1.
Historical overviewof women'smovementinPakistan
BeginningsandEvolution:1940-1977
Anydiscussionof the historical developmentof aparticularsocial movementmustaddressthe class
structure of thatmovement.The originsof the women'sin Pakistancanbe tracedback to the pre-
independenceperiodwhenbourgeoiswomenconstitutedavocal elementinthe anti-colonial struggle
as well asinthe Pakistanmovement.(3) Theirinvolvementledtoarecognitionof theircontributionby
Jinnahwhomade a strong pleaforthe removal of constraintsagainstwomen.Asearlyas1944 he stated
that: "Nonationcan rise to gloryunlessyourwomenare side byside withyou.We are victimsof evil
customs.It isa crime againsthumanitythatourwomenare shut up withinthe fourwallsof the house as
prisoners.There isnosanctionanywhere forthe deplorable conditioninwhichourwomenhave tolive.
You shouldtake yourwomenalongwithyouas comradesineverysphere of life.(4)
Viewingthe independentstate of Pakistanasessentiallyasecularstate,Jinnahassertedthatwomen
had claimstothe same rightsas didminorities,nationalitiesorotheroppressedgroupswithinthe
frameworkof a bourgeoisdemocraticstate.Evenatthisearlystage the mullahsopposedthe rightsof
womenandwere alsovehementlyopposedtothe creationof Pakistanjustifiedonthe groundsthatthe
Muslimsof Indiahad the rightsto a separate homeland.Voicingtheirtotal oppositiontothe creationof
Pakistan,theycalledJinnah"kafir"orunbelieverbecause of hissupportforasecularstate.(5)
Followingthe creationof Pakistan,womenrecognizedsome of theirdemandsthroughthe legal code.
Womenattainedvotingrights,andthe FamilyLawsOrdinance waspassedin1961. Underthislaw,
womenwere officiallyable toinheritagricultural property(inconsonance withIslamiclaw),second
marriageswere made contingentuponagreementbythe firstwife,divorce wasmade more difficultfor
the male,womenattainedthe righttoinitiate divorce forthe firsttime,anda systemof registrationof
marriageswasalsointroduced.
By virtue of the familylawcomingintoeffectthe rightsof educatedpoliticallyaware womenwere
safeguarded.However,thislawdidnotpenetrateveryfar.Workingclasswomeninthe urbanareas
were onlymarginallyable tobenefitfromit.The conditionof rural womenisolatedastheywere from
the political scene andfromthe centerof organizational activity,continuedprettymuchasbefore.A
fewwomen'sorganizationsexistedatthistime.Theycanbe roughlydividedintotwocategories:
charitable women'sorganizationsandorganizationsrunbyprogressive women.The mostwellknown
amongthe formercategorywasthe All Pakistan-Women'sAssociation(APWA),among the latter,
Anjuman-e-JamhooriatPasandKhawateen.Althoughthereexistedabasicdifference amongthe twoin
that APWA wasan associationof upper-classwomenprovidingservicesforwomenfromlesswell-off
socio-economicstrata,whereasthe Anjumancontainedasitsmemberswomenfrommore diverseclass
backgrounds,the latterwasneverreallyable totake off.My sense isthatone of the contributing

2.
reasonsforthe failure of the Anjumanwasthatitfailedtoconsciouslyseparate women'sissuesfrom
those of peace,social inequality,etc.Beingcloselylinkedinitsleadershiptothe pro-Moscow
CommunistParty,theyfailedtodevelopanindependentpositiononwomen.The dominantpatternof
workamong publiclyknownwomen'sorganizationscame tobe social work-charitable organizations.By
and large,these groupsreflectedtheirclassposition:altruismcombinedwithreforms,reformsimposed
fromthe top,changingthe systemtomake it bearable butwithoutfundamentallytransformingreality
or evendirectlyconfrontingthe inequitiesextantinit.
Duringthe regime of ZulfiquarAli Bhutto,the 1973 Constitutiongrantedwomenrightsincluding
educationtoall rural andurban women.Thiswasalsothe periodthatsaw the mushroomingof leftwing
political partiesandavarietyof women'sgroupsinthe professions,trade unions,andstudent'sgroups.
Womendidnot feel threatenedbyBhuttohence theychose toexploitthe favorable environmentto
pushfor an extensionof women'srightswithinthe frameworkof the state.
An exceptionwasthe role playedbywomeninthe 1977 campaignagainstBhutto.Bourgeoiswomenled
thismovement,notprotestingthe abrogationof democraticrightsbythe regime (acriticismwhich
manyleftgroupsand the national minoritiesleviedagainsthim),butmountingaright-wingopposition
to hiseconomicpoliciesandthe inflationaryimpactontheirdwindlingincomes.
In 1980 womenemergedagainonthe politicalscene.Thistime,however,the organizationsthatmoved
to the forefrontare qualitativelydifferentintheiremphasis,activitiesandapproach.Thischange
partiallyreflectsthe nature of the transformationof women'sstatusandsocio-economicinvolvementin
the societyandto the transformationof the Pakistani state.
Transformationof the Women'sMovement
The transformationinthe women'smovementisdirectlyconnectedwithpolitical processesinthe
country,as well asthe transformationof the classstructure.What thismeansisthat twoparallel
developmentshave occurred.Firstgiveneconomictrendsinthe countryamiddle classdevelopedwhich
has become dependentonwomenenteringthe workforce.Thiswasparticularlycritical inthe urban
areas,where traditionallymiddle classfamilieshadbeenloathe tosee theirwomenstepoutsidethe
house.Second,the increasingholdof the leftwhichdrew greatnumbersof menandwomenintothe
political process,ledtothe spontaneousmassmovementthatcame intobeingtowardsthe close of
AyubKhan'srule.Boththese trendsmeantthatwomenengagedinpolitical processesinwhichtheyhad
not previouslyparticipated.
The late sixtiesandearlyseventiessawablossomingof intellectual thoughtandgrass-rootspolitical
organization,albeitinembryonicform.Womeninlarge numbersjoinedthe professionsandthough

