................................................................... 157
Analysis......................................................................................................................... 158
7.4 Key Issues from Literature Review....................................................................... 158
7.5 Colonising Patterns.............................................................................................. 159
7.6 Te Tiriti o Waitangi Patterns................................................................................. 160
7.7 Māori Rationale for Te Tiriti o Waitangi ................................................................ 163
7.8 Assimilation Patterns............................................................................................ 164
7.9 Intergenerational Trauma Links to Māori Deficit Statistics .................................... 165
Research Questions...................................................................................................... 167
Strategies of Response ................................................................................................. 168
7. 10 Māori Counselling Strategies ............................................................................ 170
7.11 He Kākano Ahau Framework ............................................................................. 170
7.12 The Pōwhiri Poutama Model............................................................................ 172
7.13 The Pūrākau Model............................................................................................ 174
7.14 Te Whare Tapawhā Model ................................................................................. 175
7.15 Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata Model .......................................................................... 177
The Pillars ..................................................................................................................... 179
Contribution to Knowledge............................................................................................. 180
Glossary of Māori terms ................................................................................................ 185
Bibliography .................................................................................................................. 189
Appendix ....................................................................................................................... 199

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List of Figures
Figure 1.1 Waikato Tainui landmark
boundary
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Figure 2.1 Definition of Aboriginality [table 1] 33
Figure 2.2 Governmental Aboriginal Land
Policy
35
Figure 2.3 HIT Influences on Health & Health
care
37
Figure 2.4 Children in care and supervision 41
Figure 3.1 Māori Ethical Framework 57
Figure 4.1 Ngāpuhi-nui-tonu landmark boundaries 70
Figure 5.1 Treaty of Waitangi critical analysis
99
Figure 5.2 HIT transfer across generations 100
Figure 5.3 He Waiata Tangi – A Song of
Lament
105
Figure 5.4 Needs versus needs not met 108
Figure 5.5 Poverties 109
Figure 5.6 Human-end Theory 110
Figure 5.7 Two Forms of Sub-Alternisation 111
Figure 6.1 Contextualising HIT in Genealogy 120
Figure 6.2 Mother fears for Safety [Waikato
Times]
126
Figure 6.3 Stabbing incident [Waikato Times] 129

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Figure 6.4 Murder Trial [Waikato Times] 130
6.5 Redemption of David Karena 140
Figure 6.6 The War on Violence
[NZ Women's Weekly]
141
Figure 6.7 Graduating with diploma [photo] 142
Figure 6.8 Graduating with Bachelor Degree
[photo]
142
Figure 6.9 Master's graduation [photo] 142
Figure 6.10 Cusco Peru [photo] 144
Figure 6.11 Inca production [photo] 144
Figure 6.12 Machu Picchu [photo] 144
Figure 6.13 TAOTA Doctoral Scholarship
[photo]
145
Figure 6.14 TAOTA Doctoral Scholarship
recipients
146
Figure 6.15 Ngārimu & 28th Māori Battalion
Doctoral scholarship
146
Figure 6.16 Scholarship recipients [photo] 147
Figure 6,17 Presenting at He Manawa
Whenua Conference
148
Figure 7.1 He Kakano Ahau Framework 171
Figure 7.2 Pōwhiri Poutama framework 173
Figure 7.3 Pūrākau Model 175
Figure 7.4 Te Whare Tapawhā 176
Figure 7.5 Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata 178
Figure 7.6 The Colonising Tree 181

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Chapter One
Te Tongi a Tāwhiao – The Prophecy of King Tāwhiao
Introduction
The Te Tongi a Tawhiao 1
can be considered a prophecy, and a metaphor for
rebuilding Māori communities and Māori society by assisting to rise above and move
beyond the impacts of historical intergenerational trauma through the power, the
resilience, recovery and re-emergence of the common people.
This introductory chapter attempts to interweave threads of historical knowledge to
make sense of current contemporary constructs that both impede Māori rights to
autonomy, as well as impose legislative parameters and social, political and
economic impacts that have impeded mana Māori, and tino rangatiratanga or self-
determination since the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. An integral aspect significant
to this research takes a multi-layered approach to critically analysing the phenomena
known as historical intergenerational trauma. While this chapter focuses on a Tainui
perspective it also acknowledges my maternal whakapapa perspective through my
connections to Ngāpuhi.
In this chapter I will commence with introducing a brief history of the Waikato people
and the Kingitanga Movement leading to Te Tongi a Tāwhiao. The second aspect
will describe how I intend to weave Te Tongi a Tāwhiao throughout the Ph.D thesis.
The fourth aspect will discuss how I am connected to King Tāwhiao. The fifth aspect
will give a summary account of how I became involved with this topic. The final
aspect will give an overview of the thesis outline.
Kingitanga Movement
The Waikato Tainui people are a collection of tribes or hapū that are based in the
central north Island of Aotearoa New Zealand. The North Island for Māori is called
Te Ika-ā-Maui or the fish of Māui. The name was given due to a Māori legend of an
ancestor called Maui who upon fishing with his brothers caught and brought to the
surface, up from the depths of the ocean a monstrous stingray, considered the
1
An explanation of Te Tongi a Tawhiao is on page 17 -Mahuta (2007)

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original form of the North Island. The Waikato people all descend from the Tainui
waka, or canoe that came to New Zealand from Hawaiki many generations before.
The Waikato people also descend from one ancestor, namely Hoturoa, who was the
original captain of Tainui waka, when it made its voyage to Aotearoa New Zealand.
Over many generations, for the Waikato people, and other Māori whānau, hapū and
iwi, skills and abilities such as visions proverbs and prophecy are an important
aspect of Mātauranga Māori and Māori epistemology. One famous prophecy
employed as a theoretical framework for this thesis is by the prophet and second
Māori King, Tawhiao of the Waikato tribes of New Zealand. The Māori King
Movement, or Kīngitanga, began in 1858 in an attempt to unify Māori tribes and avert
land alienation. Māhuta (2007) contended that; "the major issues that confronted
Māori after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 were the desire of the
growing settler population for more land, and increasing social disorganization as a
result of European contact" (p.1). Three philosophies underpinned the establishment
of Te Kingitanga. It was established to halt the bloodshed between the tribes, it was
also established to unite the people, and block further sales of land to the European
settlers. According to McLintock (1966), another feature that underpinned Te
Kingitanga, was that a number of tribes supported the movement, but it became
centred on the Waikato region and people (p.1). The desire to retain land was a
central concern of the movement repeated in sayings, songs and haka.
Figure 1.1 Waikato Tainui landmark boundaries

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1.1 Choosing a Māori King
In the 1850s various hapū throughout the country including Te Wai Pounamu (South
Island) deliberated as to who should be offered the mantle of king, and this led to the
establishment of the Māori King Movement, Te Kīngitanga. The alliance of hapū
involved finally decided the person to bestow the mantle upon was Pōtatau Te
Wherowhero. Upon the passing of Pōtatau, his son Tāwhiao Te Wherowhero
became the second Māori King. During the reign of Tāwhiao, many hapū throughout
the land experienced the consequences of colonial might amounting in the Waikato
war and invasion of 1863-1864. Papa and Meredith (2013) state that "Tāwhiao and
his followers were declared rebels and some 1.2 million acres (almost 500,000
hectares) of their fertile lands were confiscated (p.1). The return of these confiscated
lands became a central concern for Tāwhiao and subsequent Waikato leaders. Their
catch cry was: ‘I riro whenua atu, me hoki whenua mai’ or “land was taken then land
should be given back”. The impact of land confiscation created a situation where the
people suffered from anxiety, deprivation, frustration and alienation. Māhuta (2007)
contended that the Waikato people stated;
This way of life will not continue beyond the days of my grandchildren
when we shall reach salvation. Through his reading of Scripture and
discussion with early missionaries, Tawhiao became aware that his was
not a unique struggle. He believed that in time others would come to the
assistance of his cause, hence his saying, 'My friends will come from the
four ends of the world. They are the shoemakers, the blacksmiths and the
carpenters (p.1).
After nearly 20 years in exile Kingi Tāwhiao and the Waikato people came back to
the land of their ancestors. Here they saw the way the European settlers had carved
up their territory. For a people whose identity is interwoven with the land and the
river, the impact of becoming impoverished, due to the confiscation of land had
devastating effects. The despair and trauma of no longer being able to have that
cultural connection to the whenua (land) which Waikato people considered an
ancestor, created destitution and trauma that had intergenerational implications.

