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Alex Pergams
Pet Ownership: A New Perspective on Japan’s Changing Demography
Japan’s demography is changing. At the same time that Japan’s aged population is
rapidly increasing, the birth rate is rapidly declining. The Japanese public is well aware of the
consequences of this demographic change, namely elder care and a declining population, as they
are the most obvious and most extensively studied. However, many of the more subtle ways in
which these changes have impacted Japanese society have been largely overlooked. Pet
ownership in Japan is one such example. By looking through the lens of changes in pet
ownership in Japan, we can observe the profound effect that the above two recent demographic
changes have had on Japanese society.
Cultural views on pets in Japan, along with pet ownership itself, have transformed
parallel to these changes in demography. Pet ownership has increased drastically, and people are
forming closer bonds with their pets, evidenced by modern trends indicating an increased
tendency to anthropomorphize pets, such as pet funerals and memorial rites. At the same time,
the popularity of pets, both organic and robotic has been rapidly increasing. These trends may be
at least partially attributed to two main factors. One is the need for companionship in the rapidly
aging population that has been abandoned by a generation of youth both insufficient in number
to care for it and accustomed to an age in which the nuclear family has become the norm. The
other is that pets are being thought of and utilized more and more as a substitute for children in
order to fill a void left by a decline in fertility.
Japanese Perceptions of Nature

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In examining the changes in pet ownership in Japan, it is important to discuss Japan’s
perceptions of nature and wildlife in a cultural and historical context. First of all, it is important
to provide a historical backdrop in order to determine the ways in which perceptions towards
pets has changed. Second, by understanding Japan’s past perceptions and their contexts, we may
gain insight into the way these perceptions transformed into contemporary views, eliminating
some cultural bias. The way in which people perceive nature and wildlife is also reflected in the
way in which they view pets (Kusahara, 2001). Finally, the apparent discrepancies between a
self-perceived Japanese affection toward nature and Japan’s continued destruction of wildlife are
important to keep in mind when examining the current paradoxes in modern Japanese pet
ownership.
A common image of Japan in the minds of both Westerners and the Japanese themselves
is one of a culture that reveres and has a high degree of affection for nature. Shintoism,
Buddhism, flower arranging, bonsai, tea ceremony, haiku, rock gardening, and seasonal
celebrations are often cited as cultural practices that demonstrate the unique Japanese bond with
nature (Kellert, 1991). The theme of man’s domination of nature that is presented in the Bible
but absent from Buddhism and Shintoism is offered as further evidence of this bond (Kusahara,
2001). Rather than as an enemy to be conquered, Japan perceives nature as a friend and an equal.
In short, the Japanese are often perceived to be ―one with nature‖. As is true of many stereotypes,
several aspects hold true. Both Buddhist and Shinto writings emphasize equality between
humans and nature, and stipulate that humanity has a moral responsibility to respect and revere
nature. Japan also has the highest proportion of forest of any highly developed industrialized
nation (Totman, 1998), and much of this area has been designated as national parks or other
protected area (Kellert, 1991).

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However, historical data as well as modern socio-cultural research in many ways refutes
the image of Japan as being superior to the West in terms of environmental consciousness.
Historical evidence shows that before the Tokugawa regime, deforestation slowed in Japan not
because of an inherent love for or connection to nature, but rather because aristocrats would
close many forests off to commoners in order to either selfishly reserve them for their own use,
or so that the forest could be utilized as timber in the future (Totman, 1998). While it is true that
today a large areas in Japan remain protected areas, many are afflicted by extensive human
development regardless (Kellert, 1991). Japan has also been accused of being one of the primary
contributors to many aspects of environmental destruction, including harmful whaling practices,
tropical forest destruction and global warming. Until fairly recently, Japan did not even have an
internal law for the protection of threatened species. I would suggest that the instructions of
Shintoism and Buddhism relevant to environment are disregarded for two main reasons: 1. Japan
is a secular society that utilizes religion in the same way it utilizes nature: for practical purposes
(Traphagan 2003; Totman 1998) 2. While encouraging harmony with nature, Shintoism and
Buddhism are paradoxically anthropocentric.
Traditional Japanese views on pets and animal companionship, however, have been
largely ambivalent (Ambros, 2010). Within Buddhism, animals are considered sentient beings
with the potential for better rebirth and salvation. Even so, animals are also lower beings in the
cycle of death and rebirth, and are spiritually inferior to humans as well as inherently unclean.
Animals are residents of the realm of beasts, one of the three ―lower‖ realms of rebirth. Animals
have thus been regarded as emblems of delusion and detachment. Only those who have
committed evil deserve the punishment of being reborn into something non-human. While
animals frequently appear in Buddhist parables, there are no Buddhist scriptures specifically

