Gramsci was an Italian Marxist philosopher who developed the theory of cultural hegemony while imprisoned under Mussolini. He argued that the ruling class maintains control through both force (the state) and consent manufactured using civil society institutions. Intellectuals play a key role in producing and disseminating the ideologies that create this consent. Gramsci believed the working class could challenge capitalist hegemony by developing counter-hegemonic ideologies that appeal to broader segments of society and present an alternative vision of the social order.

1.
Lecture
6:
Antonio
Gramsci
Dr
Igor
Calzada
&
Dr
Anton
Popov

14. Antonio
Gramsci
(1891-­‐1937)
• Born
in
Sardinia
(Italy),
1891
• One
of
few
great
Marxists
from
a
working
class
background
• Imprisoned
under
Mussolini,
wrote
Prison
Notebooks

15. Antonio
Gramsci
(1891-­‐1937)
• Marx/Engels
fall
into
traps
when
trying
to
establish
inflexible
laws
for
all
history
• The
other
side
of
Marxism
is
the
human
shaping
of
a
collecGve
will
• A
movement
of
people
in
solidarity
only
possible
when
people
share
a
vision
of
the
world
• This
vision
leads
them
to
come
together,
to
act
• Gramsci
thus
explores
what
those
visions
are,
how
we
get
them
• ideology,
poliGcs
are
central
to
capitalism,
not
just
appendages
of
economic
structure

16. Antonio
Gramsci
(1891-­‐1937)
• where
Marx/Engels
thought
class
struggle
inevitable
because
of
exploitaGve
structure
of
capitalist
economy,
Gramsci
said
no:
state
acGvely
forges
class
compromise
to
defuse
revoluGon
• capitalism
is
based
on
force
and
consent
• force
is
carried
out
by
state
on
behalf
of
capitalism
• consent
is
achieved
through
insGtuGons
of
civil
society
(church,
unions,
schools,
media)
which
are
connected
to
state
by
“a
thousand
threads”

17. Antonio
Gramsci
(1891-­‐1937)
• Intellectuals
“are
the
dominant
group’s
‘depuGes’.
They
work
to
secure:
“1.
The
‘spontaneous’
consent
given
by
the
great
masses
of
the
populaGon
to
the
general
direcGon
imposed
on
social
life
by
the
dominant
fundamental
group;
this
consent
is
‘historically’
caused
by
the
presGge…
which
the
dominant
group
enjoys
because
of
its
posiGon
and
funcGon
in
the
world
of
producGon.
2.
The
apparatus
of
state
coercive
power
which
‘legally’
enforces
discipline
on
those
groups
who
do
not
‘consent’
either
acGvely
or
passively.”
(p.
12)

18. Lecture
7:
Antonio
Gramsci
(1891-­‐1937)
1. IntroducFon
• class
struggle,
class
consciousness
and
class
solidarity
• 1890:
polemical
and
dogmaGcally
• Eduard
Bernstein:
revisionist
debate
• between
the
economic
‘base’
of
society
and
the
ideological
‘superstructure’
• voluntarist
sociology:
Durkheim
and
Simmel.

19. 2.
Gramsci
and
Hegemony
• Original
thinker.
• InterrelaGon
of
structure
and
human
acGon
and
agency:
culture
and
the
cultural
formaGon
to
poliGcal
dominaGon.
• focus
on
the
‘superstructure’
and
raise
criGcal
quesGons
concerning
specific
relaGons
between
economy,
culture,
class
and
power.
• CriFcal
with
>
PosiFvisFc
Marxists
.
• Proletarian
hegemony.
• Predicated
on
a
resilient
and
independent
civil
society
allowing

20. • autonomy
of
‘private
insGtuGons’
such
as
educaGon,
church,
poliGcal
parGes,
trade
unions
which
form
the
source
of
consent
• philosophy
of
praxis
• will
and
voluntarism
• cultural
penetraGon
and
the
founding
of
a
ruling
class
is
equivalent
to
the
creaGon
of
a
Weltanschauung