3.
theirnumberswere relativelysmalltheymade significantprogress.Televisioninparticularbroke the
taboosgenerallyconnectedinPakistanisocietywithmusicandthe arts.College goingwomenwith
artistictalentstookadvantage of thisopportunityandbecame instrumental inportrayingadifferent
woman.
The mushroomingof left-wingpolitical partiesmainlyMaoistincharacter,tiedastheywere of the
workingclassandthe peasantry,drewintothe politicalarenawomenwhowere previouslytotally
dissociatedfromthisprocess.Notonlydidthisserve topoliticizemore womenthaneverbefore,butit
alsogave thembadlyneededorganisational experience.The firstmove againstwomenandthe political
partiescame shortlyafterZiacame to power.Attackswere mountedagainsttwogroups,bourgeois
political parties,andthe oppressed:workers,peasantsandwomen.Womenwere facedwithatwo-
prongedattack whichthreatenedtheiractive participationincivicsociety.Thisattackwaspartly
ideological,anatmosphere of hate beingcreatedagainstthemthroughstate andreligious
proclamations;andsecond,athreatto theireconomicinvolvementinthe workforce.Inresponse
womenrealizedthatitwasimperativethatthey organize andchallengethe regime.
NewOrganizational Formations
September1981 saw the birthof the Women'sActionForum(WAF),amass-basedpopularfrontof
manywomen'sorganizationsandconcernedindividuals.The catalystof WAFwasa Zinacase,where a
fifteenyearoldwomanwassentencedtofloggingbecauseof marryingaman of a lowerclass
backgroundcontrary to herparent'swishes.Thissentence triggeredaresponse amongwomen.Action
was necessaryasthiscase followedvariousotherattackson womenincludingprofessorsbeing
molested,womenbeingtorturedfortheirpolitical beliefsandaffiliations,restrictionsinstitutedagainst
theirprofessional activitiesandthe impositionof adresscode for female publicemployees.Itwasalso
recognizedthathelpcouldnotbe expectedfromotherquarters,eitherfromthe Movementfor
Restorationof Democracy(MRD) or the leftsince these groupswere fightingfortheirsurvival,andhad
not takenan active part infightingforwomen'srightsinearlier periods.
Womenrecognizedthatthiswasa fighttheymustleadthemselves,thatthe needwastoeducate each
otherand fightfortheirrightsto overcome previousinequalities.Createdinitiallybyprofessional,
middle classwomen,WAFreceivedthe endorsementof sevenwomen'sgroups.These groups,while
maintainingtheirindependentexistence,decidedtorallyunderWAF'sbannerina popularfront
dedicatedtoone commongoal:the achievementof basichumanrightsforall Pakistani women.These
rightsinclude education,employment,physical security,choiceof marital status,plannedparenthood
and non-discrimination.Recognizingthe enormityof the taskconfrontingthem, the organizers
proceededcautiously.Initiallytheydevotedtheirattentiontofightingtopreserve rightsunderattack
fromthe military.Giventheirlimitednumbersatthispointalobbyingcum-pressure groupapproach
was used.The firstactionundertakenwasanational signature campaignbasedonfive issuesaffecting

4.
women.Overseventhousandsignatureswere collectedbetweenOctoberandDecember1981, and the
documentwaspresentedtothe Zia-ul-Haq.
Realizingthatthe state waslikelytoconcede onlytokendemandstothemif theylimitedtheiractivities
to submittingpetitions,WAFdecidedtobroadenitsbase.Towardsthisend,inJanuary1982, the Karachi
chapterof WAForganizeda twoday symposiumon"HumanRightsandPakistani Women"while
simultaneouslyrunningworkshopsoneducation,law,consciousness-raisingandhealth.Thiswasmerely
the firstof a seriesof symposiaandworkshopsheldonawide varietyof topicsof interesttowomenin
EnglishandUrdu as well assome of the regional languages.
WAF alsobeganto reachout to minoritiesaswell astoworkingclasswomen.Theirpanelsand
workshopsreflectedtheirseriousnessandincludedsuchtopicsasinflation,crimesagainstwomen,
consumerconsciousness,andthe nationalityquestion.More recentlythere hasbeenconsiderable
discussioninthe organizationregardingorganizing,particularlyinareaswhere workingclasswomenare
concentrated.
While strivingtodeepenitsbase,WAFwasat the same time extendingit.October1981 saw the
creationof its secondchapterinLahore,the capital of the Punjabprovince.Thiswassoonsucceeded,by
one inIslamabad,andmore modestbeginningsinPeshawar,Bahawalpur,Lyallpur,andQuetta.Itwas
made clearthat anybodywhoso wishedcouldinitiate aWAFchapter,providedthattheywere willingto
adoptthe charterdrawn upby the Karachi chapter.The activitiesof eachnew chapterissubjectto
scrutinybythe twooldestchapters,i.e.,Karachi andLahore.If anydiscrepancyisnotedbetweenthe
activitiesof the local chapterandWAF's charter,the delinquentchapterissubjecttoexpulsion.
WAF's chaptersare also encouragedtoincorporate asmanywomen'sorganizationsaspossibleineach
area inorderto expandthe organization,facilitate coordination,avoidduplicationof effort,and
facilitate coalitionbuilding.WAFconsidersthe genderquestioncentral inthe formationof aunitedfront
for women.Theirpositionisthatwomenneedtoforma massorganizationtofightfortheirrights.In
theirattemptstorealize thisgoal,WAFconstitutesadynamicforce.Itsactivitiesare constantly
expanding,itsmembershipgrowing,andthe base expandingatan acceleratedpace.Byvirtue of this
dynamismWAFhasshownthat womenare indeedapowerful force inthe Pakistanipolitical scene.
WAF isalsoattemptingtostructure the organizationinsucha way that itremainsdemocraticallyopen.
Each chapter isfree to determinewhatitsorganizationalstructure shouldbe.Withinthe organization
representationandconsentof membersisgivenimportance,asisworkcontribution,ratherthanofficial
status.A workingcommittee handlesorganizational mattersconnectedwithdifferentchapters,and
each chapterhas a representative wheneverall the chaptersmeet.Intermsof itsstructure,
membershipandprogram,WAFrepresentsaradical departure frompreviouswomen'sgroups.