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1.2 Te Tongi a Tawhiao
Māhuta (2007) contended that as a way of responding to their situation “Tāwhiao left
a legacy of religious principles from which his people would draw a future dream for
Tainui accumulating in the rebirth of a self-sufficient economic base, supported by
the strength and stability of the people.” Another legacy Tāwhiao left was the poukai
or communal feast. Māhuta (2007) highlighted that "Tawhiao sought solutions to
Māori problems through the establishment of Māori institutions to deal with them
(p.1). In 1885 he initiated the institution of poukai, where the King would pay annual
visits to marae aligned with the King movement to encourage people to return to
their home marae at least once a year. The first poukai (originally called puna-kai, or
'source of food') was held at Whatiwhatihoe in March 1885. It was a day for the less
fortunate to be fed and entertained. The poukai developed into an event which would
later ensure that the common people would get direct consultation with the King.
Such was the foresight of Tāwhiao that many of the legacies he implemented are still
relevant today. The Dictionary of NZ Biographies (1996) acknowledges that
"Tāwhiao was regarded as a great visionary, and had many followers" (p.57). His
sayings have been variously described as poropititangā, tongi and whakakitengā; all
of these terms imply prophetic, visionary or 'prescient states of being' One of his
famous prophecies is explained below is:
Te Tongi a Tawhiao
Māku anō e hanga tōku nei whare
Ko te tāhūhū, ko te Hīnau.
Ko ngā poupou ko te Māhoe, ko te Patatē
I shall build my own house,
The ridge-pole will be of Hīnau
And the supporting posts of Māhoe and Patatē
Māhuta (2007) stated that “native trees and foods symbolize strength and self-
sufficiency” (p.1). During Tāwhiao's time in exile, the Waikato people pondered,
reflected and focused on his prophetic sayings. Tāwhiao's words became embedded
in the traditions and knowledge of the Waikato people, especially in regard to the
reclamation of Tainui land and resources. Having taken into consideration the history
of the King Movement let us turn to how it is interwoven into this thesis.

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A significant feature of the Te Tongi a Tawhiao prophesy concerns the timber
Tāwhiao refers to and chose to rebuild his house with. In his prophetic saying, the
timbers he chose are not the chiefly timbers such as the ‘Totara’, or the ‘Kauri’. The
reason for their omission from this prophecy is important because carvers prefer to
use the chiefly timbers to build houses and canoes. The type and quality of the
timber used in building houses and other properties, imbues them with great status.
However the timber Tāwhiao speaks of in the prophecy, are commonly grown in
abundance throughout the forest. What is also known about the Hīnau, mahoe and
Patatē is that they can be bent when pressure is applied, and not break. They
possess a resilience about them that does not exist in the Totara or Kauri tree.
One interpretation of the prophecy is by likening the concept of the timber to the
nature of human beings. Given the circumstances that the Waikato people went
through with the confiscation of land, I interpret those words to mean that the people
will be restored by the power of resilience, adaption, recovery and re-emergence that
exists within the common people. As a descendant of Tainui, I intend to use this
analogy and interweave themes such as resilience, recovery, redemption,
restoration, and wellbeing into the theoretical framework of this thesis. Although the
mahoe, Hīnau and Patatē are common trees, like my ancestors before me, they are
strong resilient and adaptable. Each tree represents a chapter of the central
argument promulgated in this thesis and the prophecy allows me to contribute back
to my community in ways that promote recovery, restoration, re-emergence and
wellness.
Whānau Connection to Kingitanga
In trying to gain a sense of my own personal connection with Tāwhiao’s prophecy I
decided to go on a personal journey of re-discovery. Before commencing on this
journey, my understanding of the King Movement and the historical role my family
played in contributing to the King movement was non-existent. My uncle Patrick
Waratini kept stories from my grandfather and has researched archival
documentation around the King movement. I was fortunate to gain access to these
archives and peruse the documents and listen to the oral histories around the
archives.

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My great grandfathers’ name was Te Nahu Te Kuri, Waretini- Wetene. He was born
in 1840. As a young man growing up in the Waikato, he was well versed in Tainui
customs. His eyes saw the vast plantations that once stood at Te Kōpu Mania o
Kirikiriroa Hamilton in the 1800s Te Kōpū Mānia o Kirikiriroa was a huge mara kai or
vegetable garden that stemmed from the top of the hill in Hamilton, now known as
the Waikato Institute of Technology, right down to the Waikato river. This vegetable
garden produced crops that fed tribes throughout the Waikato, as well as providing
resources to trade with the settlers. His feet trod through the many ancient pā sites
along the Waikato including Kirikiriroa pā. What was significant about this pā is that it
could only be accessed by the river. To gain access into the pā one had to climb
vines to ascend to the top of the hill. The Miropiko pā site on River Road was also
significant as it was created specifically for war. Another pā my great grandfather
visited was Pūkete pā. This pā was well positioned as a look-out, to determine who
was using the river. It is significant for me in terms of realising that my great
grandfather saw these things when they were flourishing, while I currently describe
the pā sites, as ancient remnants of a once traditionally prosperous people, with
global economic and industrious aspirations.
1.3 Whānau connection to Waikato Invasion and Orākau Battle
The Waikato invasion of 1863-1864 changed the way that Waikato people practiced
their traditional ways of knowing and being. At 23 years of age, my great grandfather
fought against the British Empire and the New Zealand Colonial Settler Government
troops who invaded the Waikato region. After nearly a year of war, Te Nahu followed
Kingi Tāwhiao into the King Country, and exile. P Waratini (personal communication,
Jan 10 2011) contended that “whilst Te Nahu was in the King Country he ended up
alongside Rewi Maniapoto and Tuhoe fighting the British troops at Orākau pā, he
was lucky to escape with his life”. Te Nahu was said to be 80 years old when my
grandfather Te Kapa Waretini-Wetene was born. In his later years he became a
spiritual advisor to King Māhuta, King Te Rata and Princess Te Puea. Te Nahu, Te
Kuri Waretini-Wetene lived to the age of 100 years old, and can be seen as an
example of a man born into a collective life of wealth and abundance born from
collaborative interdependent alliances pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi, to dying the under
impoverished circumstances resulting from the confiscations of Māori land from the
Waikato invasion in 1863 post Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

20
1.4 Intergenerational Impacts on Whānau
My grandfather Te Kapa o Te Wharua Waretini-Wetene was born in the 1920s and
brought up by Princess Te Puea. He was born into an era where there were two
major issues that impacted the Waikato people. The first issue was a growing sense
of outrage over the confiscated lands in the Waikato. The Waikato people protested
the actions of the respective New Zealand Settler Governments regarding the land
confiscations and refused to participate in the First World War becoming
conscientious objectors. This resulted in numerous Waikato men being jailed. The
second issue came about in 1918. In 1918 an influenza epidemic struck lasting from
approximately October to December 1918. King (1987) contended that "many Māori
parents died leaving children orphaned, homeless, abandoned and destitute"(p.99).
Karena (2009) contended that "Te Puea visited all the settlements between
Mangatawhiri and the Waikato heads gathering up all the those orphaned as a result
of the influenza epidemic"(p. 11). King (1987) stated that "the children numbered just
over one hundred"(p.118). Princess Te Puea took the children under her wing and
they were looked after by both her and the other surviving adults. King (1987) also
contended that:
During the depression the young orphans were sent out to the farms of
the European settlers during the day to work for pennies milking cows and
cutting scrub bushes. The money that the children gained from farm work
was used to feed the community and among other things purchase
musical instruments and clothing. During the night they would practice on
their instruments. In 1921 Te Pou o Mangatawhiri was created in two
parts. One side of the group performed kapa haka while the other half
played as a band with an assortment of instruments (p.118).
In my Master's thesis, on the Māori Show Bands titled; Māori Show bands; an
intrepid journey, I refer to Te Pou o Mangatawhiri as the very first Māori Show Band.
In the early 1920s, the concert party travelled throughout the North Island doing
performances. What is important about the establishment of Te Pou O Mangatawhiri
is that they played a significant role in the rejuvenation of the Waikato people. Their
performances created part of the funding that enabled Princess Te Puea to buy the
land upon which Tūrangawaewae marae now resides. Apparently Princess Te Puea
had big plans and expectations for my grandfather and was grooming him in Tainui
customs. However there was also a mischievous side to Kapa. P Waratini (personal

