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Consumer Culture & the Black
      Middle Class
           David Crockett
     University of South Carolina
A Sign of Something           People putting their clothes on
  Going on Wrong?              backwards. Isn’t that a sign of
                               something going on wrong? Are
                               you not paying attention? People
                               with their hat on backwards,
                               pants down around the crack.
                               Isn’t that a sign of something, or
                               are you waiting for Jesus to pull
                               his pants up?
                                 –Bill Cosby, 2004, NAACP Annual
                                 Convention
Black Mental Health Alliance
of Massachusetts (January,
2013)
Research
 Question
What is the role
of consumption
in forming racial
    and class
 identity among
    the Black
  Middle-Class?
Consumer Acculturation Research on
     Racial & Ethnic Identity
          • Culture and ethnicity are lived
            through (market-mediated)
            objects
            – Wallendorf and Reilly 1983;
              Bouchet 1995; Firat 1995
          • The Post-Assimilationist Turn:
            boundary crossing
            – Oswald 1999; Penaloza 1994;
              Kjeldgaard, Arnould and
              Askegaard 2005
Limits of Consumer Acculturation
                   Theory
… [B]y suggesting migrant identity
construction as being largely
voluntary, by theorizing
acculturation agents as under-
complex and robust, and by focusing
on single-sided ethnographic
accounts, these studies have not yet
sufficiently investigated how and to
what extent consumer acculturation
occurs within reflexive and mutually
influential networks of socio-cultural
adaptation.
   – Luedicke (2011, p. 17)
Why Study
 the Black
Middle-Class?
[Edward] King
observed, "a middle-
class is gradually
springing into
existence, bridging
the once impassable
gulf between the
'high up' and the 'low
down', and some of
the more intelligent
and respectable
Negroes are taking
rank in this class."
[…]
To white elite[s] in
the North and South
alike, the notion of a
fluid class structure
without clear racial
exclusivity was a
chilling prophecy.
   Mullins (1990)
• How does “democracy
  of goods” mythology
  acculturate BMC
  consumers?
• How do BMC consumers
  navigate multiple forms
  of inequality?
Methodology
• Sample (ongoing): 13 BMC households
  – “Friend of friend” and snowball approach
  – Minimal screen for middle-class status
     • College and white-collar job or business to capture
       “core” vs. “elite” distinction (Lacy 2007)
  – National sample, urban and rural
     • Current: Southeastern US (i.e., Carolinas and Florida)
  – In-depth interviews (residence) + focus group
    (with all-male social group)
What Do We Already Know About
    the Black Middle-Class?
1. Grown in size,
   affluence, distance      Separate Worlds
   form BWC/poor            •Wilson (1979)
                            •Ogbu (1998, 2003)
2. Intra-racial class
   conflict is more
   ‘unstable equilibrium’   Unstable Equilibrium
   than ‘separate           • Anderson (1999)
   worlds’                  • Johnson (2001)
3. Complex relationship     • Lacy (2007)
   to whites and other      • Patillo (2010)
   minorities
What Do We Already
Know About the Black
   Middle-Class?

      Current research
      privileges middle-
         class cultural
            capital

      Overstates BMC
     ability to dominate
        acculturation
Emergent
     Findings
• Constructing
  Identity at the
  Nexus of Race and
  Class
  – Theme 1:
    Essentializiing
    Racial Sameness
Essentializing Racial Sameness
Baxter: If you look at trend setting things in our
country. You start talking about fashion and other
trends—music—they come out of communities of
color. As soon as the black kids are running around—
everybody [black] got a [black] G.I. Joe—and having
fun, then the white kids start, “I got to have one of
those,” which helped boost their sales as well.

                      Baxter’s articulates essentialized
                      notions of blackness through his
                      Black G.I. Joe collection
Essentializing Racial Sameness
Baxter: They never made as many black ones as they
did white ones, but it really took [off] when at first
the white G.I. Joe’s weren’t selling. Black families who
were looking for something for their kids to have, and
this is the only positive representation we got? Yeah.
My mother made sure I had one.