5.
WAF hasservedas a catalystfor othergroupsto become active onwomen'sissuesparticularlygroups
connectedwithbourgeoispolitical parties,e.g.,the Tehrik-e-Istiklal,aswell aswomen'sgroupswith
leftwingsympathies,e.g., the Tehrik-e-Niswan,andTehrik-e-Khawateen.ShortlyafterWAFemerged,its
successesbecame apparenttoall observersof the political scene.Bourgeoisandmiddle classwomen
were flockingtoWAF'smeetings,alarmedatthe turn of eventssince the militarytake-over.Among
WAF's membershipwere womenwithstrongconnectionstobourgeoispolitical parties,particularlythe
Tehrik-e-Istiklal,the protegeof AsgharKhan,a retiredarmedforcesofficer.Itiscommonlyfeltby
womenwithinWAFthatonce bourgeoispartiesrealizedthe political valueof women'smobilization,
theywishedtocapture the movementandutilizeitfortheirownpolitical advancementWAFmembers
withlong-standingpolitical experience recognizedthe dangerof havingwomen'sissuesagain made
subservienttoa broaderpolitical agenda,orappropriatedinafashionnotnecessarilyreflective of
women'sneedordemands.
Withinthe Lahore chapterwhere elementsfromthe bourgeoispolitical elementswere mostheavily
represented,andthe most politicallydevelopedmembershipexisted,thisresultedinconflictwithinthe
organization.The netresultwasthatelementsconnectedwithbourgeoispolitical partiessplitoff from
the mainorganizationandcreateda separate chapterwhichtheycall WAF(democratic) asopposedto
the original groupwhichiscalledWAF(national).The lackof successof the splintergroupisevident
fromthe fact thattheyhave not had muchsuccessin mobilizingmore thanahandful of women.Thisis
not to suggestthatthe womeninvolvedinWAF(democratic) are notseriouslycommittedtowomen's
issues,butformanyof themthe issue issubservienttothe dictatesof theirpolitical partyaffiliations,or
it isa part-time involvement.The possibilitiesforanyseriousadvancementbythisgroupappearstobe
extremelylimited.
In contrast,otherwomen'sgroupsthat have emergedorbecome more active since the creationof WAF
constitute aleft-wingalternative andare the Tehrik-e-KhawateeninLahore.Eachgroup placesthe
women'squestionwithinthe overall frameworkof the classquestion,andinconsequence primarily
focuson those sectorswithwhomthe lefthastraditionallyworked,i.e.,workingwomen,the peasantry,
and students.Theyhave shownvaryingdegreesof successinmobilizingthesesectorsof the population.
Aroundsome eventstheyhave alsoshownawillingnesstocooperate withWAF.Particularlyinthe case
of Tehrik-e-Khawateen,theyhave hada positive effectinorganizingrural womenandinpullingWAF
furtherto the left.The interactionof these groupswithWAFhasbeenprincipledinthattheyhave not
attemptedtotake overthe organisation.Theycontinue tocarryon theirownactivities,andwhenever
specificeventswarrant,cooperatewithWAFtomaximize the impactof theirworkandpreventafurther
deteriorationinwomen'ssituation.Unlike the bourgeoisgroupswhichsplitoff fromWAF,these latter
groupsare engagedinindependentwork.

6.
ClassStructure Withinthe Women'sMovement:Shiftsandimplications.
In the earlyyearsof Pakistanfewwomenwere gainfullyemployedinthe formal sector.Thispicture has
beenradicallytransformedlargelyasthe consequence of amodernistdevelopmentalpolicypriortothe
currentregime where womenenteredschoolsandcollegesandlearnedskilledtrades.The extensionof
educationandskillsmeansthatlarge numbersof middleclasswomenare now gainfullyemployed.This
has notnecessarilyresultedinanimprovementof theirpositionwithinthe household,where theyare
still expectedtoperformdomesticlabor(unlesstheyare privilegedenoughtohire otherstotake over
thistask).For the educated,skilledwomanworker,however,ithasmeanta certaindegree of
heightenedawareness.Itisfromthissectorthat the leadershipof the women'smovementcomes,and
it isalsothe sector fromwhichmostWAF recruitsare coming.There is,however,the informal sectorof
the economyinwhichwomenare alsoemployedinlarge numberssuchasdomestics.
Traditionally,there hasbeenafairdegree of independence amongthesewomenfromtheirmenfolk,
partlyinconsequence of the depressedconditionsof theirfamilies.Like the Blacksinthe UnitedStates,
manyof the malesinthese familieshave hadtoleave the household forextendedperiodstoseek
employmentelsewhere.The womenare leftbehindtomanage andinthe processlearnand acquire a
certaindegree of militancyandconsciousnessregardingtheirownsituations,whichisimpossible to
entirelyeliminateuponthe returnof male familymembers.
There isa thirdcategoryof womenemerging,i.e.,the wivesof laborerswhohave gone toworkinthe
Middle East.Like the womendiscussedabove,one wouldexpecttosee radical changesoccurinthe
demeanorof these women. Todate verylittle workhasbeendone examiningwhatthe nature of these
changesare.One cannot automaticallyassume thattheywill acquirethe same consciousnessastheir
counterpartsdiscussedabove.Thisispartiallymitigatedbythe material well-beingof these families.
Rural womenvarydramaticallyfromtheirurbancounterparts.Evenwithinthiscategory,however,there
isadditional variationdependinguponwhetherwomencome fromsettledagriculturalareasorare
locatedinthe tribal economy. Furtherdifferentiationoccursdependingupontheirrelationtoproperty.
Rural womeninsettledagricultural settingshave traditionallyenjoyedgreatermobilitythantheirurban
counterparts.Thisisprimarilythe consequence of theiractive andprolongedparticipationinthe labor
force.It isalsoa functionof the lackof supportforfundamentalistsinthe countryside.Government
statisticstotallyoverlookwomen'slaborforce participation,since datagatherershave traditionally
reliedonmalestocollectmaterial,intermsof critical decisionsof marriage,divorce andeducation,
however,womenremainthe victimsof male prejudice andcontrol.Withinthe rural economyasinthe
urban,middle classwomenhave beensociallythe mostrepressed.Affluence toamiddle classrural
familyisoftendisplayedbyputtingtheirwomenfolkbehindthe "veil".Inadheringtothiscustom,
upwardlymobile familiesare merelyduplicatingthe feudalformsstillobservableinPakistani society
wherebywomenof landedfamilieswere keptcloistered.Changesare occurringinall three categories
and all are part andparcel of radical rural transformationthathasbeenoccurringsince the late fifties.