21. •
cultural
hegemony
• direct
dominaGon
• the
synthesis
of
poliGcal,
intellectual
and
moral
leadership
in
which
a
class
passes
from
defending
its
own
‘corporate’

22. • interests
to
unifying
and
direcGng
all
other
social
groups
• consensual
but
can
also
be
coercive
• Thus
hegemony
points
to
a
voluntarisGc
element
in
the
structure
of
class
dominaGon
foregrounding
the
acGve
role
of
agents
in
legiGmizing
forms
of
rule

23. 3.
Intellectual
and
the
construcFon
of
hegemony
• idealist
noGon
of
great
intellectuals:
intellectuals
defined
in
terms
of
knowledge
producGon
and
work
funcGon
• who
perform
funcGons
of
organisaGons
within
the
realm
of
producGon,
culture
and
public
administraGon
• intellectuals:
organic
and
tradiGonal

24. • Organic
intellectuals
belong
to
social
groups
aiming
to
direct
the
whole
of
society
“experts
in
legiGmaGon’
who
emerge
as
the
result
of
changes
in
the
mode
of
producGon
• TradiGon
intellectuals
are
ecclesiasGcal
intellectuals,
lawyers,
teachers
and
doctors
and
their
funcGon
is
to
maintain
conGnuity
• actual
making
of
values
through
acGon
and
struggle

25.
Gramsci:Ideological
Hegemony
• Gramsci
accepted
the
analysis
of
capitalism
put
forward
by
Marx
in
the
previous
century
and
accepted
that
the
struggle
between
the
ruling
class
and
the
subordinate
working
class
was
the
driving
force
that
moved
society
forward.
What
he
found
unacceptable
was
the
tradiGonal
Marxist
view
of
how
the
ruling
class
ruled.
It
was
here
that
Gramsci
made
a
major
contribuGon
to
modern
thought
in
his
concept
of
the
role
played
by
ideology.
• Oen
the
term
"ideology"
is
seen
as
referring
simply
to
a
system
of
ideas
and
beliefs.
However,
it
is
closely
Ged
to
the
concept
of
power
and
the
definiGon
given
by
Anthony
Giddens
is
probably
the
easiest
to
understand.
Giddens
defines
ideology
as
"shared
ideas
or
beliefs
which
serve
to
jusGfy
the
interests
of
dominant
groups"
[Giddens
1997
p583]
Its
relaGonship
to
power
is
that
it
legiGmises
the
differenGal
power
that
groups
hold
and
as
such
it
distorts
the
real
situaGon
that
people
find
themselves
in.

26. Hegemony
• constellaGon
of
ideologies
(not
one
idea)
that
represent
interests
of
dominant
group
presented
as
interests
of
all
• hegemonic
ideology
appears
to
be
“common
sense,”
is
internalized
by
most
people
as
“the
only
way
of
running
society”
• this
is
the
terrain
of
struggle;
it
doesn’t
make
sense
to
talk
about
a
revoluGon
if
people
don’t
even
want
to
revolt
• can’t
step
outside
hegemonic
ways
of
understanding
the
world,
can
only
reorganize
them,
reconfigure
them
in
interests
of
working
class
(counterhegemony)

27. Hegemony
• How
do
we
do
this?
How
do
we
contest
“common
sense”
if
people
think
that’s
all
that’s
possible?
• Key
role
for
intellectuals/educaGon/schooling
because
help
shape
ideas
• Two
kinds
of
intellectuals:
– TradiFonal
intellectuals
(appear
neutral
of
any
class
base,
but
in
fact
keep
system
in
place
by
reproducing
its
ideas)
– Organic
intellectuals
(Ged
to
their
class)
• The
challenge
was
for
working
class
to
develop
own
organic
intellectuals,
and
for
some
previously
tradiGonal
intellectuals
to
side
with
the
working
class
and
convince
people
that
other
ways
were
possible