21
communication, Jan 10 2011) contended that "Princess Te Puea named him Te
Kapa o te Wharua because when there was work to be done he was gone like the
wind." There were numerous occasions when the other children were sent into town
to look for him and drag him back to the marae where he would get a scolding. While
it upset him to be growled by Princess Te Puea, he knew that deep down inside, she
loved him like she loved all her children. In spite of his mischievous behaviour Kapa
still considered himself one of her favourites. Waratini (personal communication, Jan
10 2011) described an incident that happened at a poukai. "Princess Te Puea was
standing at the front of the cue at this particular poukai watching the people put their
money into a basket as they entered the door. Princess Te Puea noticed a kaumatua
that was quite drunk walk up to the basket. Upon reaching into his pocket the
kaumatua pulled out a handful of notes, silvers and pennies. Princess Te Puea
became angry at the sight of this kaumatua sifting through his notes and silver coins
to pick up a penny and put it in the basket. Princess Te Puea hit that basket with her
tokotoko walking stick spilling the money all over the place. She then proceeded to
grab him by the scruff of the neck and throw him out the door calling him cheap. My
grandfather found the penny and asked if he could keep it. A hole was drilled in the
penny and he wore it around his neck for most of his adult life. P Waratini (personal
communication, Jan 10 2011) also spoke of an incident that changed Kapa's life.
At 10 years of age Kapa was accused by a minister of setting fire to a house that the
ministers daughter was asleep in, the daughter was killed. The social welfare
removed Kapa from Turangawaewae marae, and put him in to a social welfare
home. Kapa never saw his father again and became a ward of the state. Coming
from an environment that mainly spoke Māori it was a shock for Kapa to continually
be on the receiving end of beatings for speaking Māori to the point that he stopped
using his native language. To this day many of his descendants do not speak the
Māori language or attend marae meetings due to religious reasons based on
Western paradigms. Kapa also swore till the day he died that he had nothing to do
with the fire, nor the killing of the minister’s daughter. He passed away from a heart
attack in 1989 while attending a hui at Tūrangawaewae marae.

22
Summary of Thesis
This first chapter is entitled Te Tongi a Tāwhiao – The Prophecy of Tāwhiao, gives a
historical account of the famous Tainui prophecy Māku anō e hanga tōku nei whare,
Ko te tāhūhū, he Hīnau. Ko ngā poupou he Māhoe he Patatē. This prophesy uttered
by the second Māori King Tawhiao gave hope to the Waikato tribes that became
intergenerationally impoverished, ravaged, destitute and displaced as a result of the
after effects of the Waikato invasion in 1863. The concept of rebuilding the whare
through promoting recovery, restoration, and re-emergence has been central to the
healing process of Waikato Tainui in contemporary times. This in turn enables me to
stand grounded in my whakapapa and history to build a strong foundation from
which to launch this Ph.D thesis.
The second chapter is a literature review on the topic of historical intergenerational
trauma. The literature will give an account of the history of colonisation, and how the
Doctrine of Discovery was used as a vehicle for acquiring the land of Indigenous
peoples globally. The literature will also provide a comparative analysis of Australia,
Canada, and New Zealand, as three countries subjected to assimilation policies that
were initially established in the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines
in England. The next aspect examines literature identifying intergenerational impacts
for Indigenous peoples, and discusses two examples that are apparent in all three
countries.
The third chapter is Research Methodologies. This chapter will examine gaps noted
in chapter two to formulate four research questions. The third chapter will also lay
out the overall plan for the thesis that includes aims and objectives. The research
methodology chapter will carry three theoretical perspectives. The first research
methodology is Pūrākau theory based on the work of Dr. Jenny Lee, and the second
is Conflict critical theory based on the work of Karl Marx. The third methodology is an
Indigenous research methodology that guides the research practice of a Māori
researcher.
The fourth chapter will give an indication of how the prophesy of Tawhiao becomes
interwoven into the thesis commencing with the title Ko Te Hīnau. Chapter four will

23
cover the era of pre-colonisation to 1840. In this section Ngāpuhi connections and
whakapapa will become apparent. This chapter will then commence by
contextualising Te Tongi a Tawhiao emphasising underlying themes that stem from
this proverb, and then contextualising Ngāpuhi links. The second aspect will discuss
Mātauranga Māori. The third aspect will discuss mana and Māori concepts. The
fourth aspect will discuss Te Wakaminenga and economic success. The final aspect
will discuss He Wakaputanga and the mana that was established with it.
The fifth chapter titled Ko te Mahoe carries an underlying theme of resilience that will
give a macro systematic overview of intergenerational impacts post 1840. The first
aspect will contextualise the background to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The second aspect
will investigate historical contexts leading to legislative violations, and its role in
subjugating Māori, to ramifications that stem from intergenerational trauma, and their
links to Māori deficit statistics. The third aspect will discuss Māori experiences of
historical intergenerational trauma. The final aspect will discuss links to Māori deficit
statistics.
In chapter six titled Ko te Patatē, it will carry an underlying theme of recovery that will
give a micro systematic overview of intergenerational impacts. It will give a personal
account to the impact of colonisation, and examine how those impacts contribute to
a journey of deficit behaviour leading to tragic consequences. The second aspect of
the personal account will highlight moving from trauma to recovery, redemption, and
then wellness.
The final chapter seven titled Māku Anō e Hanga Tōku Nei Whare: I Will Rebuild My
Own House carries an underlying theme based on re-emergence. This will give an
overview of all the chapters and discuss findings and analysis. The analysis will then
link back to the four proposed research questions. The next aspect will discuss a
variety of strategies employed by Māori over the last 170 years, and then offer
another strategy in the form of a Māori Counselling Framework that responds to
Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. Chapter seven finally draws
together all the pillars that represent King Tawhiao's prophecy, and then discusses
how this research contributes to Māori knowledge of health and wellbeing. The final
aspect of chapter seven will conclude with a rationale as to why this research was
conducted.

24
Conclusion
In this chapter I have explained the prophecy of Tāwhiao which provides a
theoretical framework for this thesis. I also introduced the history of the Māori King
Movement which led to the utterance of this prophecy. The next aspect discussed
how this prophecy is applied to the thesis, its historical context and this links to
personal whakapapa. In doing this, the prophecy explains the historical contexts at a
macro-systemic level, as well as a micro-systemic level. This chapter also provides
us with a prophecy and model for introducing a transformative framework that
responds to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma.