7.
Agrariantransformationhasmeanta steadilydeterioratinglife stylefor the vastmajorityof rural and
urban dwellersincludinganincreaseddependence onthe market.Thisinturnhas meantan increased
workloadforwomeninthe rural sector.With the introductionof new crops,womenare productively
employedinsectorswhich were previouslyunavailable tothem.Agrarianchange hasalsomeantthat
certaintypesof jobspreviouslyavailable towomenare beingeliminatedbecause of the penetrationof
urban marketsintothe countryside.Thiscontradictorydynamichasmeantthatwomen'sliveshave
become harder.Theyhave hadto adjustto changesinproductive employment,andoftenhave hadto
bearthe bruntof havinghouseholdstornasunderbecause of migrationbyone ormore household
memberstothe city.
At the level of social relations,urbaninfluencescanbe clearlyseeninthe villages.These are reflected
not justinsuperficial changes,e.g.clothing,butalsoinattitudestowardseducationortravel bywomen.
Traditional religiousinfluencesof Islamicorthodoxymeanvery little tothe vastbulkof the rural peasant
populace.While spendingtime inrural areasof Pakistan,one isstruckby the fact that, particularly
amongthe landless,mostfamiliestrytoeducate theirwomenif facilitiesare readilyavailable.Taboos
still existprohibitingwomenfromgoingawaytoschool and economicrealitiesmake thisimpossibility
evenwhenthe will exists.
There existsintoday'sPakistanthenone general trendthatunitesthe urbanandrural areas.This isthe
overall deteriorationinthe economicwellbeingof large segmentsof itspopulation.Thisisexpressedby
a concentrationof economicresourcesinthe rural areasand inflationaryinfluencesinthe cities.Both
these trendsmeanthatwomenhave towork forwagesand theirmenfolk,whethertheylike itornot,
have to acknowledge the necessityof femaleparticipationinthe laborforce.The latterdoesnotof
course meanthat these same individualsacceptthisasnecessarilyleadingtothe emancipationof
women.Onthe contrary,it ispreciselyamongsegmentsof the populationhardesthitbyeconomic
recessionthatIslamicideologyservesasa useful tool.
As inthe developmentof anyfasciststate elementsof these classesespeciallyinthe urbanareasprove
the most likely recruits.Itremainsuptoforcesopposedtothe developmentof fascistideology,whichin
Pakistan'scase fundamentalistIslamicIdeologyservestoreinforce,toworkto preventthat.Andthe
women'smovementhasshownitself capableof takingonthatchallenge.Obviously,itstill hasalong
wayto go. It isno coincidence thatthe women'smovementhasgone throughanenormous
transformationinthe classbasisof itsmembers.Thisiscertainlytrue of groupssuch as Tehrik-e-
Khawateen,butitalsoapplies tothe Women'sActionForum.The shiftinthe classcompositionof the
women'smovementhasimportantimplicationsforthe directionittakes.Itmeansthataltruisminno
longeronthe agendaand issuesof equality,secularismanddemocraticrightshold the centerstage.
There are variouslimitationsthatdostill existinthe movement.Forexample,there isconstantconflict
amongmembersrepresentingdifferentclassinterestandcontinueddebatesaboutdirectionandtactics.

8.
Oftenthese debatestendto be resolvedinwayslookedaskance atbywomenwhobelongtoleft
parties,butthe debateshave the potential of movingthe movementfurthertothe left.
There isan attemptby the regime anditsproponentsinthe mediatoportray the movementasthe
creationof a handful of western-educatedwomenhavingnorootsintheirownculture.Thischarge has
failedtotake holdinpopularperceptionbothbecause the women'smovementtodayisdeeply
embeddedinourownreality,andalsobecause mostpeopleview womenasbeingactivelyengagedin
struggle againstthe forcesof repression.Whetherthisperceptioncontinueswilldependonhow fast
and howdeeplythe movementisable toincorporate womenof the mostrepressedeconomicclasses
and become whatitpurports to strive for– a mass movement.
The women'smovementinitscurrentphase:achievementsandlimitations
What doesall thisamountto? What has thisreconstitutedwomen'smovement,spearheadedbyWAF,
accomplishedandwhere isitheaded?There isnosimple answertothis:the accomplishmentsmustbe
seenintermsof both the short-runandthe long-term;similarly,the limitations.Initsbattle withthe
regime,the women'smovementsuperficiallyappearstohave lostmore oftenthatithas won.Two
hundredwomendemonstratedinLahore inFebruary1983 againstthe proposedchangesinthe Law of
Evidence.Atleasttwentyof the participantswere injuredintheirclashwiththe police,andanother
thirtyarrested.Despite thisdemonstrationandsupportwomen gotfrommen,the proposedchanges
were neverthelessrammedthroughthe assemblylessthanamonthlater.Since thenwomenwere able
to pressure Ziafromsigningthe lawintoeffect.Inthe winterof 1984, however,the Law of Evidence was
finallyputinto effect.
Similarlyintheirattemptstopreventfloggingsof women,aswell astopressure the regime tosend
womenathletestointernationalsportsevents,theywere unsuccessful.The move toinstitute separate
universitiesforwomenandthe dismantlingof the FamilyLawsOrdinance of 1961 have bothbeen
temporarilyshelved,butindicationsare thatthe regime istoreopenthese mattersandina form
opposedbyWAFand otherwomen'sgroups.The movementhashadtwomainvictoriesinits
confrontationwith the regime:the firstinthe removal of IsrarAhmedfromtelevision,althoughhe still
continuestoholdhispostas a memberof Zia'sConsultativeCouncil.
The secondis the case where womenfroma small rural townwere publiclyinsultedandsubjectedto
indignitiesatthe handsof a local propertiedfamily.Inthiscase,the regime saw fittoprosecute the
family.Inboththese instancesthere isasimilarity:particularindividualsare dispensable,butthe overall
policiesandpositionsvis-à-viswomen remainunchanged.

