White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
White Privilege  Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx
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White Privilege Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Pegg.docx

  1. White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Backpack by Peggy McIntosh Through the work to bring materials from Women’s Studies into the rest of the curriculum, I have often noticed men’s unwillingness to grant that they are over- privileged, even though they may grant that women are disadvantaged. They may say they will work to improve women’s status, in the society, the university, or the curriculum, but they can’t or won’t support the idea of lessening men’s. Denials which amount to taboos sur round the subject of advantages which men gain from women’s disadvantages. These denials protect male privilege from being fully acknowledged, lessened or ended. Thinking through unacknowledged male privilege as a phenomenon, I realized that since hierarchies in our society are interlocking, there was most likely a phenomenon of white privilege which was similarly denied and protected. As a white person, I realized I had been taught about racism as something which puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts me at an advantage.
  2. I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege, as males are taught not to recognize male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege. I have come to se white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was ‘meant’ to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless backpack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks. Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we in Women’s Studies work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who writes about having white privilege must ask, “Having described it, what will I do to lessen or end it?” After I realized the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged privilege, I understood that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious. Then I remembered the frequent charges from women of color that white women whom they encounter are oppressive. I began to understand why we are justly seen as oppressive, even when we don’t see ourselves that way. I began to count the ways in which I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been conditioned into oblivion about its existence. My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as an
  3. unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state depended on her individual moral will. My schooling followed the pattern my colleague Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out: whites are taught to think of their lives as a morally neutral, normative, and average, also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work which will allow “them” to be more like “us.” I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily effects of white privilege in my life. I have chosen those conditions which I think in my case attack some what more to skin-color privilege that to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographical location, though of course all these other factors are intricately intertwined. As far as I can see, my African American co- worker, friends and acquaintances with whom I come into daily or frequent contact in this particular time, place, and line of work cannot count on most of these conditions. 1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time. 2. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing
  4. in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live. 3. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me. 4. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed. 5. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented. 6. When I am told about our national heritage or about “civilization,” I am shown that people of my color made it what it is. 7. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race. 8. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege. 9. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser’s shop and find someone who can cut my hair. 10. Whether I checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work
  5. against the appearance of financial reliability. 11. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like them. 12. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race. 13. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial. 14. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race. 15. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group. 16. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world’s majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion. 17. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider. 18. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to “the person in charge,” I will be facing a person of my race.
  6. 19. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven’t been singled out because of my race. 20. I can easily buy posters, postcards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys, and children’s magazine featuring people of my race. 21. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance, or feared. 22. I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having co-workers on the job suspect that I got it because of race. 23. I can choose public accommodation without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen. 24. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me. 25. If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones. 26. I can choose blemish cover or bandages in “flesh” color and have them more or less match my skin.
  7. I repeatedly forgot each of the realization on this list until I wrote it down. For me white privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is not such a free country; one’s life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through no virtues of their own. In unpacking this invisible backpack of white privilege, I have listed conditions of daily experience which I once took for granted. Nor did I think of any of these perquisites as bad for the holder. I now think that we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of privilege, for some of these varieties are only what one would want for everyone in a just society, and others give license to be ignorant, oblivious, arrogant and destructive. I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions which were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turf, and I was among those who could control the turf. My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to want to make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways, and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything