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dedicated to animals. Historically speaking, it was fairly rare for Japanese families to own dogs
or cats as pets, especially in rural areas. Dogs found around residences were generally ―village
dogs‖ without a particular owner, and people did not interfere with their lives. This form of
ownership was shown in the way pet death was handled, with village women gathering to say
short prayers for deceased dogs (Veldkamp, 2009).
A study performed by Stephen R. Kellert in 1991, constituting of a survey of the
Japanese public, in-depth interviews with Japanese environmental professionals, and statistical
comparisons to an identical study performed in the US, revealed prevalent Japanese attitudes
towards nature. This modern prevailing view shows that even while the Japanese may be
relatively indifferent to nature as a whole, this plays no role regarding the Japanese bond with
pets or charismatic species (aesthetically appealing organisms that are likely to spark sympathy
among the general public [Feinsinger, 2001]).
The Pet Boom
The ―pet boom‖ (Chalfen, 2003) that is currently overtaking Japan began in the early
1990s (Ambros, 2010). Japan is becoming an increasingly ―pet loving nation‖, and the number of
pet owners has been rapidly increasing. The number of dog and cat owners has been steadily
increasing by 3% a year since the mid-90s (Sapsford, 2005). In 2003, there were about 9.5
million dogs and 7.1 million cats, indicating more than one in three households raised at least
one (Chalfen, 2003). According to the JPFA in 2008, 18.2% of Japanese households raised dogs
while 11.4% percent raised cats, while 6.8% raised goldfish (Kawata, 2010). Items bought for
pets in 2002 amounted to 14,225 ($175) yen per household according to a survey by the Ministry

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of Public Management, Home Affairs and Posts and Telecomunications. This was almost 60%
more than the amount spent 10 years prior.
Pets as Family
More and more, pets are becoming viewed not merely as the property of human beings,
but instead as valuable friends, companions, and family members. In Japan, pets have become
part of ―home culture‖, and have made a transition into being considered legitimate family
members (Chalfen, 2003). A survey by Megumi Kaneko (Department of Social Psychology, The
University of Tokyo) has found that most pet owners in Japan regard their pets as family
members, with 71% of those surveyed identifying their dogs or cats as family members, 20%
identifying them simply as pets, 5% identifying them as friends, and only 1% identifying their
pet as property. A following interview by Kaneko found similar results, finding that most pet
owners find their pets to be at least as close as human family members. It should be noted,
however, that despite being for the most part uniformly attached to their pets to the point of
viewing them as family, the way in which pet owners actually treat their pets varies wildly,
ranging from allowing their pet to sleep in bed with them to not allowing the pet in their home.
The increasing number of services for pets also demonstrates increasingly deep bonds
with pets. Some pet stores rent their animals out in order to allow people who live in pet-banned
buildings to enjoy the company of an animal for a few hours (Sapsford, 2005). Dog owners may
join clubs that ―arrange marriages‖ for their pets and proceed to perform the wedding. The
Kankuu Pet Hotel Promenade outside Osaka Airport accepts pets for stays cost between $50 and
$100 per night. In 2005, Honda Motor Co. revealed a car marketed specifically to dog owners.
The glove compartment converts into a carriage for a small dog, and the second of the three seat