26
Chapter Two
A Literary Review of Historical Intergenerational Trauma
Overview
This chapter critically reviews the literature concerning historical intergenerational
trauma. It will draw attention to the historically competitive desires of European
cultures for land, resources and wealth belonging to Indigenous cultures in foreign
lands. It will review examples of prevalent discourses around ideologies of
superiority resulting in the need to subjugate other cultures from a mono-cultural and
theistic point of view. Moreover, it highlights colonial mechanisms employed to
dominate and oppress Indigenous cultures. The Papal Bull decrees 2
were used to
incite genocide, ecocide, displacement and bio warfare for the sole purpose of
acquiring Indigenous land and resources. The key themes outlined in this chapter
will include: historical colonisation, assimilation, societal, institutional, personal
racism, oppression, and discrimination. This chapter will then review how these
legacies have contributed to coping strategies such as intergenerational addictions.
The literature reveals historical content that is central to formulating underlying
themes behind research into historical intergenerational trauma.
Introduction
The first aspect of this literature review concentrates on introducing and defining
historical trauma. This chapter will establish and define this concept by focussing on
the work of Brave Heart (2003), Walters (2004), Estrada (2009), Simonelli &
Summer, (1995), as well as Duran & Walters (1998). There are also other authors
this thesis acknowledges such as Fannon (1963) and Memmi (1991) who laid the
foundations for reviewing and critiquing colonisation. This thesis also acknowledges
the significant work of Paulo Freire (1975) in formulating an understanding of the
pedagogy of oppression and its strategies that involve humanising and de-
humanising mechanisms. This thesis takes these notions into account while
formulating strategies relevant to this thesis.
2
Papal Bull decrees were letter formats of the Pope from the Vatican as explained by Churchill (1993) on page
30-31

27
The second aspect employed here is based on the work of Churchill (1993), Jackson
(2012), and Armitage (1995) who discusses a series of historical catalysts that
initiated historical intergenerational trauma on a global scale. Other aspects identify
legacies and policy making organisations and religious sects whose actions also
contributed to traumatic incidents that had a detrimental impact on Indigenous
peoples. The third aspect identifies examples of prejudicial policies. The fourth
aspect discusses influences on health and well-being. The final aspect will discuss
indicators for Māori counselling.
Historical Intergenerational Trauma (HIT)
What is historical intergenerational trauma? Historical intergenerational trauma is
known by several names in the research literature: survival guilt, stressful life events,
intergenerational grief and bereavement, post traumatic slave syndrome and cultural
trauma (Brave Heart & De Bruyn, 1998: Cook, Withy, & Tarallo-Jensen, 2003:
Danieli, 1998: Degruy Leary, 2005; Kellerman, 2001; Krieger, 2001) This thesis
contends it to be the application of discriminatory and detrimental practices, that
range from oppressive to genocidal, based on ideologies of superiority, for the
purpose of alienating another culture from their lands, wealth and resources across
generations.
Whilst this is one view, there are also a host of others. Walters (2012) states in a
video presentation that 'historical intergenerational trauma' can be defined as an
event or series of events perpetrated against a group of people and their
environment, namely people who share a specific group identity with genocidal or
ethnocidal intent to systematically eradicate them as a people or eradicate their way
of life. Brave Heart (1999a) defines historical trauma as... cumulative trauma over
both the life span and across generations that results from massive cataclysmic
events... (p.111). Brave Heart also contends that historical trauma (HIT) is
cumulative emotional and psychological wounding, over the lifespan and across
generations, emanating from massive group trauma experiences. The historical
trauma response (HTR) is the constellation of features in reaction to this trauma
(Brave Heart, 2003) argues that "while there seems to be a variety of definitions, the
underlying threads carry similar themes" (p. 7). Dr Brave Heart (2000) supports the
learning of historical intergenerational trauma by suggesting that understanding the

28
legacy of trauma is helpful for participants, and that the importance of sharing and
talking about the trauma allows sufferers to focus on a common identity.
Arbor (2006) suggests that it is helpful to introduce a theory of cultural trauma into
the study of collective memory and shed light on a socio-psychological dimension of
remembering. What can stem from a theory of cultural trauma is a theory of
collective memory that incorporates reiterated problem solving. The theory of cultural
trauma can give us new analytical leverage to study how commemorative practices
build on one another and how a traumatic event plays out in memory-identity
formation of a collective. Other theories include discovering new ways of explaining
the social, political and economic impacts of historical intergenerational trauma.
Karina Walters' (2012) discussion in a video presentation brings to the fore new data
that states 'epigenetic research' has discovered that at a cellular level, stress from
one generation can be carried to the next generation. Bruce Lipton (2009) a cellular
biologist in stem cell research supports the conclusions/perspectives of Walters by
stating that he began stem cell research in 1967 in which he noted:
In one of my experiments I put stem cells in three petri dishes. I then
changed the growth medium, the constituents of the environment in each
dish… In one dish it formed bone, in the next it formed muscle and in the
final dish it formed fat cells… All of a sudden I’m like oh my gosh, I
realised that here I am teaching at University that genes control the
environment, while the cells are telling me that genes respond to the
environment… (Dr Bruce Lipton, 2009 as cited in Stewart, 2009).
In gaining a sense of cultural trauma and how it relates to memory-identity formation
of a collective is quite significant. Links between these previous concepts and
discovering new ways of explaining the social, political and economic impacts also
seems to have a lot of merit. These theories and concepts also seem to run in
contrast to Western research that paints a disparaging picture of Māori cultural
tendencies towards violence. In 2006 Rod Lea and Geoffrey Chambers said high
criminality among Māori was due to monoamine oxidase, or the "warrior" gene.
Therefore this suggested that due to genes, Māori had a high propensity for
violence. While this theory suggests that genes control our environment, Bruce
Lipton's experiments conclude that at a cellular level genes respond to the

29
environment. Overall, despite the fact that Rod Lea and Geoffrey Chamber’s
research was hugely discredited, for not meeting outcomes, and for a lack of rigour
in their findings, it still had a detrimental impact on how Māori culture was perceived
in New Zealand, as well as globally as the findings emanated from so called
reputable Western scholars.
Although research from Western scholars such as Rod Lea and Geoffrey Chambers
seem to legitimise deficit perceptions of Māori on many levels, other theorists (Smith
1999; Pihama, 2001, Friere, 1975; Moeke-Pickering, 2010; Fanon, 1963; Memmi,
1991; Jackson, 1988; Jackson, 2012; Brave Heart, 1999; Walters, 2012; Churchill,
1993, Church Council, 2012) give alternate views as to why Māori and Indigenous
cultures around the globe under-achieve at one level, to becoming impoverished
across generations at another level in today's Western capitalistic global
environment.
2.1 Historical Catalyst for Historical Intergenerational Trauma
Another theory considers the wider historical implications contributing to historical
intergenerational trauma. Ward Churchill (1993) discusses the role of the European
Monarchies and the Catholic Church's contribution to the impacts of historical
intergenerational trauma of Māori and Indigenous peoples resulting from a document
known as the Doctrine of Discovery. Jackson (2012) stated in a video presentation at
the United Nations in New York that the Doctrine of Discovery was promoted as a
legal authority for claiming the land of Indigenous peoples. This process initiated
colonisation on a global scale based on stereotypical assumptions of both religious
zeal and self-righteous positioning that was to have devastating outcomes for
Indigenous cultures stemming from the 1300s, through to the 21st century. While
there were many Western countries participating in the practice of colonisation
based on the Doctrine of Discovery, such practices did not necessarily correspond
with international law. Churchill (1993) argues that:
History is replete with philosophical, theological and juridical arguments of
one people’s alleged entitlement to the homeland of others, only to be
rebuffed by the community of nations as lacking both moral force and
sound legal principle (p. 33).
Churchill (1993) further challenges dominant assumptions by stating that:

