1.
TREASON OR TRIUMPH ?
THE JEANSON NETWORK TRIAL OF 1960
BY
REGINA SALTANAT YAEL STONE HAENDEL MOROWATI
A Thesis
Submitted to the Department of Government and International Affairs
The Honors College of the University of South Florida
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
Bachelor of Arts
Under the sponsorship of Mohsen Milani
Tampa, Florida
December, 2006

2.
ABSTRACT
This paper analyzes the motivational factors of the French Resistance to the French Occupation
of Algeria by studying the ideology of the most notable of these underground networks that
supported Algerian independence and aided the FLN [ ​Front de Libération Nationale ]: The
Jeanson Network. On September 5, 1960 , twenty­four of The Network's members were tried
before a military tribunal for plotting to overthrow the French government and aiding the FLN.
French society regarded members of this network as traitors to the Republic. Even until now,
this subject remains taboo in France and little has been written about their reasons for supporting
the Algerian Revolution. In 2001, several of these individuals were interviewed and said more
explicitly that the following works influenced them: Francis and Colette Jeanson's 1955
L'Algérie hors la loi ​[Algeria Outlawed], Pierre­Henri Simon's 1957 Contre la torture [Against
Torture], ​and Henri Alleg's 1958 La question [The Question]. I argue that these three texts
reveal the ideology of the The Jeanson Network and its motivational factors for supporting
Algerian Independence as reflected in proceedings from the trial and interviews conducted in
2001. In analyzing the model of The Jeanson Network, I conclude that the accumulation of
personal experience coupled with a belief system deeply rooted in universal freedom prompted
members of this network to action. Furthermore, I urge the reader to question what he is
connected to, whether it is a belief system or a personal philosophy, a people, or a land.

3.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
​
I would like to thank Dr. Mohsen Milani for his time and patience in directing this thesis. I
would also like to thank Dr. Earl Conteh­Morgan for his participation in acting as a member of
this thesis committee.
To my family: This is a small piece of what will come as it is merely the beginning of a journey
that you made possible through your hard work and determination. You are the reason why I
have never stopped questing and why I will continue searching throughout my life. I could never
have made it this far if it was not for your endless love, encouragement, and support.
To my dear friends, supporters, and editors: Bambi Broxton, Brice Burgess, Chris Chrappa,
Katherine Daly, Justin Clarke­Doan, Daina Crafa, Jillian Crowther, Laine Forman, Jerry
Fountain, David and Alicia Harvey, Bryce Healy, David Higgins, Sady Horn, Jonathan
Lachman, Christopher Lawton, Celeste Lazzara, Holly Lillis, Mihaela Maldonado, Stefanie
Marrazzi, Ben McCormick, Tim Murray, Thomas Patteson, Megan Pinckney, Jillian Potts, Liz
Renes, Tate Schulz, Brian Schuttig, Miriam Schwartz, Mariana Seminet, Raymond Vince,
Amber Vistein, Christine Woodward, and Nati Zohar. Without you, I could have only made it
halfway.
I would finally like to thank Michaël and Michel Frappier and Philippe and Geneviève Oliver for
your generosity and love while in France. Thank you for the beautiful memories.

4.
INTRODUCTION
En attaquant les Français corrompus,
c'est la France que je défends ­ Romain Rolland, ​Jean­Christophe​ ​[1]
La Pacification est incompatible avec le respect de la personne humaine, avec la
démocratie ­ Jacques Vergès (Péju 243) ​[2]
If I witness an injustice and choose to remain silent, should I not be held accountable? In
a democratic state, it is the duty and privilege of every citizen to criticize his government when
its actions do not reflect the established rule of law. Under which conditions might a citizen of
one nation put his freedom and rights on the line for that of another? For some individuals, true
freedom can only exist if all men are free. During the Algerian War of Independence
(1954­1962), twenty­four members of a French resistance network to the French Occupation of
Algeria were tried before a military tribunal for upholding this belief. They were labeled traitors
but declared that giving up their own civil liberties was necessary in order to preserve their
nation's moral integrity and to assure the liberties of others, which according to them, were one
in the same.
A series of unfortunate and unsuccessful wars against Germany , Vietnam , and Algeria
weakened France . To carry out the ultimate end of maintaining French authority in Algeria ,
France 's Army waged war against the Algerian people by using techniques learned from the
Gestapo as the Army justified the use of terror, resettlement, and concentration camps (Levine
36). Benjamin Stora argues that France , in its attempt to win the war in Algeria , forfeited its