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rows converts into a carriage for a larger dog. Floors are paneled instead of carpeted, in order to
make cleaning messes easier.
A more personified perception of pets is also evidenced in the growing popularity of pet
memorial rituals and cemeteries. Pet funerals and cemeteries are not as new a concept as Japan’s
changes in demography. Pet cemeteries first appeared as early as the beginning of the 20th
century, and grew to popularity in the late 1960s and early 1970s. However, according to Elmer
Veldkamp, recent commercialization of pet funerals has resulted in a tendency toward shorter
mourning cycles for pets (Veldkamp, 2009). These trends suggest that the significance of animal
funerals in Japan has shifted very recently from prayer for the animal soul to a way of expressing
grief by the pet owner. Because pets are becoming increasingly viewed as family members, pets
are often buried and memorialized with the same rites that a deceased family member would
receive, and such rites are taken very seriously. Rites for dead pets are described as abridged
versions of the rituals used for humans (Kenney, 2004). This often includes encoffining the
deceased animal, cremation, gathering the ashes, depositing the ashes in a grave or ossuary,
making a household alter, visiting the pet’s grave, making offerings of food and incense, as well
as daily, monthly, or annual pet memorial services. As of 2010, there were over 900 pet
cemeteries in Japan, around 120 of which were run by Buddhist temples (Ambros, 2010). They
are widely distributed throughout most of Japan, each one varying slightly in terms of services
and privileges.
In addition to standard grave markers, these graves are also often marked by doubutsu no
haka no shashin (動物の墓の写真、animal grave pictures). According to Richard Chalfen,
these photographs are some of the most convincing evidence of an increase in pet
anthropomorphism as well as the pet-extended family (Chalfen, 2003). Chalfen argues that

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photographs are often ―visual presentations of family self‖, and that these pictures represent
family membership and belonging. In pet cemeteries that allow joint enshrinement of pets and
their owners, there will sometimes be a votive tablet and accompanying photograph for only one
person (Veldkamp, 2009). This suggests that the only ―family members‖ the person had in late
life were pets.
Linguistic evidence of this trend is perhaps the most jarring to foreigners. An example is
the growing popularity of the term uchi no ko (家の子, our little ones, literally ―children of the
house‖) to refer to pets (Ambros, 2010). I experienced this firsthand during my experience
volunteering at inu to neko no tame no raifubȏto in Kawashima, Chiba (犬と猫のためのライフ
ボート, Lifeboat for the Abandoned Cats and Dogs). When referring to a specific animal,
employees would never say ―that cat‖ or ―that dog‖, but would instead say ano ko (あの子, that
child).
Increasingly often, pets are not only becoming regarded as family, but in many ways
being perceived as children. According to Toshio Takahara, the chairman of the Pet Food
Manufacturers Association of Japan, ―the two biggest growth sectors (in pet owners) are empty
nesters and single women‖ (Sapsford, 2005). The number of registered dog and cat owners in
Japan is now greater than the 17.7 million children under 15 years of age. Richard Chalfen, in his
article on the appearance of photographs in Japanese pet gravesites, describes how in many cases,
adopting a puppy or kitten is seen as beginning a family, with the pet playing the part of a
surrogate child (Chalfen, 2003). He goes on to state that caring for a pet is perceived as
providing some important modeling for couples that are expecting to later raise children. It has

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been claimed that when children and pets co-exist in the same family, the pets will receive better
treatment than the children.
Lack of Children
Directly linked to the increase in interpersonal relationships with pets is the declining
birthrate in Japan. Throughout the early 1970s, the total fertility rate (TFR) for Japan was
somewhat consistent at around 2.13, a rate that is sufficient for population replacement (The
replacement rate being approximately 2.1 [Jenike and Traphagan, 2009]). However, by the
middle of the 1970s, the TFR began to decline. By 2004, the TFR had shrunk to 1.29, a number
far below that which is necessary for population replacement. Predictions by the Japanese
government predict that the current population of approximately 127 million will drop to as low
as 44 million by the beginning of the 22nd
century unless prior steps are taken to avoid this
outcome.
There are several factors that have likely contributed to this decline. One is the
appearance a more legally and socially empowered Japanese woman who is not as bound by
traditional gender roles. Traditionally, Japanese women are expected to have children in order to
be recognized as mature, adult, functional members of society (Rosenberger, 1995). This is
changing rapidly, with women not only no longer feeling intense pressure to have children, but
more and more women are also choosing to stay single. Men too are feeling less inclined to get
married, and some choose not to date at all (Morikawa, 2012).
Pet ownership is thus becoming a substitute for child rearing. Pets have been increasingly
incorporated to replace children (Chalfen, 2003). In recent years, married couples, who have
completed their child rearing duties early compared to previous generations as a result of having