30
Recognition of the legal and moral rights by which a nation occupies its
land base is a fundamental issue of its existence. Typically such claims to
sovereign and propriety interest in national territories rest on its citizenry
being composed of direct descendants of peoples who have dwelt within
the geographical area claimed since time immemorial. But when the
dominating population is comprised either of immigrants (settlers') who
can offer no such assertion of aboriginal lineage to justify their presence
or ownership of property in the usual sense, the issue is vastly more
complicated. (p. 33).
Further investigation into how the Doctrine of Discovery was established brings to
the fore disparaging ideologies, and genocidal practices of western countries who to
this day, have never been held accountable for what Jackson (2012) argues, are
crimes against humanity. From the 14th
century in an era that was termed the age of
discovery, other European countries were eager to experience similar exploits as
Christopher Columbus. The European powers sent ambassadors out into the new
world where they began encountering Indigenous cultures. These ambassadors’ also
encountered emissaries from other European powers, and each were competing for
trade with the Indigenous cultures. Churchill (1993) stated that "European powers
realized that a formal code of judicial standards to legitimate what they required, lent
to a patina of civilized legality to the actions of the European Crowns" (p. 34).
The purpose of developing judicial standards was to resolve disputes between
European Crown entities, as each jockeyed for position in disputes over gaining
wealth through ownership of Indigenous land in the "New Worlds". Churchill (1993)
maintained that:
In order for any such regulatory code to be considered effectively binding
by all Old World parties, it was vital that it be sanctioned by the Catholic
Church”. A series of Papal Bulls begun by Pope Innocent IV during the
late 13th
century was used to define the proper [lawful] relationship
between Christians and 'Infidels' in worldly matters such as property rights
(p. 35).
Papal Bulls can be defined as official decrees of the pope, and was the exclusive
letter format of the Vatican from the fourteenth century. Churchill (1993) affirmed that

31
efforts of legal scholars such as Franciscus de Victoria and Matias de Pas, that the
Spanish articulation of the Discovery Doctrine, endorsed by the Pope, rapidly
evolved to hold the following as primary tenets of international law (p. 35).
1. Outright ownership of land accrued to the crown represented by a given
Christian ( European) discoverer only when the land discovered proved to
be uninhabited (Papal Bull territorium res nullius )
2. Title to inhabited lands discovered by Crown representatives was
recognized as belonging inherently to the Indigenous people encountered,
but rights to acquire land from, and to trade with the natives of the region
accrued exclusively to the discovering Crown (Papal Bull vis-à-vis)
3. In exchange for this right the discovering power committed itself to
proselytizing the Christian Gospel among the Natives.
4. Acquisition of land title from Indigenous peoples could only occur with
their consent by an agreement usually involving purchase rather than
through force of arms.
At face value the Doctrine of Discovery appeared to have merit however, in
application, the Doctrine of Discovery initiated a mandate followed by all European
Crowns. The World Church Council (2012) stated that Papal Bull Decrees such as
Romanus Pontifex 1455 called for non-Christian peoples to be invaded, captured,
vanquished, subdued, and reduced to perpetual slavery and to have their
possessions and property seized by Christian monarchs (p. 1). The World Church
Council (2012) also stated that, Christopher Columbus was instructed, to discover
and conquer, subdue and acquire distant lands. World Church Council (2012)
conveyed that; "in 1493 Pope Alexander VI called for non-Christian "barbarous
nations" to be subjugated and proselytized for the "propagation of the Christian
empire" (p. 1). Another significant factor behind Christopher Columbus is the role he
played in enslaving and annihilating an entire race of people known as the Taino
from the Caribbean. After exterminating them he went on to establish the slave trade
in Africa, contributing to the displacement, murder, abuse and trauma of the African
American peoples. The World Church Council (2012) also declared that;
The Doctrine mandated Christian European countries to attack, enslave
and kill the Indigenous Peoples they encountered to acquire all of their
assets. The Doctrine remains the law in various ways in almost all settler /

32
colonial societies around the world today. The enormity of this law and the
theft of the rights and assets of Indigenous Peoples have led Indigenous
activists to work to educate the world about this situation and to galvanize
opposition to the Doctrine.
In the aftermath of the Doctrine of Discovery it is well documented that 100's of
millions of Indigenous peoples lost their lives, were enslaved, had their land invaded,
were dislocated from their tribal settings, were stripped of their identity, assimilated
into a foreign culture and to this day are continually discriminated and oppressed in
one form or another, in the land of their forefathers. What is significant about the
Doctrine of Discovery is that it was a form of presumed legality that only existed
between the foreign powers themselves. It was never discussed with the Indigenous
peoples, they were never part of the decision making process. The European
power’s dealings were amongst themselves, and their intentions were never
disclosed to the Indigenous cultures they were dealing with who in turn were never in
a position to make an informed decision as to what outcomes they wanted from any
relationship with Western European powers.
While the existence of the Doctrine of Discovery was hidden in history, and not
evident in the education system, or discussed to a limited degree in universities, its
legacy however, still plays out in a manner that affects other policies whose
prejudicial undertones still have an impact on Indigenous peoples all around the
world.
2.2 Prejudicial Policies
One legacy stemming from the Doctrine of Discovery comes from the policy making
practices of the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines. The House of
Commons Select Committee on Aborigines was established in England in 1837.
Armitage (1995) conveyed that one of their roles was to impose European
civilization, Christianity, and assimilation upon the ‘Aborigines’. Armitage (1995) also
conveyed that
This required British administrators to determine who was, and who was
not, an aboriginal person. This was the first step towards administering
different policies and laws for settler societies and aboriginal societies
respectively. Initially the distinction was based on a racial difference

33
hierarchy according to colour. "The white race was at the top, and the
darkest race was at the bottom. The Australian Aboriginal was seen as
lower in hierarchy than were the lighter coloured Māori and the Northern
American Indian" (p. 194).
This hierarchy, according to skin colour practice seemed to be another mechanism in
the arsenal of dominant cultures, was utilised as a means in which to undermine the
Indigenous peoples it was subjugating by establishing a system that enables one
culture to dominate another, according to the colour of their skin. Statistics New
Zealand (2012) estimates that 6 per cent or 187,000 New Zealanders believed racial
discrimination was the reason for them being treated unfairly or unfavourably.
Armitage (1995) explains racial discrimination using three principle
phases characterized by three different meanings. The first phase is race
lineage and genealogical connections. The second phase talks of race as
a sub-species presenting connotations that infer some species of race are
of higher value than others. The third phase discusses “the role of race in
establishing social divisions used for the purpose of one race benefiting at
the expense of another ... (p. 221).
Figure 2.1 Definition of Aboriginality (Armitage, 1995, pp. 96-97).

34
The previous table highlights a timeline defining aboriginality stemming from the
1860's through to 1975. It clearly emphasises periods in time where policies were
implemented in the 1800's through to meeting resistance in varying degrees during
the 1970's.
Other roles the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines participated in
included distributing assimilation policies to Australia, Canada and New Zealand.
Armitage (1995) states that:
In Australia these policies were introduced through the protection of
'Aborigines' statutes which were passed in the period between 1869 and
1909; in Canada they were introduced within the framework of the Indian
Act 1876, and its successors; and in New Zealand they were introduced in
legislation establishing the Native Department (1861) and the Native
Schools Act, 1867. Settlers, confident of their racial and cultural
superiority, introduced these paternalistic policies in the 'best interests' of
aboriginal peoples (189).
What this brings to the fore are explanations as to why Indigenous cultures in three
different countries had similar historical experiences with the colonising governments
that occupy their lands. Other Indigenous cultures discuss similar experiences.
Brave Heart, Chase, Elkins, Altschul, (2011), argues that; "over five hundred
federally recognized tribes in the United States and over four hundred in Latin
America have experienced pervasive and cataclysmic collective intergenerational
massive group trauma and compounding discrimination, racism and oppression" (p.
282).