5. claim as a truly civilized nation (Stora 1992, 36). The nation became troubled by reports that
trickled into the mainland disclosing that similar methods used by Nazi Germany were being
exercised in Algeria . Unfortunately, the vast majority of the French public was apathetic,
choosing to remain silent, and thus sacrificed its moral conscience. In February 1958, according
to a poll by the ​Institut Français d'Opinion Publique ​[The French Institute of Public Opinion],
the Algerian War placed sixth in the concerns of the French people (Stora 2001, 88). They took
refuge behind the blind belief that France , fresh from its own liberation in 1944, would neither
oppress nor torture another people. How could France, the self­proclaimed cradle of civilization
and humanism, oppress Algeria's national aspiration to independence?
Regardless of a post­World War II national crisis, which arose from a desire to maintain
the French colonial system at all costs, a select group of men and women committed to
upholding French honor and democratic values chose to serve France by siding against it.
French underground networks that supported Algerian independence and aided the FLN [​Front
de Libération Nationale​] were established as early as 1955. The most notable of these
underground networks was formed in September 1957 and was lead by Francis Jeanson. Sixty to
eighty members of The Jeanson Network were arrested by French authorities on February 24,
1960 . The Jeanson Network Trial became the focus of a heated debate in France as the accused
justified their actions in the face of a belligerent prosecution ever intent on stigmatizing them as
outcasts and traitors of the French Republic (Evans 8). [3]​ On September 5, 1960 , twenty­four
members of The Network, eighteen French and six Algerians, were tried before a French military
tribunal for plotting to overthrow the French government and aiding the FLN. The verdicts
reached were prison sentences ranging from eight months to ten years, and fines ranging from
500 to 70,000 francs, as well as the denial of civil rights. [4]​ What drove these individuals to
clandestinely support the Algerian cause at what seemed the expense of their civil liberties?
Members of The Jeanson Network viewed the war as unjust and could not compromise
their moral integrity by keeping silent. Therefore, they chose to raise French consciousness
through writing texts and taking part in concrete activities. Driven by their convictions, they
decided to combat French colonialism by making public the increasing aggression of the French
Army. Although the FLN and The Jeanson Network were two independent entities, The

6. Network contributed in theory and practice to Algerian independence as it operated in solidarity
with the Algerian liberation movement by providing a number of services. The Network
smuggled funds into Algeria which were raised from 400,000 Algerian workers living in France,
protected FLN agents, produced and distributed false identification papers, and provided
automobiles, drivers, hideouts, and meeting places.
The Jeanson Network was not alone in its struggle. Intellectuals also assumed a specific
role in bringing the issue of torture to the attention of the French public. Some assumed this
responsibility, a smaller number spoke, and even fewer were heard. Two documents, ​Le
Manifeste des 121 [The Manifesto of the 121] and ​La Lettre de Jean­Paul Sartre [The Letter of
Jean­Paul Sartre], were released to coincide with the trial in order to express solidarity with The
Jeanson Network. [5]​ Subsequently, these documents drew the attention of the international
press. ​Le Manifeste des 121​, signed by 121 intellectuals, recognized The Jeanson Network's
right to resist the events in Algeria. Among the journals that published the manifesto, one was
seized by government authorities and another printed two blank pages in its place. In ​La Lettre
de Jean­Paul Sartre​, the philosopher affirmed his total solidarity with the accused and argued
that the impotence of the French Left drove these individuals to clandestinely support the
Algerian cause. In it, he said that Algerian independence was certain but that the future of
democracy in France was not. He also argued that those who helped the FLN worked for
themselves, their own freedom, and for the preservation of democracy in their nation (Péju
116­119). Proceedings from the trial illustrate that Sartre was not far from the truth as one
defendant, Allaoua Daksi said, " Ces Algériens et ces Français…luttent contre leur ennemi
commun: le colonialisme" (Péju 225).​ [6]
Unlike the French Resistance during World War II, the French Resistance to the French
Occupation of Algeria continues to remain a taboo subject in France. Only in recent years has
material surfaced and most of this research has been conducted by international scholars. The
motivations of the French Resistance to the Occupation of Algeria remain a central concern to
those in the field. At the time of the trial, the majority of these twenty­four defendants did not
document their motivations for supporting Algerian independence. Forty years later in 2001,
several of these individuals were interviewed and said more explicitly that the following works