9.
From othervantage pointsthe gainsof womenseemfairlysubstantial.One canexamine these interms
of the specificorganizationsconcerned,suchasthe WAF,as well asin termsof the maturationof the
women'smovement.Womenhave,for the firsttime,organizedinawaythat makestheman important
force withwhichanypolitical groupinPakistanwill have tocontend.Theyhave brokenoutof the old
patternof paternalismandcharitable workthatcharacterizedpreviousorganizations.Theyhave
initiatedaprocessof education,organizationandinformational workthatwill leave amarkon women
regardlessof whetherWAFsurvivesornot.WAFas the keyexpressionof the women'smovementhas
steadilybeenbroadeninganddeepeningitsbase of support.Indoingso,theyhave beenconsciousthat
it isnot sufficienttomerelycritique the regimeonthe groundsitsets,butto deal withissuesthat
immediatelytouchthe livesof average Pakistaniwomanwhose concernsare notwithuniversitiesor
women'sinvolvementinsports.
TowardsthisendWAF has initiateddiscussionsontopicsof more immediate concern;childlabor,
growingnarcoticsuse,scarcityof publicservices,andcrimesagainstwomen.Theyhave initiatedserious
researchon the statusand conditionof womeninordertoconcretize theirpositionandactivities.They
have continuedtopubliclydemonstrate theiroppositiontothe currentregime.Towardsthisendthey
have blitzedthe mediawitharticles,comments,inquiries,andinsodoinghave recruitedmore andmore
womenintotheirranks,aswell asgainedincreasingsupportamongmen.The latterreflectstheirability
to make the women'sissue acentral one,andtheircapacity to relate itto otherprogressive causes.
Theyhave pavedthe way towardsnon-sectarianismandshownthatdespitethe currentrepressive
environment,massorganizingisnotonlypossible,butnecessary.
Unlike the bourgeoispoliticalparties,theyhave notmaintainedahighlyskewedorganizational
structure.Learningfromtheirexperienceswithleftgroupstheyhave recognizedthe needtoproceed
stepby stepandto keeppace withrealityatall times.The task of organizingwomenismuchmore
difficultthanthatof organizingeitherworkersorpeasants.Inthe formercase one has to struggle
againsteconomicforcesaswell asthe social taboosagainstchangingmany elementsthatdirectlyaffect
women'slives.The desire of WAFtoconstitute amass force can be seenasa consequence of the nature
of the questionstheyare addressingandasa consequenceof the lessonslearnedfromthe pastwhere
too oftengroupsisolatedthemselvesfromthe bulkof the populationbecause of the rigidpositionsthey
took.Such rigidityoftenledtothe degenerationof differences topersonal squabbles,factionalization
and stagnation.
We have earlieralludedtothe opennature of the women'smovement,drawingwomenfromall classes.
Thisphenomenahasbeenanintegral partof the movement,althoughthere isnotalwaysagreement
betweenthe womenwhobelongtothe olderwomen'sgroups,e.g.,APWA (whichhave astrongupper
classbias) and some WAFmemberswhohave eitherjustenteredthe political scene,orhave had
previousexperience withdifferentleftgroups.Althoughthusfarall these variousgroupshave worked
well together,itispossible thatthere maybe a partingof the wayswhenandif more radical elements
begintopushfor changesthat linkclassand gender,directlyconfrontIslamicideology,andseekmeans

10.
of struggle outside formalstructures.Eventhoughsuchadivisionmaynotbe immediateitseventuality
mustbe borne inmind.
EvenwithinWAFdifferentchaptersare incrediblyunevenintheirmembershipandthisunevennessis
reflectedintheirwork.WAF'sLahore chapterisby farthe mostpoliticallyadvancedandmore willingto
take action thanotherchapters.In thistheyare assistedbythe presence of Tehrik-e-Khawateen,which
sharestheirmilitancy.Thisunevennessisbeingresolvedasthe activitiesof one chapterbecomesan
example toothers.Karachi WAFrecentlyorganizeditsfirstdemonstrationandmanyof itsmembersfeel
more confidentnowof engaginginsimilaractionsinthe future.
Since the organizationisdynamicandgrowing,new recruitssometimeshinderprogress.Thismeans
that the organizationisalwaysengagedinstruggle of the more politicallyconsciousmembersagainst
those lessso,the more militantmembersagainstthose more trepeditious.Thisisanatural outcome of
organizingamovement,since all womendonotshare the same experiences,needs,and/orinterests,
theyhave varyingdegreesof commitment.Itistoosoonto know whichtendencieswill win,butequally,
it istoo soonto start boycottingthe movementbecause itsmostwell-knownorganizationhasnotgone
far enough.
As statedearlier,WAFadoptedanon-structuredapproachinitsorganization,membership,and
parliamentaryprocedureswithinthe organization.Boththese factorshave hadtheirnegativeelements:
consensual decision-makingoftenpreventsseriousdebateof the issuesparticularlywhensuchavariety
of opinionsandclasscategoriesisrepresented.ForWAFithas oftenmeantwafflingonwhetherornot
to recognize Zia'sregime aslegitimate,whethertodirectattacksagainstit or to appeal toit, whetherto
pose the questionof women'soppressioninPakistanasbeingdirectlylinkedtoIslamicideology,or
whethertotry and reformulate Islamicdiscourse soasto appeal throughitfor the improvementof
women'srights.
On the matterof centralizationof authoritywithinthe organization,itisgenerallyfeltthatthisissue has
beenresolvedbyleavingituptoindividualchapterstoarrive at theirownresolutionof the matter.Itis
interestingtonote that the chaptermostoftenaccusedof this,i.e.,the Lahore chaptercontinuestobe
the one most active,andmostswiftinitsactions.It isalso the firstchapterthat has sufferedasplit.The
balance betweendemocracyandcentralismisatrickyone,and undoubtedlythe scalestiltinone
directionoranotherfromtime to time.Withinthe structure of WAF,however,one seesthisasless
likelytohappenif opendiscussionisencouraged.The process of electionswithinthe organizationisalso
designedtopreventthisfromhappening.
What unevennessandclassheterogeneitysuggestsisthatonce the regime beginstotake a more
antagonisticstandtowardsWAFand the general women'smovement,there is apossibilitythatthe
more uncertainelementswithinitwill fallaway.The extentof thisfallingawayisimpossible topredict,