28.
Gramsci
on
Hegemony
• The
tradiGonal
Marxist
theory
of
power
was
a
very
one-­‐sided
one
based
on
the
role
of
force
and
coercion
as
the
basis
of
ruling
class
dominaGon.
This
was
reinforced
by
Lenin
whose
influence
was
at
its
height
aer
the
success
of
the
Russian
RevoluGon
in
1917.
Gramsci
felt
that
what
was
missing
was
an
understanding
of
the
subtle
but
pervasive
forms
of
ideological
control
and
manipulaGon
that
served
to
perpetuate
all
repressive
structures.
He
idenGfied
two
quite
disGnct
forms
of
poliGcal
control:
dominaGon,
which
referred
to
direct
physical
coercion
by
police
and
armed
forces
and
hegemony
which
referred
to
both
ideological
control
and
more
crucially,
consent.
He
assumed
that
no
regime,
regardless
of
how
authoritarian
it
might
be,
could
sustain
itself
primarily
through
organised
state
power
and
armed
force.
In
the
long
run,
it
had
to
have
popular
support
and
legiGmacy
in
order
to
maintain
stability.

29. Gramsci
on
Hegemony
• By
hegemony,
Gramsci
meant
the
permeaGon
throughout
society
of
an
enGre
system
of
values,
ajtudes,
beliefs
and
morality
that
has
the
effect
of
supporGng
the
status
quo
in
power
relaGons.
Hegemony
in
this
sense
might
be
defined
as
an
'organising
principle'
that
is
diffused
by
the
process
of
socialisaGon
into
every
area
of
daily
life.
To
the
extent
that
this
prevailing
consciousness
is
internalised
by
the
populaGon
it
becomes
part
of
what
is
generally
called
'common
sense'
so
that
the
philosophy,
culture
and
morality
of
the
ruling
elite
comes
to
appear
as
the
natural
order
of
things.

30. Gramsci
on
Hegemony
• Marx’s
basic
division
of
society
into
a
base
represented
by
the
economic
structure
and
a
superstructure
represented
by
the
insGtuGons
and
beliefs
prevalent
in
society
was
accepted
by
most
Marxists
familiar
with
the
concepts.
Gramsci
took
this
a
step
further
when
he
divided
the
superstructure
into
those
insGtuGons
that
were
overtly
coercive
and
those
that
were
not.
The
coercive
ones,
which
were
basically
the
public
insGtuGons
such
as
the
government,
police,
armed
forces
and
the
legal
system
he
regarded
as
the
state
or
poliGcal
society
and
the
non-­‐coercive
ones
were
the
others
such
as
the
churches,
the
schools,
trade
unions,
poliGcal
parGes,
cultural
associaGons,
clubs,
the
family
etc.
which
he
regarded
as
civil
society.
To
some
extent,
schools
could
fit
into
both
categories.
Parts
of
school
life
are
quite
clearly
coercive
(compulsory
educaGon,
the
naGonal
curriculum,
naGonal
standards
and
qualificaGons)
whilst
others
are
not
(the
hidden
curriculum).

31. Gramsci
on
Hegemony
• So
for
Gramsci,
society
was
made
up
of
the
relaGons
of
producGon
(capital
v
labour);
the
state
or
poliGcal
society
(coercive
insGtuGons)
and
civil
society
(all
other
non-­‐coercive
insGtuGons).
• Gramsci's
analysis
went
much
further
than
any
previous
Marxist
theory
to
provide
an
understanding
of
why
the
European
working
class
had
on
the
whole
failed
to
develop
revoluGonary
consciousness
aer
the
First
World
War
and
had
instead
moved
towards
reformism
ie
Gnkering
with
the
system
rather
than
working
towards
overthrowing
it.
It
was
a
far
more
subtle
theory
of
power
than
any
of
his
contemporaries
and
went
a
long
way
to
explain
how
the
ruling
class
ruled.

