Towards africa's unity

1 INTRODUCTION
Regional integration for decades has been an important component of the development debate in
Africa, featuring regularly in development strategies of many countries. The approach to political
and inevitably economic integration has taken two different views. There are those who argued
for immediate unification and those who support a gradual process. Since the independence of
Africa gradual process to integration has prevailed; yet the rationale for the adherence to the
linear textbook model remains ambiguous. Europe has set the world a commendable example of
integration, both in expanding its membership and in deepening integration. The question,
however, is whether it is appropriate to follow Europe and adopt what can be described as the
linear model of regional market integration in African regional economic integration.
The paper addresses this question in consideration of the political economy of regional
integration; contrasting the challenges, circumstances and experience of integration in Africa and
Europe. The response to this question is not in the affirmative and it is substantiated as to why it
is not appropriate to follow the European linear integration model. The structure of this
document is as follows: body of the document and the conclusion. The body begins by giving a
background to the history of African unity. Highlighting some prominent events that inform’s the
status qou. Subsequently the question of linear integration is addressed. However even though
the response is not in the affirmative, it must be stated that lessons were drawn from the
experience of Germany, as led by Friedrich List in its approach for political and economic
integration. It is believed that the approach employed in the German economic integration relates
to Africa. The conclusion of the document is that the goal for African unity does not need steps
but rather a well tailored approach to the needs of Africa.

Does the linear integration model of regional integration, based on the historical experience
of the European Union (EU), provides the best overall framework for advancing regional
integration in Africa.
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2 DOES THE LINEAR INTEGRATION MODEL OF REGIONAL INTEGRATION,
BASED ON THE HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (EU),
PROVIDES THE BEST OVERALL FRAMEWORK FOR ADVANCING REGIONAL
INTEGRATION IN AFRICA.
Neo-colonialism is based upon the principle of breaking up former large united colonial
territories into a number of small non-viable states which are incapable of development and must
rely upon the former imperial powers for defence and internal security (Nkrumah 1965). In an
attempt to entrench Africa’s position in world politics and economics there was a consensus on
the unification of the continent, which required the economic integration of Africa. (McCarthy
2007) The central tenet of this thinking was a perceived need to catch up with the developed
world and to do so by using market integration as the solution to the problem of small markets
and scarcity of resources of balkanised countries brought about by the artificial borders of
imperial design. The Organisation for African Unity arose out of the need to establish a political
union of all African states. On the question of how to achieve this political union there were two
approaches; there were those like Kwame Nkrumah, the president of Ghana, who called for the
immediate creation of a united states of Africa while other leaders such as Julius Nyerere, the
president of Tanzania, called for gradual approach by focusing on the creation of regional
federated groups (Kwesi Prah and Tegegne Teka 2003). The ambition of African leaders to
integrate Africa, and to develop the continent through import substitution industrialisation, was a
key feature of the immediate post-colonial period and provided the rationale for the Lagos Plan
of Action (LPA) in 1980. Subsequent to the LPA was the Abuja Treaty in 1991. As a result of
failing to achieve political unity which directly affected the progress on economic integration
and security stability there was Sirte Declaration in 1999. The LPA and the Abuja Treaty are
earnests efforts of hope in the gradual approach to integration by African leader, however Sirte
Declaration rather than being a catalyst to the integration, the declaration was a rhetoric in that,
as Kwesi Prah and Tegegne Teka argues (2003), although the Sirte Declaration put the idea of
the AU and the Pan African Parliament ahead of the other institutions, it still argued that the
strengthening and consolidation of these regional bodies was to be the “pillar” for achieving the
AU. This approach in itself also did not represent the departure from the past because creating
the AU on the “pillars” of the “regional economic communities, when in fact they were not even

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Sinethemba Msomi
“communities, was to carry forward myths of the failed experiment of “gradualism” advocated
by the Monrovia Camp of the 1960’s. Following the Sirte Declaration was the launch of NEPAD
in 2002, there are many dynamics surrounding the establishment of NEPAD. Suffice to employ
the words Kwesi Prah and Tegegne Teka (2003) on this regard, that, NEPAD is a top-down
document and that it is externally oriented in that it does not seriously address internal resource
mobilisation for its implementation. Indeed, some African leaders such as President Muammar
Gaddaffi of Libya, have openly criticised NEPAD on the grounds that it is a Western-inspired
programme that aims to undermine African Unity African Values. Such views on NEPAD inter
alia are informed by sentiments such as that of the than Canadian Trade Minister
Pierre Pettigrew, at a press appearance in Johannesburg on the 20th of November 2002 when he
was quoted saying “If we, both Canadians and Africans, allow NEPAD to falter, we risk
sacrificing the only initiative that has the prospect of retaining international engagement in
support of Africa. Mr Mbeki would fully be aware of the views of the G8 since he was ar
kananaskis”. Thus far the focal point has been on illustrating that the ideal of economic unity is
alive and finds expression in the sense that the small size of African economies necessatitated the
formation of larger economic blocs. For instance, in the LPA the point of departure was that the
framework for industrialisation will be provided by regional integration that would provide the
eventual building blocs of a united African economy. The fundamental question that needs to be
answered is whether the approach adopted can adequately respond to the dilemma of
development in many African countries.
The African ideal is that of linear market integration. The starting point is usually a free trade
area, followed by a customs union, a common market, and then the integration of monetary and
fiscal matters to establish an economic union. The achievement of a political union features as
the ultimate objective in many African regional integration agreements. World Trade
Organisation (2011) states: this strategic plan (referring to the Regional Indicative Strategic
Development Plan (RISDP) of 2003) articulates the roadmap for SADC’s integration and
provides for the establishment of a free trade area by 2008, a customs union in 2010, a common
market in 2015, monetary union in 2016 and the introduction of a single currency in 2018.
Although the RISDP is not a legally binding instrument, it enjoys significant political legitimacy
and is recognised as the strategic plan for SADC’s integration. The linear approach was also