35
Figure 2.2 Governmental Aboriginal Land Policy Armitage, 1995, pp. 200-201)
The table above highlights a timeline of governmental land policies across Australia,
Canada and New Zealand. It highlights various mechanisms used to infiltrate the
land using assimilation tactics, and deficit legislation based on a colonising construct.
In removing the historical veil over the colonising construct and the roles played by
the European Crowns and the Vatican/ missionaries in implementing deficit policies,
provides a sense of understanding and insight to both the thinking of the dominant
cultures, as well as the impacts Indigenous cultures were subjected to. Further data
from Armitage (1995), Churchill (1993), Walters (2012), Brave Heart (1998a)
discusses how these policies created a legacy of disparaging poverty stricken socio-
economic environments, and socio-psychological coping mechanisms that flowed
from one generation to the next, across the Indigenous world.
Influences on Health and Wellbeing
This next aspect of this chapter looks into the lives of Indigenous peoples, coming to
terms with some of the impacts that have befallen their culture. Brave Heart (1998)
conveys that; generations of untreated historical intergenerational trauma victims

36
may pass on this trauma to subsequent generations. This seems to support Black
Cloud (1990) who explained their traditional way of mourning. They mourn for one
year when one of their relations enters the spirit world. Their tradition is to wear black
while mourning their lost one. The tradition is not to be happy, not to sing and dance
and enjoy life's beauty during the time of mourning. The tradition is to suffer with the
remembering of their lost one, and to give away much of what they own and to cut
their hair short. Chief Sitting Bull was more than a relation. He represented an entire
people: their freedom, their way of life... Black Cloud explained further that they have
suffered remembering their great Chief given away much of what was theirs... And
tens of thousands of Lakota Sioux have worn their hair short for a hundred years,
and blackness has been around them for a hundred years... During this time the
heartbeat of their people has been weak, and their life style has deteriorated to a
devastating degree resulting in poverty, alcoholism, and suicide in the country of
their forefathers (Black cloud, 1990 as cited in Brave Heart, 1995). This emphasises
a descriptive picture that not only resonates with Indigenous people and their way of
life, it carries a picture of how trauma has trickled from generation to generation
lasting a hundred years manifesting in various shapes and forms supporting Karina
Walters notions regarding intergenerational stress.
Statistically speaking, cumulative intergenerational stress is believed to be the main
cause of these disorders acting through a psychobiological stress response
mechanism that influences neuroendocrine hyper activity, autonomic and metabolic
responses, and the immune system (Schnurr & Green, 2004; Sotero, 2006).

37
Figure 2.3 Historical Trauma Influences on Health & Health care (Estrada, 2009, p.336).
This list highlights aspects that identify examples of stress trickling inter-
generationally from one generation to the next. It will also give scope to some of the
problems undermining Indigenous peoples. The next part will reveal two detrimental
examples that have influenced Indigenous health and wellbeing and had damaging
effects on Indigenous peoples across the globe.
2.3 Alcoholism
The use of alcohol seems to be a mitigating factor in all Indigenous cultures. There
have also been similar impacts for Indigenous cultures that have resulted from its
use across generations. Oetting & Beauvais (1989) believes that trauma manifests
as alcohol abuse among First Nations youth. There is a higher proportion of alcohol
abuse amongst the Native population than the general U.S. population. Statistics
highlight that 96% of Indian males and 92% of Indian females experience alcoholism
by the time they have reached 12th grade. They contend that not only is the
frequency and intensity of drinking greater and negative consequences more
prevalent and severe; the age that one initially gets involved with alcohol is younger
for Indian youths.

38
Further statistics from Brave Heart, Chase, Elkins, & Altschul (2011) highlights that
death from alcohol related causes being five times more likely than for White
Americans, additionally, suicide rates are 50% higher than the national average (p.
283).
2.4 Māori Alcohol Statistics
Māori alcohol statistics seem to carry a similar vein to Indigenous deficit statistics
around the Indigenous world. Ebbet (2009) states that; "Māori were initially
introduced to alcohol in the early 1800s by European settlers, whalers and other
immigrants. Unlike most other nations, Māori did not have experience with any form
of alcohol before this time” (p.2). A survey in the New Zealand Herald (2007)
emphasised that a difference in drug and alcohol use, emphasises that Māori are
more likely than other ethnicities to use drugs or drink in a hazardous way." The
survey carried out face-to-face interviews with 12,992 New Zealanders on a range of
behaviours and conditions relating to mental health and is part of the World Mental
Health Survey Initiative. Key findings on alcohol use in the past 12 months and
ethnicity:
 Māori (82 per cent) and others (80 per cent) are more likely to be drinkers
than Pacific Islanders (56 per cent).
 Among those who consume alcohol, hazardous drinking occurs in 36 per cent
of Māori, 33 per cent of Pacific people and 23 per cent of others.
 Among those who consume alcohol, alcohol disorder prevalence is 6 per cent
for Māori, 4 per cent for Pacific and 3 per cent for others.
Key findings on drug use in the past 12 months and ethnicity:
 Drug use occurs in 20 per cent of Māori, 13 per cent of others and 9 per cent
of Pacific people.
 Drug disorder is most common in Māori at 13 per cent of users, followed by
Pacific Islanders at 10 per cent and others on 9 per cent.
 Pacific people are often protected from substance use by abstinence, but are
at greater risk than others if they do use drugs.
 Treatment contact is low in those with a substance disorder: 4 per cent for
Pacific, 12 per cent for Māori , and 14 per cent for others,

39
What these statistics indicate, is that on a variety of levels, Māori alcohol and drug
usage per capita is far higher than that of any other ethnic group in Aotearoa New
Zealand.
2.5 Boarding Schools for Assimilation
The legacy of traumatic history, specifically regarding boarding school, has
negatively impacted in Canada as well as for first nations Lakota and other Native
families in the United States. The historical trauma response is complicated by socio-
economic conditions, racism and oppression. Risk factors for substance abuse,
violence, mental illness, and other family problems among Native people may be
exacerbated by historical trauma response (Brave Heart, 1999b; Robin, Chester &
Goldman 1996; Holm, 1994). Brave Heart (1999a) explains some effects that state:
I never bonded with any parental figures in my home. At seven years old I
could be gone for days at a time and no one would look for me... I've
never been in a boarding school. I wished I was [had] because all we've
talked about happened in my home. If it had happened by strangers, it
wouldn't have been so bad- the sexual abuse, the neglect. Then I could
blame it all on another race ... And yes, they (my parents) went to
boarding school. (p. 113).
The above quote highlights some of the ramifications stemming from assimilation
practices that include a disconnection and an alienation between family members
that are in contrast to their traditional cultural principles and values. Brave Heart and
Debruyn (1998) convey that:
I feel like I have been carrying a weight around that I've inherited. I have
this theory that grief is passed on genetically because it's there and I
never knew where it came from. I feel a sense of responsibility to undo the
pain of the past. I can't separate myself from the past, the history and the
trauma. It has been paralyzing to us as a group (pp. 56-78).
Steve Richards (2013) suggests that historical intergenerational trauma can carry
over from genetics that can also stem from ancestral experiences of trauma that can
be thousands of years old. Richards also believes that all of humanity are
holographic multi-dimensional beings who across eons of time can be trapped in
cycles of time and relive similar circumstances as those ancestors who first received

40
the trauma until it can be traced back in history to its original source and that
essence and energy is freed to be able to change cycles of time in the future.
2.6 Māori People and Child Welfare Policy
While Māori never had their children stripped from them and sent to boarding
schools like the Indigenous cultures of Australia and Canada and USA. Research
highlights that boarding schools were used as a vehicle to implement assimilation
policies to mitigate their cultural heritage, language and identity. In New Zealand
other practices were put in place that had similar effects. Armitage (1995) argues
that; "the 1837 House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines believed that
children offered the best means of ensuring that aboriginal peoples would be
prepared for the responsibilities of Christianity, civilization, and British citizenship" (p.
204). Legislation that had a similar affect for Māori in New Zealand stemmed from
legacies of child welfare policies. The initial piece of child welfare legislation in New
Zealand was called the Neglected and Criminal Children's Act 1876. This piece of
legislation was aimed at Māori youth and led to the establishment of industrial
schools. The Department of Education was initially made responsible for these
schools in 1880. Armitage (1995) stated that:
In 1910, the Department of Education was made responsible for the
supervision of orphanages, and in a further gradual extension of its role, it
developed a range of child welfare services which had some mandate to
interfere in family matters such as truancy officers, school nurses,
protection officers, and probation officers (p.161).
What is also significant to consider when investigating some of these historical social
welfare acts, is to also take into consideration the Native Schools Act 1867. Under
this piece of legislation only English was allowed to be spoken in schools, and was
stringently enforced through corporal punishment. In 1930 George Graham wrote to
the Auckland Star, objecting to the operation of the Child Welfare Act:
But it is in respect of the application of this law to Māori childhood that I
write. For here in particular operate officials who cannot speak Māori,
neither know little of nor care less for Māori mentality. They are hence
incompetent to allow for those factors; yet they undertake to gather Māori
children within their official nets, whence they are relegated to institutions
or boarded out to European foster parents whose motives cannot be