11.
giventhata large sectionof the womeninvolvedhave hadnopreviouspolitical experience,and
therefore have notbeentested.There isnodoubt,however,thatsome womenwillleavewhohave
close tiestobureaucraticelementsandmore stake inthe system.Itsurbancharacter alsomeansthat
WAF andthe women'smovementhave notbeenable toreachrural women.Thisisa shortcomingthat
will be rectifiedasmore womenenterthe movementandadeliberate attemptismade tospreadinto
the countryside.Giventhe linkagesbetweenurbanworkersandtheirrural counterparts,itisexpected
that as workingclasswomenbecome more and more integrate intothe movementthislinkwillbe
strengthened.
Inherentinthe women'smovement,asinotherprogressiveformationspreviouslyexistinginPakistan,is
a tendencytowardstailism, i.e.,allowingthe directionof struggle tobe determinedbythe state.By
lettingthe regime setthe agenda,womenwillbe permittingthe forwardmotionof theiractivitiestobe
determinedbythe state andnot by theirowndefinition.The women'smovementtoocouldbecome
entrappedbythistendency.The more advancedelementsinthe movementseemtobe cognizantof
thispossibility,butthe newerrecruitsare sotiedintoday today reactionsto the military'spoliciesthat
the widerissuesandneedscaneasilybe lostsightof.Bylettingthe regime setthe agenda,womenwill
be permittingthe forwardmotiontobe determinedonthe termsof the state and not on theirown
definitionof whatneedstobe done.There isacritical need,therefore,while respondingtothe attacks
on womennotto letthisabsorball theirenergy.Italsoneedstobe keptin mindthatlegal rightsreally
meanverylittle tomostPakistani women.Transformingthatrealitynecessitateseducational and
informational workrootedinanautonomouswomen'smovement.WAFis,tosome extent,tryingto
deal withthisbysettinguplegal,publicityandresearchcellstoprovide additionalinformationand
infrastructural backupsupporttolendweighttothe importance of suchinformation.
Certainchapters,aswell asindividualswithinWAF,have stressedthe non-political characterof the
movement.Whatthismeansisnotbeingapolitical butunattachedorautonomousof anypolitical
formation.The assertionof beingnon-political hasservedthe organizationwell asatactical device.This,
combinedwiththe factthat the wivesof manyprominentbureaucratsandupperclassmalesare active
inits ranks,has contributedtothe regime allowingWAFtocontinue.However,thisassertiondoesnot
holdtrue for all women'sgroupsandthere are indications thatthisisafragile existence.The treatment
metedoutduringthe lastdemonstrationsindicate thatthe regime isbecominguncomfortable withthe
women'smovementandbeginningtosee itas a threat.Thisresponse isunavoidable if the movementis
to continue tobe dynamic.What thismeans,therefore,isthatthe movementmustlinkitscause with
the strugglesforhumanand democraticrightsof all Pakistanisorsuffersetbacksoverand overagain.It
isunreasonable toexpectthata regime whichsuppressesthe rightsof the bulkof the populationwill
grant themto women.Assoonas WAFopenlymakesthislinkage withotheroppressedgroupsitislikely
that the regime will banitfrommeetingpubliclyandlegally.However,unlessitmakesthisconnection,
the Women'sMovementwill ultimatelylosethe goodwill of othersectorsthatare alsoengagedina
struggle fortheirrights.
Conclusion:future directions

12.
Critical tothe successof the movementisthe mannerinwhichitis able tounderstandthe
contradictionsof the state and manipulate these toitsownadvantage,andintegrate the questionof
women'srightswithinthe broaderframeworkof dominationandsuppressionof oppressedclassesasa
whole.
In orderto undertake these tasks,womenmustengage inserioustheoretical workwherebytheycan
pinpointthe structure of the currentstate,the possibilitiesanddirectionof itstransformationaswell as
the causesof women'soppression.The analysisatthe level of the state involvesareadingof the
developmentandinstitutionalizationof the fasciststate,andfascistideology(cloakedinthe guise of
Islam),the local andinternational dimensionsof thisprocess,the locationof differentpolitical
formationsandsocial classesvis-a-visthese phenomena,andthe possible allieswithwhomwomencan
linkinfurtheringtheircause.Thislastis,Ibelieve,acrucial dimensionforwomentodayandintheir
future struggle.
The movementalsoneedstounderstandthe social andcultural rootsof women'soppression.Religionis
an additional factorinthisanalysis.Thisnecessitatestwothings:first,continuingasan autonomous
force (albeitself-consciouslylinkedtootheroppressedgroups),andamovementthatposesresolution
of itsprobleminoppositiontoIslamicdiscourse.The pointisnotto rejectIslambutto clearlystate that
the issue of women'srightsisa secularissue of humanrights.To continue the discussionwiththe
fundamentalistsregardingwhatisa"just"versusa repressive Islamistofall intoatrap that is beingset
for women:ano winsituation.Notonlyisthisanti-Islamstance doomedtofailure butinthe longrun
womenwill have contributedtothwartingareturnto democraticnormsand seculardiscussion.
Elementswithinthe movementare cognizantof thisproblembutsofarthe practice of WAF has been
not to take a position.
Anothermajorissue ishowto deal withthe regime.Manywomen,bothwithinthe Women'sAction
Forum,as well asthose connectedwithpartiesandorganizationsfurthertothe left,have criticizedthe
organizationforengaginginactivitieswheretheyappealedtoZia'sregime forabettermentof their
conditions,anddidnotdemandthattheybe giventhese rights.These criticsviewthe regime as
illegitimate,henceperceive nojustificationforgrantingitacertaindegree of legitimacy.Indicationsare
that WAFis changinginthisrespect.Forexample,astheirnumbershave grown,andtheyhave become
more confident,womenhave resortedlesstopetitions andmore todirectaction.
That womenhave gainednational attentioniswithoutdoubt.Whethertheywillbe able tocombine this
withfundamental change forall Pakistaniwomenisamore complicatedmatter.Inordertoaccomplish
thisthe movementmustavoidbecomingentrappedinIslamicistdiscourseandmustavoidlettingitself
be limitedtothe questionof legal rights.The latterrunsthe dangerof lettingboththe state and
bourgeoiselementswithinthe movementdetermine itstenor.Evenif theserightswere grantedthey