  8. outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly free. In proportion as my racial group was being make confident, comfortable, and oblivious, other groups were likely being made confident, uncomfortable, and alienated. Whiteness protected me from many kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was being subtly trained to visit in turn upon people of color. For this reason, the word “privilege” now seems to me misleading. We usually think of privilege as being a favored state, whether earned or conferred by birth or luck. Yet some of the conditions I have described here work to systematically overempower certain groups. Such privilege simply confers dominance because of one’s race or sex. I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power conferred systematically. Power from unearned privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate. But not all of the privileges on my list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the expectation that neighbors will be decent to you, or that your race will not count against you in court, should be the norm in a just society. Others, like the privilege to ignore less powerful people, distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored groups. We might at least start by distinguishing between
  9. positive advantages which we can work to spread, and negative types of advantages which unless rejected will always reinforce our present hierarchies. For example, the feeling that one belongs within the human circle, as Native Americans say, should not be seen as privilege of a few. Ideally it is an unearned advantage and conferred dominance. I have met very few men who are truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage and conferred dominance. And so one question for me and others like is whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged, about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance and it so, what we will do to lessen them. In any case, we need to do more work in identifying how they actually affect our daily lives. Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the US think that racism doesn’t affect them because they are not people of color; they do not see “whiteness” as a racial identity. In addition, since race and sex are not the only advantaging systems at work, we need similarly to examine the daily experience of having age advantage, or ethnic advantage, or physical ability, or advantage related to nationality, religion or sexual orientation. Difficulties and dangers surrounding the task of finding parallels are many. Since racism, sexism, and heterosexism are not the same, the advantaging associated
  10. with them should not be seen as the same. In addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned advantage which rest more on social class, economic class, race, religion, sex and ethnic identity than on other factors. Still, all of the oppressions are interlocking, as the Combahee River Collective Statement of 1977 continues to remind us eloquently. One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions. They take both active forms which we can see and embedded forms which as a member of the dominant group one is taught not to see. In my class and place, I did not see myself as a racist because I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of meanness by members of my group, never in invisible systems conferring unsought racial dominance on my group from birth. Disapproving of the systems won’t be enough to change them. I was taught to think that racism could end if white individuals changed their attitudes. [But] a “white” skin in the United States opens many doors for whites whether or not we approve of the way dominance has been conferred on us. Individual acts can palliate, but cannot end, these problems. To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal unseen dimensions. The silences and denials surrounding privilege are
  11. the key political tool here. They keep the thinking about equality or equity incomplete, protecting unearned advantage and conferred dominance by making these taboo subjects. Most talk by whites about equal opportunity seems to me now to be about equal opportunity to try to get into a position of dominance while denying that systems of dominance exist. It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like obliviousness about male advantage, is kept strongly inculturated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of meritocracy the myth that democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most people unaware that freedom of confident action is there for just a small number of people props up those in power, and serves to keep power in the hands of the same groups that have most of it already. Though systematic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and I imagine for some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the perquisites of being light-skinned. What well we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching me, it is an open question whether we will choose to use unearned advantage to weaken hidden systems of advantage, and whether we will use any of our arbitrarily-awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems on a broader base. [1989]