41
adjudged as mercenary (Graham, 1930 as cited in Armitage, 1995, p.
165).
Figure 2.4 Children in care and supervision (Armitage 1995, p.163)
Figure 2.4 above highlights the amount of Māori children in Social Welfare care from
1921 through to 1986. While I find some of the figures quite staggering, it does not
seem to indicate if any of these figures are shared among the same families
emphasising intergenerational factors. What also seems staggering about these
statistics is that per capita a significant number of Māori children are not with their
own families. This automatically highlights issues such as a disconnection from
cultural roots and whānau ties, a breakdown in a sharing of cultural knowledge,
heritage, protocols and language. Binney and Chaplin (1983), support this theory by
giving an account of the life of Putiputi Onekawa who was born in 1908 and who was
sent away to school at Turakina in 1921:
I started school quite old. And I can't talk English. All we got to do is cry,
because 'Don't talk Māori in school' We can't talk English- so all we do is
cry. Yes for a long while. I can't talk English no matter what. I try, but the

42
only thing I know is 'stomach.' Yes! I know that! Oh, yes, Sister Anne,
Sister Dorothy, Sister Jessie and Mr Laughton and Mr Currie. He's hard,
very hard. No bloody humbug! A cousin of mine- we are all sitting on the
floor, singing, and she was naughty. She did it on the floor. Because we
don't know how to go outside! All we do is go like that [putting her hand up
and point outside! And this girl she didn't like to say anything. She was
sitting on her slate. She had her slate over it. We were just going to sing
and I was going like that- pointing to her. Mr Currie gave me a good
hiding, supple jack, eh across my back. He was a murdering thing! And Mr
Laughton didn't like it. He knew, because I don't know how to say outside
(pp. 150-165).
What people like George Graham and Putiputi Onekawa emphasise are some of the
more dire consequences that have had detrimental impacts on Māori youth who
were initially subjected to the Child Welfare system and the Native Lands Act 1867.
While there are not indicators in the timetable charts to suggest intergenerational
implications, Waitangi Tribunal statistics highlight that in 1905, 95 per cent of Māori
spoke their native language. By 1981 only 5 per cent of Māori spoke their native
language. (Waitangi Tribunal, 1986).
2.7 Indicators for Māori Counselling
The emphasis from a Māori counselling perspective behind identifying impacts of
historical trauma stem from wanting to examine deficit statistics for Māori in New
Zealand society regarding health, education, intergenerational impoverishment, high
statistics regarding the amount of Māori who are entrenched over generations within
the courts system, the prison system, as well as deficit statistics ingrained in the
unemployment benefit system. Western dominant discourses are very quick to
highlight and expose Māori deficit statistics however, on the other hand seem to lack
an ability to provide a suitable rationale. The indicators that stem from Western
dominant discourses suggest it is the flaw of those stuck in such a predicament.
Another significant factor highlights a legacy from the Doctrine of Discovery that still
spills over into modern day North America. Chief Oren Lyons (2010) told a story in a
video presentation of how New York State wanting First Nations peoples to pay
taxes on their tribal land. The tribe took the state to court stating that they were the
original owners of the land and therefore under customary title did not have to pay
rates. While the First Nations won their day in court on appeal the Supreme Court,

43
over turned the decision due to Papal Bull Decree 1493 Terra Nullus. Under that
Papal Bull decree the pope of the time declared America empty land due to the First
Nations not being Christian. The pope went on to declare that as a result of First
Nations being non-Christians, they did not have right of title to land. The Supreme
Court took their position from the Doctrine of Discovery and upheld their decision
under the jurisprudence of the Doctrine of Discovery 2007.
The US Supreme Court's use of the Doctrine of Discovery as case law in modern
times as a means for overturning a High Court's decision seems incomprehensible. It
reveals that Western dominant discourses will continue to advantageously position
themselves to make assumptions that undermine Indigenous perspectives from a
perceived position of authority. The impact of the US Supreme Court's decision to
declare that First Nations peoples had their customary title and human rights
wavered under the jurisprudence of the Doctrine of Discovery due to being non-
Christian reveals huge indicators. This means the First Nations peoples of America
have been subjugated to inferior positions of being non-human. The inference
suggests that a non-human position is similar to a horse, possession or any other
chattel. This poses a question that assumes that paying tax is a fundamental human
right. The question posed is, "how can non human's be subjected to tax?".
Other indicators for Māori counselling practitioners suggest two points. The first point
identifies that historical intergenerational trauma has an international scope that
affects Indigenous peoples right across the world. What this emphasises, is that
international Indigenous issues need international Indigenous solutions. The United
Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples document is one tool that is
being utilised by Indigenous peoples across the globe that has begun addressing
legacies of the Doctrine of Discovery.
The second point recognises that gaining knowledge of underpinnings that have
contributed to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma may support
Māori counsellors to be effective practitioners with their whānau / clientele due to
having an understanding of some of the historical complexities that underpin working
with Māori.

44
Conclusion
In this chapter we reviewed the relevant literature that introduced and defined
historical intergenerational trauma. The second aspect discussed a series of
historical catalysts that initiated historical intergenerational trauma on a global scale.
It also identified legacies and policy making organizations and religious sects
responsible for these traumatic incidents that had devastating social, political and
economic impacts on Indigenous peoples. The third aspect discussed in this chapter
identified examples of prejudicial policies. The fourth aspect discussed influences on
health and wellbeing. The final aspect discussed indicators for Māori counselling.
This literature review highlights three points about historical intergenerational
trauma. The first point is that historical intergenerational trauma did not establish
itself out of ‘thin air’, but was established as a result of a genealogy and legacy that
impacts and invisibly interweaves itself across intergenerational timelines, creating
dire health issues for future generations. The next significant point highlights that
Indigenous peoples throughout the world never, in any way, shape or form
consented to relinquishing land and resources or be subjected to trauma.
What is also significant is that Western dominant discourses have been breaching
and breaking their own international laws and standards for centuries to suit neo
liberal capitalist agendas. For centuries Indigenous cultures have been seeking
redress through judicial systems whose practices under both national and
international law were constructed by the very organizations that imposed the
Doctrine of Discovery. As a result moves towards Indigenous liberation and social
justice strategies have been developed and applied in response to colonising
practices.