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fewer children, have shown a marked increase in their likelihood to buy pets (Kawata, 2010). As
has been made clear, the number of pets such as dogs in Japan has been rapidly increasing while
the number of children has been rapidly decreasing. Interestingly, combined number of children
less than 14 years old and registered dogs has remained constant at around 24 million, and the
ratio of this number to the total population has been essentially unchanged, remaining at around
19% since the mid-1990s.
There is evidence for this trend beyond a rise in pet sales and a decrease in child rearing.
A study by Yukichika Kawata (Obihiro University of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine)
attempted to determine the validity of the following hypothesis: the decrease in the number of
children being reared has been compensated for by the increase in the number of pets (Kawata,
2010). Kawata utilized the explained variable of total number of registered dogs per local
government, as well as several explanatory variables, including infant mortality rate, per capita
real gross national income, total fertility rate, rate of children born out of wedlock, rate of
artificial abortions, divorce rate, and average marriage age. He found that, as expected, the
decrease in the number of children being reared is being compensated for by the increase in the
number of pets. Moreover, the number of registered dogs has increased at a nearly identical rate
as the decline in births. The increase in registered dogs has almost perfectly substituted the
decrease in the number of children.
The Elder Care Crisis
The decline in fertility rates compounds the current dilemma Japan presently faces in
regard to its rapidly expanding elderly population. It was in the 1990s that the ―elder care crisis‖
began to receive attention as a national dilemma, and the first steps were taken by the

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government to anticipate the demographic change via the introduction of the long-term care
insurance program (LTCI) (Jenike and Traphagan, 2009). Japan is currently the most aged nation
in the world, with over 20 percent of the population aged sixty-five or over. This number is
expected to double by the year 2050. Life expectancy has jumped from around 50 to around 80
in the years after World War II. Since 1970, Japan has jumped from a society with seven percent
of the population over the age of 65 to one with its current number of 20 percent. As has been
discussed, the population is not being replenished quickly enough to support such a ballooning
elderly population.
Japanese family structure is traditionally a patrilineal and patrilocal model in which adult
children co-reside and provide constant care for their elderly parents in three-generational
households (Jenike and Traphagan, 2009). The traditional family system revolves around the
idea of the ie (家、household). According to John Traphagan, the ie can be understood to mean a
person’s house, those who live in it, or both. It is organized on what Traphagan calls the ―stem
family structure‖ (Traphagan, 2004). This term refers to the idea of multiple generations (one
married couple per generation) living in the same household along with unmarried children.
Blood ties and inheritance are not nearly as important as the idea that the family is continued
over time ―as an institution‖. In this traditional family, the younger generation is expected to care
for the older generation without question. Naomi Brown mentions the ideal trade-off that occurs:
The older person is able die traditionally within the ie, while the younger person is able to
acquire the knowledge and experience of a generation steeped in an age now passed. Traphagan
mentions two contradictory ways in which the trade-off between generations is actually
perceived: as a transaction in which the younger generation provides care in exchange for
eventual inheritance, and as a morally obligatory responsibility. In the words of Naomi Brown,

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―letting an older person depend on outside help is seen not only as a failure on the part of
that person to secure their own future while they were still able to, but also as a failure on
the part of the younger generations in the family for not taking on the responsibility of
looking after their own flesh and blood‖ (Brown, 2003).
Traditionally, it is considered ethically unacceptable on the part of the adult child when elderly
parents are not well-provided for.
Inheritance such as an estate is traditionally handed down from father to son.
Responsibility for parental care is not held by the son, however, but is instead passed to the son’s
wife, who has become a yome, or daughter-in-law. The yome is expected to yield to the authority
of the shutome (mother-in-law) while assisting her in old age. In return, the shutome generally
takes responsibility for some childcare and some housework until no longer physically able.
To some extent, many of these traditional ideals persist. Traphagan references a 1998
nationwide survey that showed that 90 percent of Japanese in-home caregivers for elderly were
women. The moral overtones of filial piety are present in the Japanese legal system, with a law
stating older people are to be ―loved and respected as those who have for many years contributed
toward the development of society‖. According to Naomi Brown, just over half of all elderly
people continue to live with their children. Brenda Jenike discusses how public services place
priority on elderly depending on the level of care they receive, with elderly living alone having
first priority and those being cared for by a daughter or yome having last priority. Yome who seek
help from public services not only have to deal with personal shame, but are faced with
harassment by family and society as well as the unforgiving bureaucratic processes that place
final priority on elders cared for by the yome.
Despite this, many traditions are rapidly changing or disintegrating entirely. Changes in
the Japanese household have included the emergence of the nuclear family that has replaced the