  12. Roles Parents Play 3-1a. The Parent as Nurturer The nurturing Encouraging, supporting, caring, nourishing. role encompasses all the affectionate care, attention, and protection that young children need to grow and thrive. This implies caring for the physical needs of children before and after birth, but perhaps the greatest needs for healthy development are emotional support and caring. Being a nurturer is the parent’s primary role in providing a psychological environment of warm, emotional interaction in which the child can thrive (see Figure 3-1). Nurturing involves most of the family’s developmental tasks, as listed in Figure 3-2. Researchers have found important correlations between warm and responsive parenting in infancy, including close physical contact between parent and baby and attention to needs, and the development of attachment The strong, affectionate, mutual tie formed in the first two years following birth and enduring over time , which is defined as the strong, affectional, mutual tie formed in the two years following birth and enduring over time (see Figure 3-3). Attachment is felt to be critical to optimum development in every other aspect of development. The basis for differences in behavior and development related to attachment may be that a positive attachment relationship offers the child a secure base from which to venture forth to explore the world and learn how to interact. Older, school-aged children with whom teachers work are still the product of the quality of that earlier attachment. 3-1b. The Parent in Adult Relationships Parents are people first, and there is evidence that those who are fulfilled and contented as individuals are better able to function effectively as parents than those who are disappointed in their personal lives. It is evident that the support one parent gives to the other facilitates the development of the parenting role as well as optimizing conditions for nurturing the child. Forty- eight percent of mothers report that their spouse or partner is
  13. the primary source for emotional support for parenting. Although the primary adult relationship may be with a marriage partner or cohabiting adult, the adult’s life may be crisscrossed with a network of adult relationships—parents, friends, and former spouses. In fact, many parents also help arrange for their own parents’ health or living conditions and must make complicated arrangements with former spouses to share custody and negotiate financial matters. The relationship with one’s child is an extremely important relationship, but it begins in the context of relationships with other adults. Before an individual becomes a parent, there is first a relationship with another adult. One of the demands on a parent is to foster the continuance of that relationship or of another that may have replaced the original relationship. One of the long-standing myths surrounding parenthood is that children give meaning to a marriage, improve the relationship between a couple, help a troubled relationship, and actually prevent divorce. In fact, the addition of parenthood roles to a marriage introduces a time of abrupt transition. Many researchers report this as a time of some degree of crisis. The severity of the crisis may depend on the degree of a couple’s preparation for parenthood and marriage, the degree of commitment to the parenthood role, and patterns of communication. Whether or not the transition is a time of severe crisis, a couple is unquestionably going to have to reorganize their relationship and interactions; changes will occur in a marriage with an altered lifestyle and the addition of new role images and behaviors associated with parenthood (see Figure 3- 8). Nora Ephron wrote: “When you have a baby, you set off an explosion in your marriage, and when the dust settles, your marriage is different from what it was. Not better, necessarily; not worse, necessarily; but different” (Ephron, 2013). 3-1c. The Parent as an Individual Americans have come to value the development of the individual person. We are now aware that this personal development is a lifelong process. Parents concerned with
  14. nurturing their children’s development are also encountering growth in their own lives. It is relevant for teachers to consider how Erikson’s theory examines the psychosocial tasks of adulthood that must be resolved. Many young parents are preoccupied with issues of identity. Erikson speaks of this as the fifth stage, beginning in adolescence. With the prolonging of education and financial dependence on parents and with the confusing multiplicity of roles, careers, and lifestyles from which to select, many identity issues are still being actively worked on in young adulthood. One measure of this may be the postponing of marriage— perhaps seen as an entry step into the adult world and a sign that a young person has settled some issues and is ready to embark on adult life. The events of marriage and parenthood cause many young people to reexamine identity issues as they take on two roles symbolic of adult life. It is not just real-life events that have to be assimilated into an individual’s self- concept but also expectations and attitudes from within the individual and from society that set the standards used to measure the new view of self. There are several problems here. One is that most of today’s parents grew up with daily facts of life and social role expectations that are radically different from those of the present. Many mothers find their self-esteem being attacked—whether they have chosen to fill the traditional role of homemaker or have joined the majority of mothers working outside the home. “In the national conversation we have been having in this country about work and family life, having a working mother alternates between being seen as being either good or bad for the children” (Galinsky, 2000). In what Galinsky refers to as the “mommy wars,” at-home mothers feel they are being dismissed and devalued, and they resent having to “pick up the slack” as classroom volunteers or emergency child care for mothers who have chosen to work. At all income levels, stay-at-home mothers report more sadness, anger, and episodes of diagnosed depression than their