                       Consumption should be an
                       indexical representation of
                       blackness
Emergent
     Findings
• Constructing
  Identity at the
  Nexus of Race and
  Class
  – Theme 2:
    Essentializing Status
    Distinctions
Essentializing Status Distinctions: A Race-
Inflected Class Critique
Dee: …You know my parents worked hard all their lives.
They never had anything. They raised their children. I
would say we’re all successful. So, where did that [taste]
come from? I see these other people doing it. I said, “I
want that for my momma and daddy. I can do that. That’s
why I work everyday.” You have to have a hunger for that
which you have not had. You have to have a taste for
reaching another plane. And, as Martin Luther King would
say, “You gotta keep your eyes on the prize.” So it’s that
kind of thing.
                           Dee draws a moral boundary
                           around high CC consumption
Essentializing Status Distinctions: A Race-
Inflected Class Critique
Male 4: My daughter [has] two sons. She buys the handheld
Gameboys and what-do-you-call-it... I don’t buy them. My
[grandson’s school] was having an afterschool science program
for a week. He wanted to go, but she didn’t have the money for
that. We said “well, sign him up for it and we’ll pay for it.” That
I’ll pay for, and I don't mind doing it, but… it was another issue.
I think she used the money issue as [an excuse for] not
wanting to do it. When we said we’ll pay for it, now she’s
coming up with a different excuse…
                                Moral boundary chastises low-
                                status blacks’ consumption
                                priorities
Essentializing Status Distinctions: A Race-
Inflected Class Critique
Adam: Because my sister…lives in the deep country… I’m in a
subdivision in the country… [m]y sister and I talk about the way
we live and where we live, how it does remind us so much of
the neighborhood and the country that I grew up in, and the
same style houses. And no negative reflection on my
(other) siblings, but … they like living in your more upscale
neighborhoods. And I don’t know if they really go back
and spend time in the community like my sister and I do.
… It’s like, “[I] came from there, still have a fondness for it,
and will always keep that connection, or ties with it.”
Emergent Insights



• Exceptionalism Holds
  Race and Class in
  Dynamic Tension
   – It keeps “the middle”
     stable but fluid

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Consumer Culture and the Black Middle Class