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extended family household of the ie (Veldkamp, 2009). There has been a subsequent
development into post-nuclear forms such as single households and husband-wife households.
This transformation from multi-generational households to one or two-generational households
becoming the norm has been perceived as being threatening to the elderly population. According
to one of Traphagan’s sources, this transition may be one cause for the recent rise in elderly
suicides. It has created an environment ―in which old people feel out of place. They were
educated in a different set of ideals about how the family should be and they feel that they cannot
fit into the current family structure‖ (Traphagan, 2004). This feeling of isolation has led to a
decline in emotional and physiological well-being in many elderly people.
It is no longer socially unacceptable for adult children to choose not to co-reside with
elderly parents. This has caused the elderly parents to become disillusioned, as the fundamental
expectation among older people in Japan is in accordance with the norms of filial piety (Jenike
and Traphagan, 2009). Instead, there has been a steady increase of instances of elderly living
alone or with a spouse rather than with adult children, and increased instances of elderly being
sent by their adult children to nursing homes.
Loneliness has an adverse effect on both happiness and general health (Krause-Parello,
2008), and is a problem frequently encountered among elderly at long-term care facilities (Banks
et al, 2008). Anxiety or depression can actually manifest as physiological symptoms such as
disturbances in eating and sleeping patterns, headaches, and nausea. Because Japan’s elderly are
no longer cared for by the ie system, they are especially susceptible to loneliness, and thus a blitz
of emotional and physiological maladies.

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Due to the resulting increased need for companionship among Japanese elderly, pet
ownership has increased as a result of the aging population. While the pet boom had been almost
entirely due to young, childless couples raising dogs, more recently older Japanese have been
contributing to the trend (Chalfen, 2003). Pets are serving as companions for elderly that feel
neglected and abandoned by contemporary changes to the traditional family structure. People
need coping strategies as a response to stressful events (Krause-Parello, 2008), as a lack of social
and community ties may lead to a decline in health (Wada and Shibata, 2007). Elderly who lack
social and community ties in the form of poor social connections and infrequent participation in
social activities have an increased risk of mortality as well as an increased risk of cognitive
decline.
Theorists have suggested that attachments such as the one found between humans and
their pets provide a unique and accessible source of social support. Collins and McNicholas
(1998) suggested that those vulnerable to relational loss may seek to replace lost human
relationships by establishing a supportive relationship with a pet. In my own experience at
Lifeboat, and according to a personal correspondence with one of its staff, a very large
proportion of those who adopt pets are elderly. In explaining the reason why she felt a robot seal,
Paro, was receiving so much attention in a nursing home, one elderly said ―Everyone greets Paro
because the residents are starved for affection and conversation with children‖. Pets -even
robotic ones- are playing a similar role for the Japanese elderly as they do for young adults: in
many ways pets are being utilized to fill a void of loneliness left by children (and in this case,
adult children as well).
The emotional benefits of animal-assisted therapy (AAT) to humans are well documented,
and have been applied to medical treatment. AAT has been shown to have moderate success in