  15. employed counterparts (Coontz, 2013). Working mothers feel the stress of having to succeed on two fronts. The media continue to subtly indict working mothers for increasing family stress and sacrificing their children for materialism and success now that they have added to their traditional roles. Working mothers are themselves caught in conflict and ambivalence. A majority of working mothers and fathers feel that it is bad for the family for mothers to be at work. When mothers return to work, they do so in a climate of subtle societal disapproval. And some of the criticism is directed back and forth between working mothers and stay-at-home mothers, each resenting the others’ choice and judging their performance and contribution (Hattery, 2000) (see Figure 3-9) 3-1d. The Parent as Worker The stage in the life cycle when parenting usually occurs is a time of concern with being productive. Most adults find their means to this goal in one or both of the two channels of parenting and work. However, the two are often in competition with each other, as parents try to navigate work and family life and try to do both well. About two-thirds of mothers with children younger than age six are currently employed outside the home; nearly 80 percent of mothers of school-aged children are working—41 percent of them full time. This is an increase of more than 10 percent over the previous decade, with the sharpest increase being for married women in two-parent families with children younger than age six. There are several reasons for this increase in the number of working mothers: · Increased costs in rearing children and living expenses · An expanded economy with the creation of new job opportunities · Earlier completion of families, so women are younger when their children start school · Reduced amount of time needed for housework · Better education of women · Expectations of a better lifestyle
  16. · Changes in basic attitudes toward roles, with new social perspectives 3-1e. The Parent as Consumer · With inflation rates that increase every year, the real buying power of modern families continues to decline. Economic survival with the multiple material demands and expectations of our time has been a major factor in establishing the two- working-parent family structure. · A good deal of the family income is devoted to rearing children. Children at one time were considered to be an economic asset—more available workers in a rural, self- sufficient family—but must now be considered economic liabilities. Recent statistics show it costs well over $250,000— depending on the family’s income—to raise a child, with a whopping $32,000 spent in just the first two years (Lino, 2013). That figure is just for basic household expenses from birth through age 17. This is an increase of more than 20 percent since 1960. (The estimates include providing for basics of food, shelter, clothing, transportation, and medical care plus an annual inflation rate.) College demands many more thousands of dollars for tuition and expenses, with annual increases far outstripping the inflation rate. Note that these estimates cover only the basics—no piano lessons or summer camp. · When both parents work outside the home, a large proportion of income pays for child care. Child care is one of the most significant expenses in many working families’ budgets, particularly for low-income families, often exceeding costs for food and even housing. Although there are variations by region or city or type of care, the annual cost of care for one child ranges between $4,100 and $10,920, with the average being over $6,423 per preschooler; costs for infant care are much higher, with a 2013 report indicating that the cost for full-time infant care in a child care center was greater than a year’s tuition and fees at a four-year public university in the same state (Wood & Kendall, 2013). The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services considers 10 percent of a family’s income
  17. to be a benchmark for affordable care, yet most families pay a far greater percentage (see Figure 3-14 and Figure 3-15). In some cases, mothers find that nearly all their additional family income is spent on child care, plus the purchases necessitated by employment—additional clothing, transportation, and food while away from home. In this case, continuing employment is probably either for maintaining career continuity or for personal fulfillment. 3-1f. The Parent as Community Member · With the increasing complexity of modern life, a growing number of family functions have been taken over by community institutions and organizations: education by the school system and recreation and entertainment by the Y and other clubs as well as the church, which has often expanded its purely religious function. There are as many organizations as there are interests in any given community. The community itself has become more highly structured as groups of people coming together have dictated more rules, legislation, and decision making—public and private. But institutions and organizations do not run themselves; community members have many demands placed on them for their time as volunteers and for their money and other supportive efforts. Parents are asked to support the organizations that benefit their children as well as themselves. · It would not be unusual to find a week where families are asked to bake cupcakes for the PTA carnival, spend an hour staffing a booth at the carnival, driving children to and from the church junior choir practice, assisting children in magazine sales to aid the Y in getting new uniforms for the basketball team, coaching the team, making telephone calls to remind others about a local environmental group meeting, and soliciting funds door to door on behalf of a local branch of a national charity—as well as turning down several requests to participate in similar ways for other organizations (see Figure 3-17). For some parents who must work several jobs to make ends meet, there is enormous pressure to still find time to involve themselves and their children in the community or else be seen
  18. as not participating fully within the community. The wider the age range of the children, the broader and more fragmenting are the demands on parents. Most parents today face constant tension between outside demands on time and energy and the amount available for personal and family needs. 3-1g. The Parent as Educator · Perhaps the role for which parents feel most unprepared is the role of educator, used here to mean guiding and stimulating the child’s development and teaching the skills and knowledge that children need to eventually become effective adults in society. Nevertheless, families teach their children from the time they are babies and continue to teach them what they consider important throughout their life in the home. · They first teach responses, personal hygiene habits, safety rules, and how to be friendly and polite. And schools expect parents to teach certain skills to children before they enter school and then offer support, encouragement, and opportunities to practice as children continue their education. As other institutions take over many of the family’s educative functions, the primary tasks of parents are the socialization of their children to the values held by the family as well as assisting and monitoring children’s development as learners and providing preparation for schooling. Roles Parent s Play 3 - 1a. The Parent as Nurturer The nu rturing Encouraging, supporting, caring, nourishing. role encompasses all the