46
Chapter Three
Māhere Rautaki Rangāhau- Research Methodologies and Methods
Introduction
This chapter examines the methodology of this research explaining how the research
combines the pūrākau or story-telling techniques and other Indigenous theoretical
frameworks with Western critical theory. The chapter begins with a summary of the
literature review. The second aspect introduces the research questions with a
hypothesis from the literature. The third aspect examines the research plan including
the aims, objectives, theories (theoretical perspectives) and methods. The fourth
aspect focuses upon the research participants. The fifth aspect examines the data
gathering and collating process. The sixth aspect looks at changes and implications.
The seventh aspect provides an analysis of the data.
Literature Review Summary
The literature review introduced and defined historical intergenerational trauma. It
discussed a series of historical catalysts that implemented policies and practices that
globally resulted in historical intergenerational trauma across Indigenous cultures. It
identified legacies that stemmed from policy making organisations and religious
sects that had devastating social, political and economic impacts on Indigenous
peoples. The literature review also identified examples of prejudicial policies, and
their role in influencing disparaging health and wellbeing statistics. A significant
element stemming from the literature review identified that while literature on
historical intergenerational trauma is well documented amongst Native Americans,
Native Hawaiians, Native Australians, Native Canadians and other Indigenous
cultures across the globe, there is limited evidence in academia of Māori literature
describing Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. Māori authors
such as Moana Jackson and Ranginui Walker tended to language the concept of
historical intergenerational trauma in a manner that differed from other Indigenous
academic authors. One of the reasons for confusion is due to multiple terminologies
that are used to describe this phenomenon. Walters, et al, (2011) argues that
Historical trauma is limited, in part because the expression itself has been
used interchangeably with other terms such as soul wound, collective
unresolved grief, collective trauma, intergenerational trauma, trans-

47
generational trauma, intergenerational post-traumatic stress and
multigenerational trauma." (p. 182).
What Walters et al (2011) reveals is that although multiple terminologies differ across
Indigenous cultures globally, the outcomes stemming from those terminologies
across the Indigenous globe are similar. Further analysis led to pondering the
difference between Indigenous and Māori experiences of historical intergenerational
trauma. The literature review gave examples of historical intergenerational trauma
and its impacts as stressed by numerous Indigenous academic authors globally. It
also revealed gaps in Māori academic literature that refer specifically to Māori
experiences of historical intergenerational trauma
As a result, the first research question asks: “What are Māori experiences of
historical intergenerational trauma?” This gives emphasis to identify and explore
historical contexts pre-colonisation to ascertain what the environment was like in
Aotearoa/ New Zealand before the British came. The rationale for examining what
the Māori world was like prior to colonisation, and then to compare how the socio
political and economic was shaped across generations. This research question also
examines how Māori responded to the influx and impact of settlers residing in New
Zealand, as well as its implications.
The second research question asks: "What were the political, socio- economic
implications for Māori both pre and post signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi?". This
enables the research to examine a macro view that explores the political and socio
economic effects both pre and post Te Tiriti o Waitangi.
The third research question asks: "What significance does locating self in this
research have in terms of investigating Māori experiences of historical
intergenerational trauma?” This question gives a micro view that contextualises how
the implications of historical intergenerational trauma have a personal impact.
The fourth question asks: "What are Māori strategies that respond to this
phenomenon?” This question supports the development of a Māori counselling
framework that deconstructs the impact of historical intergenerational trauma to
critically analyse intergenerational layers in a Māori whānau or clientele's life for the
purpose of making sense of extenuating circumstances that impede their health and

48
wellbeing. It also develops strategies that put in parameters to stop residue of
trauma spilling over into the next generation.
Research Plan
The aim of this research is to examine and explore Māori experiences of historical
intergenerational trauma from three positions. The first position investigates Māori
autonomy and success pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The second position investigates
Māori autonomy post Te Tiriti o Waitangi examining a macro systemic viewpoint of
impacts that have intergenerational implications for Māori in contemporary New
Zealand. The third position gives a micro systematic view that contextualises
intergenerational impacts by presenting a personal account of historical
intergenerational trauma.
3.1 Objectives
The objective for researching historical intergenerational trauma will be done using
the pre-colonial approach, the post-colonial approach, and the locating self in
research approach. This will give a historical context that gives wider scope to the
broader implications for Māori pre-colonially. The post Te Tiriti o Waitangi approach
will give a general overview of the impacts and its effects on Māori. The locating self
in research approach will give a micro view that contextualises historical
intergenerational trauma at a personal level.
The pre-colonial approach will examine how Māori established their authority in New
Zealand pre-colonial. It will also examine international relationships with the British
Empire, and explore Māori international trade, as well as examine how the Māori
trading flag became internationally recognised. It will also examine how Māori
established their sovereignty becoming internationally recognised as an independent
nation making its own decisions. The post-colonial approach will also examine its
entrepreneurial success in building a strong Māori political as well as socio economic
base that thrived across New Zealand.
The post-colonial approach will give a general overview of Te Tiriti o Waitangi in
terms of assurances versus intentions. It will examine the New Zealand Settler

49
Governments quest for power and control highlighting some of the mechanisms
involved that include legislative violations and war. The post-colonial approach also
examines the impacts of these mechanisms on Māori in terms of Māori words, Māori
expressions, Māori transmissions and Māori experiences of historical
intergenerational trauma that are manifesting in health disparities and Māori deficit
statistics in contemporary New Zealand society.
The locating self in research approach examines how Māori experiences of historical
intergenerational trauma are contextualised at a personal level with a view to
understand both historical and future implications. The use of these three
approaches creates space to identify and define historical intergenerational trauma,
and then formulate a solution based approach for future generations.
The solution based approach leads to the fourth research question "What are Māori
counselling strategies that respond to this phenomenon?" examining Māori
counselling strategies that respond to this phenomenon will be implemented as an
approach in the final chapter in the form of a solution based idea whose underlying
themes stem from a Māori worldview.
Another central focus of this research plan follows qualitative research using an
epistemology approach. An epistemology approach refers to the use of ways of
knowing as a means for collecting data. Sheridan (2010) in a video presentation
describes epistemology as an interpretivism method that is explorative and contains
strategies like observations. While it can be debated that an epistemology approach
does not have strategies based on hypothesis like quantitative research does, the
critical analysis of interpreted observations is also a valid research method for
collecting data. Badewi (2013) in a video presentation describes interpretivism by
suggesting there is no one single reality, but multiple realities, so what interpretivism
does is advocate the need to understand different contexts, and characters. Further
consideration suggests that a descriptive approach to engaging with others and
describing what they have observed can be defined as qualitative research. Although
qualitative research is the dominant method for collecting data in this thesis, there is
also statistical data based on quantitative research that supports this thesis.

50
Theoretical Perspectives
This part of the thesis focuses on three research methodologies. The first
methodology employed is Pūrākau theory from the work of Dr. Jenny Lee. The
second methodology is critical theory which is derived from the work of Karl Marx,
and the final methodology is Indigenous methodologies from the works of Dr. Linda
Tuhiwai Smith.
3.2 Pūrākau Theory
The ‘Pūrākau theory,’ as a methodology is employed in this research because of its
ability to layer stories one upon the other. Pūrākau is used in a variety of ways, and
is a fundamental methodology for distributing knowledge, values, protocols and
worldviews. Lee (2005, p.7) states that "it is one form of Māori narratives that
originates from our oral literature traditions. Other narrative forms include moteatea
(traditional song), whakapapa (genealogy) whaikōrero (speech making) and
whakatauki (proverbs) each with their own categories, style, complex patterns and
characteristics" (p.7). Pūrākau has been used traditionally as a means to connect
back to tupuna (ancestors) in a manner that gave scope to the way in which they
saw the world. Lee (2005) contends that "the reclamation of Pūrākau as a valid
research method is part of a wider movement by Indigenous people to advance
decolonizing methodologies (As cited in Smith, 1999, p.2), "in which cultural
regeneration forms a cultural part of our education goals". Lee (2005) also discusses
the importance of Pūrākau being emphasised in Māori language.
It is not coincidental that the word Pūrākau literally refers to the roots or
base (Pū) of the tree (rākau), rather it is significant that 'story telling'
derives its meaning in Māori language from words that relate to the tree
and bush, since the imagery of tree often reflect our cultural
understandings of social relationships, our interconnectedness with each
other and the natural environment (p.7).
A major factor for using a Pūrākau approach as a methodology is that its very nature
is founded in Māori epistemologies that layers and interconnects stories in a way that
differs significantly to Western epistemologies. Pūrākau interconnects
intergenerationally in a manner that suggests a time-line interweaving Pūrākau
stories of tupuna throughout the continual history of its descendants flowing on into
the future. While recognising that each his/story or her/story is inter dependant,

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