13.
meanverylittle inactuallytransformingthe realityof mostPakistaniwomen.Inordertoachieve real
change,therefore,formalismmustbe shed,andthiscan onlybe done if the agendaisset bythose
elementswithinthe movementthatare the mostadvancedand understandthe combinedeffectsof
gender,classandnational oppression.
The women'sstruggle inPakistanwill notbe wonovernight.Regardlessof whetherthe militaryregime
remainsorgoesit isa struggle thatwill continue.Socialrelationsof oppressioncannotbe easily
transformed.The proponentsof the women'smovement,must,therefore,prepareforanextended
struggle.Thistheycando if theydevelopthe organizational capacitytoface a future whentheyare no
longerpermittedtooperate legally,byforgingclose linkswiththe mostprogressive sectorsof the
societyandby maintainingtheirrelative autonomyonthe genderquestion.
Since August1983 the political situationhasundergoneaqualitativechange.WhenWAF initiatedits
workit was appropriate foritto maintainitsnon-political stand.However,itbecomesveryimportant
that WAFand the movementdevelopsome kindof workingrelationshipwiththe active struggle forthe
restorationof democraticrights.By so doingwomencanforce otherprogressive groupstoseriously
addressthe questionof women'srightsandwomenwillhave createdareservoirof goodwill thatwill
serve themincarryingtheirstruggle intothe future.Now andinthe future howeveritis vital thatthe
autonomyof the movementbe maintained.
The women'smovementisata crossroads.It can go further,remainconfinedtoalosingbattle withthe
state or run the danger of becomingco-optedbyit.Whichof these tendencieswinsdependson howthe
movementhandlesthe varioustheoretical,tactical andorganizationalquestionsaddressedearlier.It
alsodependsonotherprogressive groups.The women'smovementcannotgoit alone inchallengingthe
regime.Itisnecessaryforwomentounderstandthattheirissuesare notisolatedfromthose of other
segmentsof society.Thisunderstandingcanbe createdonlyif theyare willingtoengage inserious
dialogue andactionwithothergroups,andif womenare able to expandtheiractivitiestoaddressthe
needsandencourage the involvementof womenfromthe mostoppressedclasses.The corollaryof this
isthat progressive organizations,particularlyof the left,mustunderstandthatthe women'smovement
cannot developasfaror as fastas theymight like.There mustalsobe acertaindegree of understanding
that the relationshipbetweensuchanautonomousmovementandthe leftisnotan antagonisticone
but will serve tostrengthenbothforceswhichseektofightoppression.The needtherefore istoforge a
real alliance notmerelyone of appearances.
Womenhave takencertainpreliminarystepstowardsthis.Itnow remainsforotherprogressive
elementstojoinrankssothat a reconstitutedPakistanemerges,notmerelydemocratic,butaplace
where dominationandsubordinationbecomewordsone merelyencountersinhistorybooksasdoes
the mentionof militaryrule.

14.
Notes
(1) The U.S. can no longerutilize Iranasa source of control inthe area as it wasable to do duringthe
Shah'stime.Afghanistan, onthe otherhand,wasneverunderU.S.aegis.Howeversince the invasionof
Afghanistanbythe URSSany possibilityof change thatthe U.S. mighthave envisagedhasbeen
shattered.Italsomeansthat Pakistanhasacquireda statusas a front-line state, whichthe U.S.wishes
to use to stop"Sovietexpansionism".
That this"special"statuswill continuetobe attributedtoPakistanisof course questionable.Partlythis
will be determinedbythe internalconstellationof forceswithinPakistan,butanadditional factoristhe
outcome of Indianpoliticsinthe aftermathof IndiraGandhi'sassassination.
(2) Bothsecularismanddemocraticrightsare issues,the subversionof whichaffectsworkers,peasants,
the landless,women,minorities,andnationalities.Forthe bourgeoisclassesarestorationof these rights
meansa greaterdegree of share inpolitical powerandgreateraccessto decisionsdeterminingsurplus
distributionandappropriation;theirimmediatebeingandplacementinsocietyremainsrelatively
unchanged.
(3) Most of the Muslimwomeninvolvedinthisprocessdidnotworkindependentlyamongwomenbut
more oftenthannot alongside male familymembers.
(4) Quaid-e-Azam, MohammadAli Jinnah,AligarhUniversity,1944.
(5) Thistermsignifying"unbeliever"referstoJinnah'soppositiontoa theocraticstate of Pakistanas a
homelandof Muslims,butnotan Islamicstate (itself acontradictioninterms).Ithadalsoin the post-
partitionperiodprovidedthe basisforsuppressingthe rightsof the nationalities,inparticular,aswell as
of othersectorsof the populace.All Muslimreligiousleadersinthisperioddidnotoppose the creation
of Pakistanonthe same grounds.There wasa substantial segmentamongthem, ledbypeople like
Maulana Azad, whosaw the struggle asbeingprimarilyanti-British,anti-colonial,andnationalist(within
the contextof an unitedIndia).Similarly,the Khilafatmovementleadershipstruggledinananti-colonial
effort,andrefusedtorecognize the validityof anIslamicstate claimingthatthe "nation"of Islamwas
not a geographicallylocalizedentitybutratherthe world.Itisinterestingtonote thatthisposition
deniesthe rationale foratheocracysuchas isnow beingsupportedandpushedbymullahsinPakistan.
It isalso interestingtonote thatthishistoryof religiousoppositiontoPakistanonthese particular
groundsisrepressedinPakistanasisthe secularcharacter and democraticprogramfor an independent
PakistanenvisagedbyJinnah.Ingovernmentofficesintoday'sPakistan,Jinnah'spicture (whichone
alwayssawpresent) isoftenconspicuousbyitsabsence).

15.
References
Abbasi,M.B.(1980) SocioEconomic Characteristicsof WomeninSindh:issuesAffectingWomen's
Status.Karachi,Pakistan:Sindh Regional PlanOrganization.
Aguilar,Neuma(1983)."Researchguidelines:How tostudywomen'sworkinLatin America",
mimeograph.
Ahmad,Bashir(1983). "Womenandchildlabor",Viewpoint,April 14.
Albrecht,Herbert(1974).LivingConditionsof Rural FamiliesinPakistan.Islamabad,Pakistan:Embassyof
the Federal Republicof Germany.
Anjuman,JamhooriatPasandKhawateenn.d.HumAurayateen.Karachi,Pakistan:Kasre Zeenat.
Anwar,SeeminandFaizBilquisn.d."The attitudes,environmentandactivitiesof rural women:A case
studyof JhokSayal",mimeograph.
Appadorai,A.(1978). Statusof WomeninSouthAsia.Washington,D.C.: ZengerPublishingCompany.
Awais,Attiya(1982).Qur'an o Sunnat aur FiggaIslami ki Raushni mainAuratki Shahadataur diyyatka
masla.Karachi,Pakistan:ShobbaArabi Jamia.
Barrett,Michele (1980). Women'sOppressionToday:ProblemsinMarxistFeministAnalysis.London:
Verso.
Clark,Noreen(1977). Trainingprogramfor womeninPakistan.Islamabad,Pakistan:AsiaFoundation.
PunjabWomenLawyers'Association
Introduction