  • 1. Consumer Culture & the Black Middle Class David Crockett University of South Carolina
  • 2. A Sign of Something People putting their clothes on Going on Wrong? backwards. Isn’t that a sign of something going on wrong? Are you not paying attention? People with their hat on backwards, pants down around the crack. Isn’t that a sign of something, or are you waiting for Jesus to pull his pants up? –Bill Cosby, 2004, NAACP Annual Convention Black Mental Health Alliance of Massachusetts (January, 2013)
  • 3. Research Question What is the role of consumption in forming racial and class identity among the Black Middle-Class?
  • 4. Consumer Acculturation Research on Racial & Ethnic Identity • Culture and ethnicity are lived through (market-mediated) objects – Wallendorf and Reilly 1983; Bouchet 1995; Firat 1995 • The Post-Assimilationist Turn: boundary crossing – Oswald 1999; Penaloza 1994; Kjeldgaard, Arnould and Askegaard 2005
  • 5. Limits of Consumer Acculturation Theory … [B]y suggesting migrant identity construction as being largely voluntary, by theorizing acculturation agents as under- complex and robust, and by focusing on single-sided ethnographic accounts, these studies have not yet sufficiently investigated how and to what extent consumer acculturation occurs within reflexive and mutually influential networks of socio-cultural adaptation. – Luedicke (2011, p. 17)
  • 6. Why Study the Black Middle-Class?
  • 7. [Edward] King observed, "a middle- class is gradually springing into existence, bridging the once impassable gulf between the 'high up' and the 'low down', and some of the more intelligent and respectable Negroes are taking rank in this class." […]
  • 8. To white elite[s] in the North and South alike, the notion of a fluid class structure without clear racial exclusivity was a chilling prophecy.  Mullins (1990)
  • 9. • How does “democracy of goods” mythology acculturate BMC consumers? • How do BMC consumers navigate multiple forms of inequality?
  • 10. Methodology • Sample (ongoing): 13 BMC households – “Friend of friend” and snowball approach – Minimal screen for middle-class status • College and white-collar job or business to capture “core” vs. “elite” distinction (Lacy 2007) – National sample, urban and rural • Current: Southeastern US (i.e., Carolinas and Florida) – In-depth interviews (residence) + focus group (with all-male social group)
  • 11. What Do We Already Know About the Black Middle-Class? 1. Grown in size, affluence, distance Separate Worlds form BWC/poor •Wilson (1979) •Ogbu (1998, 2003) 2. Intra-racial class conflict is more ‘unstable equilibrium’ Unstable Equilibrium than ‘separate • Anderson (1999) worlds’ • Johnson (2001) 3. Complex relationship • Lacy (2007) to whites and other • Patillo (2010) minorities
  • 12. What Do We Already Know About the Black Middle-Class? Current research privileges middle- class cultural capital Overstates BMC ability to dominate acculturation
  • 13. Emergent Findings • Constructing Identity at the Nexus of Race and Class – Theme 1: Essentializiing Racial Sameness
  • 14. Essentializing Racial Sameness Baxter: If you look at trend setting things in our country. You start talking about fashion and other trends—music—they come out of communities of color. As soon as the black kids are running around— everybody [black] got a [black] G.I. Joe—and having fun, then the white kids start, “I got to have one of those,” which helped boost their sales as well. Baxter’s articulates essentialized notions of blackness through his Black G.I. Joe collection
  • 15. Essentializing Racial Sameness Baxter: They never made as many black ones as they did white ones, but it really took [off] when at first the white G.I. Joe’s weren’t selling. Black families who were looking for something for their kids to have, and this is the only positive representation we got? Yeah. My mother made sure I had one. Consumption should be an indexical representation of blackness
  • 16. Emergent Findings • Constructing Identity at the Nexus of Race and Class – Theme 2: Essentializing Status Distinctions
  • 17. Essentializing Status Distinctions: A Race- Inflected Class Critique Dee: …You know my parents worked hard all their lives. They never had anything. They raised their children. I would say we’re all successful. So, where did that [taste] come from? I see these other people doing it. I said, “I want that for my momma and daddy. I can do that. That’s why I work everyday.” You have to have a hunger for that which you have not had. You have to have a taste for reaching another plane. And, as Martin Luther King would say, “You gotta keep your eyes on the prize.” So it’s that kind of thing. Dee draws a moral boundary around high CC consumption
  • 18. Essentializing Status Distinctions: A Race- Inflected Class Critique Male 4: My daughter [has] two sons. She buys the handheld Gameboys and what-do-you-call-it... I don’t buy them. My [grandson’s school] was having an afterschool science program for a week. He wanted to go, but she didn’t have the money for that. We said “well, sign him up for it and we’ll pay for it.” That I’ll pay for, and I don't mind doing it, but… it was another issue. I think she used the money issue as [an excuse for] not wanting to do it. When we said we’ll pay for it, now she’s coming up with a different excuse… Moral boundary chastises low- status blacks’ consumption priorities
  • 19. Essentializing Status Distinctions: A Race- Inflected Class Critique Adam: Because my sister…lives in the deep country… I’m in a subdivision in the country… [m]y sister and I talk about the way we live and where we live, how it does remind us so much of the neighborhood and the country that I grew up in, and the same style houses. And no negative reflection on my (other) siblings, but … they like living in your more upscale neighborhoods. And I don’t know if they really go back and spend time in the community like my sister and I do. … It’s like, “[I] came from there, still have a fondness for it, and will always keep that connection, or ties with it.”
  • 20. Emergent Insights • Exceptionalism Holds Race and Class in Dynamic Tension – It keeps “the middle” stable but fluid