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improving autism-spectrum disorders, medical conditions, behavioral problems, and emotional
well-being (Melson, 2009). AAT is expected to have three primary positive effects:
psychological effects, physiological effects, and social effects (Wada and Shibata, 2007). Elderly
who live with a pet have been found to be less lonely than those who do not (Banks et al, 2008).
The exact mechanisms by which AAT results in decreased loneliness remain unclear.
Cheryl A. Krause-Parello (Kean University) did a study on the mediating effect of pet
attachment support and general health in older women. The study focused on women that were
55-84 years old, owned a dog or cat, and lived in a pet friendly independent living housing
community for elder people or participated in a senior citizen community center. She then
measured the each subject’s general health, level of loneliness, and level of pet attachment. She
found a significant positive relationship between loneliness and pet attachment, a significant
inverse relationship between pet attachment and general health, and a significant inverse
relationship between loneliness and general health. These results support the theories stated
above, that loneliness does have an adverse effect on health, and that pet attachment mediates the
effect of loneliness on general health. The positive relationship between loneliness and pet
attachment suggests that as loneliness increases, there is an increase in pet attachment.
However, oftentimes elderly are unable to own living pets. Most hospitals and nursing
homes do not allow animals (Wada and Shibata, 2007). This is mainly due to the possibilities of
allergies, infections, bites and scratches. Other elderly people may be in too poor health to
adequately care for a living pet. Robotic and digital pets have thus been introduced as a potential
therapeutic alternative to real pets, especially among elderly people. The effects of robot-assisted
therapy (RAA) have been studied extensively, with positive results. For example, elderly with
severe dementia have been shown to increase their activity and social behavior after interacting

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with AIBO, Sony’s robotic dog (Melson, 2009). By measuring hormones in saliva, AIBO was
also shown to decrease stress in nursing home patients after only one hour of interaction, and
was found to reduce loneliness after 20 one-hour sessions of interaction (Wada and Shibata,
2007).
One of the more recently developed and successful robotic pets designed to
therapeutically improve emotional health among the elderly is Paro. Paro is a furry robotic seal
which was designed to test the psychophysiological influences on human-robot interaction
(Wada and Shibata, 2007). Paro is able to learn simple sounds and behavior and will respond to
sensory stimulation such as voices, loud noises, or being stroked. Paro also has basic
spontaneous needs, such as sleep. In study by Wada and Shibata (2007), Paro was left for 9 hours
a day in the public area of a nursing home. In assessing the physical and emotional states of
residents after the arrival of Paro, it was found that interaction with Paro improved people’s
moods and levels of social interaction, making them more active and more communicative with
both each other and caregivers. A urinary test of residents showed that interaction with Paro also
improved the residents’ vital organs’ reactions to stress. Furthermore, Paro was shown to
improve neural health in residents with dementia, especially the health of those who liked Paro.
Unlike the hard, metallic AIBO, furry Paro was shown to also produce relaxation effects similar
to those obtained from petting a real dog.
Human-interactive robots designed for the purpose of psychological enrichment such as
Paro are becoming more and more popular. The question then becomes to what extent
interactions with robotic pets mimic human interactions with living pets. According to Machiko
Kusahara (2001), an artificial pet will fail to engage adults if it cannot evoke a sense of reality in
the user. Artificial pets may accomplish this by appearing realistic, having realistic motion, being

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interactive, having autonomy, invoking personal attachment and association, and being tied to
the society and culture in which it is being used. In Japan in particular, an artificial pet will be
most successful if it is especially playful, autonomous, communicative, intelligent, and if there is
some sense of equality between the pet and the user.
A study by Marian R. Banks using AIBO was performed with the goal of comparing
decreased loneliness as a result of RAA to decreased loneliness as a result of AAT in a nursing
home (Banks et al, 2008). Residents were randomized into groups that received no AAT or RAA
as a control, residents that received AIBO, and residents that received a living dog. This study
not only confirmed that individuals receiving AAT and RAA were significantly less lonely than
those that did not, but also found no difference in the effectiveness of a living dog and robotic
dog in reducing loneliness in elderly. While both forms of therapy decreased loneliness to an
equal degree, a higher level of attachment was found with residents who received a living dog
compared to those that received AIBO.
As we have seen, living pets can provide companionship and provide cognitive
enrichment. Studies such as the one involving Paro have shown that, robotic pets, compared to
biological pets, can provide humans with similar outcomes related to social companionship and
improved quality of life, (Melson, et al. 2009) Several studies performed by Gail Melson et al.,
this time involving AIBO, showed the extent to which robotic pets are viewed as being ―animal-
like‖, as well as their potential to become social companions or friends to humans. One analysis
of an online AIBO discussion forum found that half of (adult) forum posters viewed AIBO as
having ―life-like essences‖ and most viewed AIBO as having mental states and social rapport,
while only a minority of posters viewed AIBO as having moral standing. Results of this and