16.
The current women'smovementinPakistanhasbeeninstrumentalinthe emergence of women's
organizationsworkingforthe protectionof women'srights.Womenlawyershave beeninthe forefront
of thismovement.The PunjabWomenLawyer'sAssociationwasformedin1982, and has since then
playedanimportantrole inhighlightingthe majorproblemsconfrontingwomeninthe areaof law.The
membershipof the Associationcomprisesof womenlawyersandlaw graduates.Law studentsare
eligible forstudentmembership.The Associationwasthe foundermemberof Women'sActionForum,
an organisationactivelyworkingforthe rightsof women.
Activities
The Associationinitiatedthe struggleagainstdiscriminatorylawsandhasbroughtthisissue topublic
view.Oureffective campaignagainsttheselawsandoureffortstowardsthe establishmentof anequal
statusfor womenhave receivedappreciationandacclaim, nationallyandinternationally.The famous
protestagainstthe newlawof evidencestagedbywomeninLahore onthe 12th of February,1983, was
the resultof the call givenbythe PunjabWomenLawyer'sAssociation,Since then,the Associationhas,
incollaborationandwiththe supportof otherorganisations,beenaneffective pressure groupforthe
preventionof discriminationagainstwomeninall fields.
The activitiesof the Associationhave notbeenconcentratedonresistance alone.Programmeshave
beendesignedandcarriedoutfor the progressof womenandwomenlawyers.Activitiesinthe past
have includednumerousseminarsandsymposiaonlawsconcerningwomen.These programmeshave
beenof tremendoushelpinincreasingawarenessof theirrightsamongstwomen,whichisaone of the
majorobjectivesof the Association.The Associationhasalsoparticipatedinandsponsoredprogrammes
organisedbymanywomen'sorganisationsjointly.One of suchprogrammesisthe celebrationof the
International Women'sDayeveryyearsince 1983.
AimsandObjectives
1. For a forumwhere practicingwomenlawyers,womengraduatesof law andundergraduatesof law
can get togetherinorderto discusscommonissues.
2. To ensure independence,freedomandequalityforwomenlawyersinpracticingtheirvocation.
3. To encourage more womentojointhe legal professionbyprovidingassistance andguidance to
womenwhoare undergraduatesof law.

17.
4. To disseminate informationwherelegal provisionsor itslackof implementationfrustratesthe
freedomandindependence of the legal profession.
5. To provide free legalaidtodestitute womenandchildren,Alsotomake themaware of theirlegal
rights.
6. To scrutinise legalprovisionssothatlobbyingof equitable lawsgenerallyandparticularlyregarding
womenandchildrencanbe carried out.
7. To seekthe passage of legislationforgrantingwomenandchildreneffective,easierandconvenient
waysin whichtheycan exercise theirrights.
8. To publish articles,pamphlets,periodicalsornewslettertoenhance the awarenessof individualsto
theirlegal rightsandto make themfamiliartothe forumsthroughwhichtheycan asserttheirrights.
9. To co-operate withorganizedwomen'sassociations,otherjudicial associationsinparticular,
associationsformedbymenorwomeninthe legal profession.
Issuesaddressedbythe association
1. Familyandpersonal statuslaws
The Associationhasworkedcontinuouslyforachange inthe substantive aswell asthe procedural law
whichhas givenundue advantage toMuslimhusbands,inthe areasof divorce,the consequential
financial settlementsandchildcustody.The law of polygamyhasbeenandstill isasubjectof great
controversy.The Associationhasalwayssupportedthe viewthatpolygamyshouldbe recognisedasa
social evil andlegal barsshouldbe placedonthispractice.We,however,maintainthata change inthe
lawof divorce hasto precede anystepsinthisdirectioninordertopreventsubjectingwomen tofurther
hardships.
The inequalityinthe lawof inheritanceasapplicable toMuslims,iscause of greatconcernto women.
Incidentallythislawisone of the majorreasonsfor Pakistan'srefusal toratifythe U.N.Conventionon
the Eliminationof DiscriminationAgainstWomen.Inspite of the sensitive nature of the issue,inview of

18.
the involvementof MuslimPersonal Law inthe matter,the Associationiscontinuingitseffortsforthe
enforcementof more equitablelawinthisarea.
II.Islamicpenal laws
The PunjabWomenLawyersAssociationwasthe firstwomen'sorganisationtoattackthe discriminatory
provisionsof the HadoodOrdinances,regardingrape,adulteryandotheroffencesspecifically
punishable underIslamicLaw,enforcedin1979. Asan initial stepthe Associationhighlightedthe
objectionable provisionsof these lawswhichadverselyaffectedthe statusof Muslimwomenin
Pakistan.The mainobjectiontothese lawswastothe provisionsregardingquantumof evidence
requiredtoprove the offence forawardingthe maximumpunishmenttothe offender.The provisions
restrictedadmissibleoral evidence tomale,Muslimwitnessesonly.therebyoustingthe evidence of
womenevenincase of rape where theyare the victimsof the offence.
Furthermore,the evidence provisionsof these lawscoupledwiththe law of Qazf (false imputationof
rape or adultery),wascreatedadangerouspositionforvictimsof rape.If theyare unable toprove rape
theyare onthe one handliable tobe punishedforslander,andonthe othertheycan be punishedfor
adultery.Thisseriousflaw inthe lawwashighlightedbythe case of a blindgirl,SafiaBibi.The
associationhastriedtocombat the disadvantagesissuingtowomenoutthese lawsbytakingupcasesof
victimsandcontestingtheminthe courts.One of such caseswas that of SafiaBibi.The Association
gainedthe supportof otherwomen'sorganisationsonthese issues,andalsobroughtthe injusticesof
these lawstopublicviewthroughthe pressandothermedia.Inthe wake of the HadoodOrdinances
came the proposal fora newlawof evidence,whichnotonlyconfirmedthe evidenceprovisionsof
HadoodOrdinance,butalsoprovidedthatinall othermattersthe evidence requiredwouldbe thatof
twomen or one man andtwo women.