Mac301 Gw2 And Al Jazeera 2008 9 Sem1

Formation Actualités & Politique

Slides used in MAC301 lecture 2008-9 Sem1

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95 Nordicom Review 30 (2009) 1, pp. 95-112 New War Journalism Trends and Challenges Stig A. NohrStedt Abstract How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Ber- lin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order. The Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars”. The 1990-91 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news chan- nel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism. A new world order, new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? This article outlines some important trends based on recent media research and discusses the new challenges as well as the consequences they entail for the conditions of war journalism, its professional reflexivity and democratic role. Keywords: new media war; propaganda and war journalism; framing of war news; visual war reporting; media reflexivity. Introduction How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order holding the promise of international justice and peace. However, the Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars” that in the wake of the terror attacks of 9/11 have acquired an iconicity rivalling that of fiction films. The 1990-1991 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news channel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism with the, at first anonymous, icon Salam Pax belonging to the first generation of war bloggers. A new world order (that did not turn out as hoped in 1989), new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? Can we see signs of a new war journalism, perhaps even the development of a peace journalism? War Journalism as Mediated Banal Nationalism Wars are not only fought by military means. Alongside the fighting on the ground, at sea, and in the air, a media war is fought over public opinion and the willingness to fight of populations and troops (Taylor 1997:119; cf. Thussu & Freedman 2003:7). The media become a battleground, and journalists are drawn into the conflict, either voluntarily 96 or under orders, or even unawares. Modern wars cannot be fought without public sup- port, and great efforts are made to get the public to accept, and preferably support their own side’s actions in the conflict. Media and journalists have gained an increasingly central position due to developments in media technology such as satellite TV channels broadcasting 24/7 news so rapidly that it is possible to report live from a combat zone. The visual media’s unique power of influence increases the propag.

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This research analyzes the sectarian violence that was an end product of the destruction of the golden dome of the mosque of al-Askari on February 22nd, 2006 and the effectiveness of US military responses to that event. According to many policy think tanks, the destruction of the golden dome was simply a catalyst of sectarian strife of an unexplained origin.i This on-the-spot characterization of the mosque bombing as an igniter of sectarian warfare does not give justice to the deep historical nature of the religious complexities of the violence which the bombing caused; any violent event of equivalent magnitude (a similar attack at Karbala or Najaf for example) would have spurred similar reactions. Instead this study of an effective counterinsurgency theory will utilize primary sources such as interviews from ex-military personnel, Iraqi weblogs composed around the year 2006 and recent scholarly works concerning counterinsurgency theory and tactics (such as FM 3-24) in order to better frame the issue on why the mosque bombing had such violent responses and an explanation on how the US responded (in Baghdad). Contrary to common viewpoint that the mosque bombing in Samarra was the source of sectarian violence in Iraq, it was simply an event in a larger mosaic that comprises the history of Islamic sectarian conflict in Iraq, the endgame of which is currently out of reach. This study also addresses the shortcomings of conventional thinking (as evidence by veteran interviews) that the regular military operates under when it comes to post-invasion standard operating procedures in the months preceding the mosque bombing in Samarra and after it. These interviews will address the fact that in order to combat sectarian violence in Iraq, the occupying force must work in tandem with local security forces focusing on the desires of the population. The operations that will be analyzed (and taken into context within the veteran interviews and Iraqi weblogs) are those that were conducted in the city of Baghdad due to the city’s near resemblance of the ethnic composition of Iraq and the socio-political importance that the city holds on Iraq’s national stage. The findings of research concluded that there were several factors that were present in Baghdad during the months after the mosque bombing that influenced the feelings of the population and the response of US forces. These factors include (but are not limited to): the perception of al Qaeda to occupying forces and local inhabitants, the influence of Iran with regards to sectarian groups and Sunni and Shiite relations. This research advocates that standard operating procedures need to be replaced with unconventional strategy and tactics (akin to Special Forces, for example) which tends to be more population-centric when dealing with known and unknown challenges.

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