7. influenced them: Francis and Colette Jeanson's 1955 ​L'Algérie hors la loi [Algeria Outlawed],
Pierre­Henri Simon's 1957 Contre la torture [Against Torture]​, ​and Henri Alleg's 1958 La
question ​[The Question] . Each text represents significant elements of The Network's moral
fiber.
Man's true moral fiber presents itself in the most tumultuous of times, and it was left to
intellectuals such as Jeanson, Simon, and Alleg to voice reason where none was heard. An
intellectual speaks the moral conscience of the nation, and opposition to the French exploitation
of Algeria rose from the intellectual spectrum. The most broadly influential pieces of political
literature appearing between 1954 and 1962 were essays and testimonies. The situation in
Algeria did not rouse the public to action until 1956, the year of the special powers which
enabled the government to take exceptional measures to reestablish order that ultimately
suspended Algerian individual liberties.
Jeanson, Simon, and Alleg satisfy the rubric set forth by French sociologist, Edgar Morin
which states the following three defining factors that describe the intellectual: 1) to be a member
of a culturally valuable profession; 2) to claim a voice in social and political affairs; and 3) to
invoke the self as a conscience following universal standards (Levine 21). Each man held a
position of substantial social weight. Jeanson was an editor for the publishing house, Les
Éditions du Seuil. Simon was a writer for ​L'Esprit​, ​Les Temps Modernes​, and ​L'Express and a
literary critic for ​Le Monde​. Alleg was an editor for ​L'Alger Républicain.​ Experiencing
imprisonment during wartime and having direct interaction with Algerian society fuelled each
man's conscience. During the German Occupation of France, Jeanson fled and was imprisoned
in two Spanish concentration camps. Simon was a prisoner of war in Germany . Alleg was
detained and tortured by the French Army's Tenth Paratrooper Division in Algeria. All three of
these men were in a position to claim a voice in socio­political affairs, as they had the necessary
social status and experiences to do so. They also invoked the self as a conscience following
universal standards as they bore witness to the collapse of French honor in Algeria and, as a
result, strove to preserve these moral standards in both writing and through action.
I argue that these three intellectuals and their texts reflect The Network's motivations as
exhibited during The Jeanson Network Trial of 1960. I demonstrate that these individuals and

8. their works inspired the individual to criticize France's use of torture in Algeria, to support
Algeria's right to national sovereignty, and to defend French honor. I reveal the similarities
between the written word (the text) and the spoken word (the testimony) in order to unveil the
shared conscience within a fraction of French society at the time of the Algerian War. Each
chapter addresses a formative work that contributed to French resistance to the French
exploitation and occupation of Algeria.
In Chapter I, I evaluate Francis and Colette Jeanson's ​L'Algérie hors la loi, ​the first text
written in support of the FLN. This work provided the intellectual and moral foundation for The
Network's actions and was even hailed by Jean Daniel of ​L'Express as the prayer book of the
revolutionists (Hamon and Rotman 36­37). In their text, Francis and Colette Jeanson argue
against the French colonization and exploitation of Algeria . The authors demonstrate Algeria 's
right to national sovereignty as its historical past reflect that it had been a civilized society long
before French colonization. Such evidence did not justify France's colonization of Algeria.
Unfortunately, ​L'Algérie hors la loi ​was universally dismissed as too revolutionary for its time,
but it remains useful in this study as it reveals the moral conscience of The Network's mentor,
Francis Jeanson. This work did not pose a real and immediate threat to France, although proof
that the text had influenced members of The Network is reflected in the proceedings from the
trial.
In Chapter II, I analyze French Catholic intellectual Pierre­Henri Simon's ​Contre la
torture​, the first text written about torture during the Algerian War. This essay echoes moral
and religious concerns shared by members of The Network. Simon utilizes personal letters and
testimonies from returning soldiers to create a tangible bridge between the two divided peoples.
Of the three texts, ​Contre la torture was the most conservative as Simon drew his argument from
a patriotic point of view, arguing against torture in order to save France. Thus, as it was not
deemed controversial, it was not subjected to government censorship.
In Chapter III, I examine Henri Alleg's ​La question​, his personal account of the torture he
received at the hand of the French Army. It was also the first text confiscated by French
authorities during the Algerian War. In his account, Alleg argues for Algerian independence
and against torture. He documents the experiences of other prisoners with whom he came into

9. contact as well as his own. This text was subjected to government censorship and thus drew
more public attention than the previously mentioned texts.
I argue that each of these works demonstrates values shared by those on trial in 1960.
These individuals argued that fighting against French exploitation of Algeria was a necessary
precondition to the preservation of democracy in France. Thus, they did not differentiate
between their personal freedom and the liberation of the Algerian people.