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Sinethemba Msomi
adopted by the East African Community (EAC), established in 1997 and also by ECOWAS in
West Africa. The linear integration model of regional integration is based on the historical
experience of the European Union (EU). Ha Joon Chang (2003, 2007) presents a historical
evidence to explain one phenomenon —economic development—with another that co-existed
with it—protectionism. Thus African policy makers should in considering emulation of the
European integration path take cognisance of the fact that the EU commenced its integration
efforts as a group of industrialised countries that could reap the static and dynamic benefits of
market integration. The capacity to manufacture a wide range of goods existed; in countries that
were devastated by the Second World War the capacity to produce was rebuilt in a relatively
short period of time (McCarthy 2008). According to the WTO (2011) more than 80 percent of
Africa’s exports are still destined for outside markets, with the European Union (EU) and the
United States accounting for more than 50 percent of this total. Asia, and China in particular, are
also important export markets for African countries and RECs. At the same time, Africa imports
more than 90 percent of her goods from outside the continent, despite resource endowments
which provide the potential to supply her own import needs. Over the 2000 to 2009 period, intra-
REC exports within sub-Saharan Africa accounted for an average of 9.7 percent of total exports
in SADC, 5.3 percent in COMESA, 19.8 percent in the EAC, 8.8 percent in ECOWAS, and 0.8
percent in ECCAS. However, in each REC, one or a few countries dominated exports: in SADC,
62 percent of exports came from South Africa; in COMESA, 67 percent of exports came from
four countries – Kenya (27 percent), Egypt (18 percent), Uganda (10 percent), and Zambia (10
percent); in the EAC, 73 percent of exports came from Kenya; in ECOWAS, 77 percent of
exports came from two countries – Nigeria (45 percent) and Côte d’Ivoire (32 percent); and in
ECCAS, 64 percent of exports came from Cameroon.13. From the report of the World Trade
Organisation it can be inferred that Africa is still a colony that feeds the industries of the West
with raw materials; the disappointing intraregional trade in Africa highlights the lack of
economic development, equally the domination of certain countries in the trade activities alludes
to the fact that countries that were relatively poor economically are still in that subordinate
position and those like South Africa are still relatively dominant. In addition it also reflects long-
standing problem of overlapping trade agreements that have different commitments. This
hampers trade flows by raising the costs involved for traders in meeting multiple sets of trade
rules and gives rise to inconsistencies in the rules and procedures applied by the different trade

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Sinethemba Msomi
agreements, distorting regional markets and causing severe problems of effective implementation
(World Bank. 2012). Finally the underdevelopment of both hard and soft infrastructure. What
needs to be establish is if there is a link between market integration and the building of capacity
to produce tradable goods. In the context of regional integrations there is a common rationale
which is true, that investment is necessary for building capacity to produce tradable goods,
consequently investment is expected to be attracted by the favourable circumstances of a larger
market and more competition, the lowering of transactions cost of trade, a whole range of
political benefits such as bringing discipline to governance, improved policy credibility by
locking in investment-favourable reforms, the maintenance and strengthening of democracy, a
reduction in friction between neighbouring states and the promotion of peace through deeper
arrangements to manage conflict between member states. Being a member of a regional
integration arrangement is also expected to strengthen the negotiation positions that a group of
countries can exert in international negotiations. These factors encourage investment by making
the market more attractive, improving the quality of governance and enhancing the credibility of
policy (McCarthy 2008). On the contrary Schiff and Winters (2003: 115) argue that although the
effect on investment could be positive “general policy reforms such as sound macroeconomic
policies, well-defined property rights, and efficient financial and banking sectors are likely to be
far more important in influencing investment and FDI than merely joining an regional integration
agreements. McCarthy (2008) entrenches this view of Schiff and Winters by stating that,
Observing investment behaviour world-wide it is difficult not to observe that national policies
and circumstances are the deciding factor and not the membership of a regional integration
arrangement. In the EU, Ireland, Spain and Portugal decidedly benefited as far as investment is
concerned from their EU membership but it cannot be denied that their domestic policies allowed
them to derive the integration benefits. Unambiguously the phenomenon of economic
development/industrialisation co-existed with the
phenomenon of protection policies, as indicated by Ha Joon Chang. There is no historical
evidence of the phenomenon of economic-development/industrialisation co-existing with
regional integration in the European experience. Rather linear integration model as adopted in
Europe serve to resuscitate industries on the verge of collapsing in the post second world war
epoch. It can be contended that the market integration of small economies can be a futile