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other studies show that adult owners of AIBO develop attachment and often treat the robotic dog
as a social companion.
Skeptics caution that robotic pets may deprive vulnerable populations of the benefits of a
real animal. If robotic pets become more common as substitutes or supplements to living pets,
this might have several implications regarding the human-companion animal bond and issues of
animal welfare. They claim that experiences with substitute for nature such as robotic pets come
at the expense of direct human engagement with the living world, which can have longstanding
effects on development and threaten environmental and animal welfare concerns (Melson et al.,
2009). While these concerns may be valid in regard to children, they do not take into account the
vital importance of providing elderly populations with much-needed companionship. For this
demographic, we have seen that even artificial affection can drastically improve emotional and
physical health.
Trends in Animal Shelters and their Relation to Trends in Demography
Despite the fact that most pet-owning adults and children identify their pets as family
members, abandonment of pets and pet relinquishment to animal shelters is widespread (Melson,
2009). An estimated two million dogs are euthanized annually, accounting for one third of all
deaths in canines. The question of whether or not the number of abandoned pets is going up or
down is a difficult one to answer individual animal shelters, such as ARK (a shelter in Osaka)
and the Lifeboat for the Abandoned Cats and Dogs (犬と猫のためのライフボート, the shelter
I volunteered at), have reported an increase in the number of admitted cats and dogs. However,
national reports give the number of dogs as decreasing and cats as increasing (Hart et al. 1998;
personal interviews). These numbers show the numbers of abandoned dogs decreasing from

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345,136 in 1984 to 243,753 in 1994. The number of abandoned cats is reported to be far greater,
with 55% of all cats admitted to animal shelters in 1983 and 61% admitted in 1993. One
consistency between reports is the number of abandoned cats remains far greater than the number
of abandoned dogs, and is increasing. When we combine this fact with the rapid increase in pet
ownership, we can infer that dogs are increasingly becoming the pet of choice. One possible
reason is that, as mentioned above, dogs are preferred over cats by the rapidly increasing elderly
demographic. The second is the fact that pets are increasingly becoming a substitute for children.
Dogs are more obedient and affectionate than cats, and may be more appealing to those looking
to fill a void that would normally be filled by a child.
An Economy in Peril and the “Petering of the Pet Fad”
There are two main arguments made by people who refute the link between Japan’s
changes in demography and changes in pet ownership. One is that pet ownership is changing as a
result of changes in economy rather than changes in demography. The second is that the ―pet fad‖
is either fading, or has already ―petered out‖ (McElroy, 2000). These two arguments are in many
ways linked in that many also claim the disappearance of the pet boom comes as a result of
economic changes.
There are several flaws with these arguments. While it is true that Japan’s economy
changed in the early 1990s, the same in which drastic changes in pet ownership were taking
place, these arguments do not explain how the pet boom was in its infancy rather than its decline
when the Japan’s economic bubble burst. The gradual rise in pet ownership prior to the 90s, as
well as the subsequent rise after the economic downfall, is evidence that the two simply do not
match up as well as pet ownership and demography.

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As we have seen above, there are so many complex factors and changing perceptions of
pets that has led to changes in pet ownership, rather than simply a ―fad‖. To call the pet boom
merely a temporary increase in pet popularity is to ignore not only demographic changes, but
cultural and historical fact. Regardless of whether or not pet ownership is changing as a direct
result of demographic change, we have seen both practical uses in pet ownership in reducing
loneliness, as well as changing cultural perceptions that cannot be dismissed as a passing whim.
Conclusion
The ways in which pet ownership has been changing directly reflects Japan’s changes in
demography. Pet ownership is becoming increasingly widespread in Japan. Pets are becoming
viewed more and more as family and more significantly, as children. In this way, pets may fill a
void left in the lives of both young couples choosing not to have children, and of the elderly, who
no longer have the family connection that comes with living in a multi-generational household.
In cases where owning a living pet is not a viable option due to poor health or rules prohibiting
pets in one’s residence, robotic pets are more and more becoming an adequate replacement.
Trends in pet ownership demonstrate the extent to which Japan’s aging population and declining
birthrate has diffused to every corner of society. When devising solutions to the problems caused
by these changes in demography, public service personnel should consider the more subtle
effects their actions will have on society at large.

20. 20
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