  19. affectionate care, attention, and protection that young children need to grow and thrive. This implies caring for the physical needs of children before and after birth, but perha ps the greatest needs for healthy development are emotional support and caring. Being a nurturer is the parent’s primary role in providing a psychological environment of warm, emotional interaction in which the child can thrive (see Figure 3 - 1). Nurturing involves most of the family’s developmental tasks, as listed in Figure 3 - 2. Researchers have found important correlations between warm and responsive parenting in infancy, including close physical contact between parent and baby and attention to needs, and the development of attachment The strong, affectionate, mutual tie formed in the first two years following birth and enduring over time , which is defined as the strong, affectional, mutual tie formed in the two years following birth and enduring over tim e (see Figure 3 - 3). Attachment is felt to be critical to optimum development in every other aspect of development. The basis for differences in behavior and development related to attachment may be that a positive attachment relationship offers the child a
  20. secure base from which to venture forth to explore the world and learn how to interact. Older, school - aged children with whom teachers work are still the product of the quality of that earlier attachment. 3 - 1b. The Parent in Adult Relationships Parents are people first, and there is evidence that those who are fulfilled and contented as individuals are better able to function effectively as parents than those who are disappointed in their personal lives. It is evident that the support one parent gives to the other facilitates the development of the parenting role as well as optimizing conditions for nurturing the child. Forty - eight percent of mothers report that their spouse or partner is the primary source for emotional support for parenting. Although the primary adult relationship may be with a marriage partner or cohabiting adult, the adult’s life may be crisscrossed with a network of adult relationships — parents, friends, and former spouses. In fact, many parents also help arrange for their own parents’ health or living conditions and must make complicated arrangements with former spouses
  21. to share custody and negotiate financial matters. The relationship with one’s child is an extremely important relationship, but it begins in the context of relationships with other adults. Before an individual becomes a parent, there is first a relationship with another adult. One of the demands on a parent is to foster the continuance of that relationship or of another that may have replaced the original relationship. Roles Parents Play 3-1a. The Parent as Nurturer The nurturing Encouraging, supporting, caring, nourishing. role encompasses all the affectionate care, attention, and protection that young children need to grow and thrive. This implies caring for the physical needs of children before and after birth, but perhaps the greatest needs for healthy development are emotional support and caring. Being a nurturer is the parent’s primary role in providing a psychological environment of warm, emotional interaction in which the child can thrive (see Figure 3-1). Nurturing involves most of the family’s developmental tasks, as listed in Figure 3- 2. Researchers have found important correlations between warm and responsive parenting in infancy, including close physical contact between parent and baby and attention to needs, and the development of attachment The strong, affectionate, mutual tie formed in the first two years following birth and enduring over time , which is defined as the strong,
  22. affectional, mutual tie formed in the two years following birth and enduring over time (see Figure 3-3). Attachment is felt to be critical to optimum development in every other aspect of development. The basis for differences in behavior and development related to attachment may be that a positive attachment relationship offers the child a secure base from which to venture forth to explore the world and learn how to interact. Older, school-aged children with whom teachers work are still the product of the quality of that earlier attachment. 3-1b. The Parent in Adult Relationships Parents are people first, and there is evidence that those who are fulfilled and contented as individuals are better able to function effectively as parents than those who are disappointed in their personal lives. It is evident that the support one parent gives to the other facilitates the development of the parenting role as well as optimizing conditions for nurturing the child. Forty-eight percent of mothers report that their spouse or partner is the primary source for emotional support for parenting. Although the primary adult relationship may be with a marriage partner or cohabiting adult, the adult’s life may be crisscrossed with a network of adult relationships—parents, friends, and former spouses. In fact, many parents also help arrange for their own parents’ health or living conditions and must make complicated arrangements with former spouses to share custody and negotiate financial matters. The relationship with one’s child is an extremely important
  23. relationship, but it begins in the context of relationships with other adults. Before an individual becomes a parent, there is first a relationship with another adult. One of the demands on a parent is to foster the continuance of that relationship or of another that may have replaced the original relationship.