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Sinethemba Msomi
exercise: McCarthy (2008) If you integrate very small economies you may still end up with an
integrated market that is small by world standards. If as by magic the SSA economy should
become a single market overnight its GDP (US$713 billion in 2006) will be about that of the
Netherlands (US$662 billion in 2006), which is one of the smaller EU member states and in the
European context hardly a market from which you would expect scale economies for the sake of
rapid industrial growth. The SADC GDP (US$380 in 2006) is about the size of the Belgian
economy (US$394 billion in 2006). Nevertheless, over the whole range of manufactured or
processed products there are opportunities to increase production and lower average cost of
production by integrating even small economies which should not be ignore. The case of
Germany makes a compelling argument for the African ideal of a united Africa. Like Africa, the
nation state that is now known as Germany in 1789 consisted of about 314 separate German
political entities which comprised the corpus Germanicorum (body of the Germanies). Political
unification was served by focusing on the economic goal of establishing a customs union in a
sequenced process that covered aspects of economics, politics and political economy, starting
with economic integration (McCarthy 2008). In the process of achieving this economic infant
industry protection policies were employed, as led by the German Economist Friedrich List. The
views of List on the infant industry argument are more related to the African goal of economic
development through regional integration; worth more than ordinary consideration is that the
protectionism applied in Germany were tailored to fit to the needs specific to the economic
circumstances of Germany. McCarthy (2006, 2007, 2008) suggests as part of the process of
moving away from the linear integration that consideration should be given to more functional
approaches to regional integration and cooperation; the development of regional trade in services
can make a valuable contribution to development and to the building of capacity to produce
tradable good. A perfect examples of such cooperation’s is South African agencies Lesotho
could benefit from developing and marketing Lesotho as a scenic mountain holiday destination
as part of a package that attracts tourists to a destination that integrates Lesotho and the north-
western region of South Africa’s Free State Province and the Drakensberg region of the province
of Kwazulu-Natal, both regions with high tourist potential.

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CONCLUSION
The purpose of this document is to discuss whether it is appropriate to follow Europe and adopt
what can be described as the linear model of regional market integration in African regional
economic integration. The objective of the study is to contrast the circumstances under which
the linear integration model was employed in Europe against the circumstances it is being
applied in Africa. The success of European integration does not go without recognition and can
be regarded as a textbook model of linear integration. Worth more than ordinary consideration is
that any attempt to replicate the linear integration model is being oblivious to the two differences
circumstances the model is being applied to. It is a fallacy for African leaders to employ the
linear integration because it worked in Europe and therefore it will work in Africa. Rather there
are sound reasons why African leaders must replicate the approach of Germany in integrating its
economy. Overall the key point that must be stated is that integration of economies works to
strengthen national economies, on the other side the national economy is developed by the
country’s ability to attract investments. The ability to attract investments assists in building
capacity to produce tradable goods, consequently promoting trade, depends on the economic
policies of the country. It is important to remember that Africa for years has been a subordinate
of white domination; therefore an economic programme must break the shackles of neo-
colonialism that have tied African resources to the western world, which continues to loot
Africa’s resources and create conflicts in the process, Fragmentation is part and parcel of
“marginalisation”.

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REFERENCES
Chang, HJ. 2003. Kicking away the ladder. The “real” history of free trade
Chang, H, 2007. Bad Samaritans the myth of free trade and the secret history of capitalise.
:Bloomsbury Press
Kwesi, P., Tegegne, T (eds), 2003. Chasing Futures Africa in the 21st century-problems and
prospects
McCarthy, and K. Shades (eds), (2007) Monitoring Regional Integration in Southern Africa, Vol
7. Stellenbosch: Tralac.
McCarthy, C.2008. The road map towards monetary union in Southern Africa- is the European
experience commandable and replicable? Third Annual Garnet conference, September 2008:
Bordeaux.
Nkrumah, K.. 1965. NEO-COLONIALSIM: The last stage of imperialism. London: Thomas
Nelson and Son Ltd
Schiff Maurice & Winters Alan L., 2003. Regional Integration and Development, Washington
D.C.: The World Bank
World Bank. 2012. De-fragmenting Africa: deepening regional trade integration in goods and
services. Washington, DC: World Bank.
World Trade Organisation.2011. Regional Integration in Africa. Tralac: Trudi Hartzenberg

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