32. Gramsci
on
Hegemony
• Now,
if
Gramsci
was
correct
that
the
ruling
class
maintained
its
dominaGon
by
the
consent
of
the
mass
of
the
people
and
only
used
its
coercive
apparatuses,
the
forces
of
law
and
order,
as
a
last
resort,
what
were
the
consequences
for
Marxists
who
wished
to
see
the
overthrow
of
that
same
ruling
class?
If
the
hegemony
of
the
ruling
capitalist
class
resulted
from
an
ideological
bond
between
the
rulers
and
the
ruled,
what
strategy
needed
to
be
employed?
The
answer
to
those
quesGons
was
that
those
who
wished
to
break
that
ideological
bond
had
to
build
up
a
‘counter
hegemony’
to
that
of
the
ruling
class.
They
had
to
see
structural
change
and
ideological
change
as
part
of
the
same
struggle.
The
labour
process
was
at
the
core
of
the
class
struggle
but
it
was
the
ideological
struggle
that
had
to
be
addressed
if
the
mass
of
the
people
were
to
come
to
a
consciousness
that
allowed
them
to
quesGon
their
poliGcal
and
economic
masters
right
to
rule.
It
was
popular
consensus
in
civil
society
that
had
to
be
challenged
and
in
this
we
can
see
a
role
for
informal
educaGon

33. Gramsci
on
Hegemony
• Overcoming
popular
consensus,
however,
is
not
easy.
Ideological
hegemony
meant
that
the
majority
of
the
populaGon
accepted
what
was
happening
in
society
as
‘common
sense’
or
as
‘the
only
way
of
running
society’.
There
may
have
been
complaints
about
the
way
things
were
run
and
people
looked
for
improvements
or
reforms
but
the
basic
beliefs
and
value
system
underpinning
society
were
seen
as
either
neutral
or
of
general
applicability
in
relaGon
to
the
class
structure
of
society.
Marxists
would
have
seen
people
constantly
asking
for
a
bigger
slice
of
the
cake
when
the
real
issue
was
ownership
of
the
bakery.

34. Gramsci
and
Hegemony
§ Gramsci
developed
the
concept
of
hegemony
–
the
dominance
of
ideologies
of
the
ruling
classes,
with
all
the
values
and
beliefs
that
they
incorporate
§ He
argued
that
the
process
is
so
successful
that
these
ideologies
become
‘the
norm’
§ Therefore,
by
maintaining
these
ideologies
in
the
media,
the
ruling
classes
maintain
control.

35. Q
&
A
for
the
Seminar:
How
can
we
apply
Gramsci’s
thinking
to
the
following
topics:
1.-­‐
Which
should
be
the
role
of
the
media?

37. Q
&
A
for
the
Seminar:
How
can
we
apply
Gramsci’s
thinking
to
the
following
topics:
2.-­‐
Social
InnovaGon:
Which
should
be
the
role
of
educaGon,
and
specially,
the
university
in
order
to
foster
criGcal
educaGon
as
a
force
for
change?
(Burawoy,
M.
‘Does
the
working
class
exist?
Burawoy
meets
Bourdieu’
Burawoy,
April
2008)

39. Q
&
A
for
the
Seminar:
How
can
we
apply
Gramsci’s
thinking
to
the
following
topics:
3.-­‐
Which
is
the
role
of
Organic
Intelectuals
as
acGvists
or
social
entrepeneurs
today
in
our
society?
Do
they
have
any
influence?
(George
Soros,
Steve
Jobs,
David
Harvey,
Richard
Branson,…?)
Would
be
Gramsci
at
present
a
ley-­‐hipster?

41. Q
&
A
for
the
Seminar:
How
can
we
apply
Gramsci’s
thinking
to
the
following
topics:
4.-­‐
Is
economy
a
determinisGc
force
or
instead,
as
Gramsci,
suggested
it
should
be
seen
as
far-­‐
away
from
fatalisGc
interpretaGons
as
the
one
Marx
coined?

43. Q
&
A
for
the
Seminar:
How
can
we
apply
Gramsci’s
thinking
to
the
following
topics:
5.-­‐
Which
should
be
the
role
of
the
State?

46. Thanks
for
your
aqenGon