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Ukraine: From Evolutionary to
Revolutionary Reforms
BYOLENABILAN,MIKEDUANE,
YURIYGORODNICHENKO,
ANDILONASOLOGOUB
ISSUEBRIEF
Olena Bilan is a Chief Economist of Dragon Capital, Ukraine’s leading investment bank, and an Editor for VoxUkraine. Mike
Duane is a contributor to VoxUkraine. Yuriy Gorodnichenko is an Associate Professor at the Department of Economics,
University of California at Berkeley, and a Co-Founder of VoxUkraine. llona Sologoub is a Research Associate at the Kyiv
Economics Institute and the Managing Editor for VoxUkraine.
SEPTEMBER 2015
Post-Revolutionary Reform Agenda
By the time the democratic Maidan movement started in
late 2013, Ukraine’s economic crisis was well under way.
According to the World Bank, Ukraine entered economic
recession in the second half of 2012.1
The collapse of
President Viktor Yanukovych’s corrupt regime in early
2014 left enormous challenges for the new leadership.
The key question is not whether the country must
implement reforms but rather where the government
should start the process. After years of mismanagement,
nearly every aspect of economic and political life in
Ukraine needs reform. A recent poll2
of experts (promi-
nent economists, political scientists, lawyers) conducted
by VoxUkraine, a civil society organization, identified
five areas as the most pressing: persistent corruption,
inefficient energy sector, excessive regulation, civil ser-
vice bureaucracy, and a mismanaged financial sector.
•	 Corruption. By nearly every metric, Ukraine has
one of the worst corruption problems in the world.
Eliminating corruption would provide a boost for
the economy, ensuring better provision of public
services and creating a foundation for efficient
1  World Bank, “Ukraine Economic Update—April 2013,” http://www.
worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/04/02/ukraine-economic-
update.
2  Editorial board of VoxUkraine, “Reform Priorities: Expert Survey
Results,” September 15, 2014, http://voxukraine.org/2014/09/15/
reform-priorities-expert-survey-results/.
implementation of other reforms. Almost 40 percent
of surveyed experts noted anti-corruption reforms
should be a subset of broader reforms of the
judiciary system and law enforcement prosecution
agencies strengthening the rule of law in Ukraine.
•	 Energy sector. Ukraine’s energy sector is grossly
inefficient. The government spent billions of dollars
supporting unprofitable coal mines and subsidizing
gas prices for households and firms.3 4
This practice
not only placed unsustainable pressure on public
finances but also resulted in glaring inefficiencies in
energy use. Furthermore, the lack of diversification in
energy supplies made Ukraine’s economy vulnerable
3  VoxUkraine editorial board, “DNR/LNR: Creative Destruction,”
December 3, 2014, http://voxukraine.org/2014/12/03/dnrlnr-creative-
destruction/.
4  According to the IMF, gas and heating subsidies accounted for 7-8
percent of Ukraine’s GDP in 2012-14. See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country
report no. 15/69 (March 2015), http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/
scr/2015/cr1569.pdf.
Ukraine in Europe Initiative
In response to Russia’s seizure of Crimea in February
2014, the Atlantic Council launched a campaign to
galvanize the transatlantic community into helping
ensure that Ukraine survives as an independent
nation. Ukraine must have a fair chance to build
democracy and shape its own future, including, if it
chooses, greater integration with Europe.
Atlantic Council
DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER
2	 ATLANTIC COUNCIL
to blackmail by Russia’s state-owned energy giant
Gazprom and created a monopolized market for
energy, feeding corruption and rent-seeking.
•	 Regulation. The business environment in Ukraine
was plagued by regulation, onerous taxation levels
and administration, and concentration of mar-
ket power. The World Bank’s 2014 Ease of Doing
Business ranking (covering regulations measured
from mid-2012 to mid-2013, the last year of Yanu-
kovych’s presidency) ranks Ukraine 112th out of
189 countries surveyed.5
Liberalizing economic life
by cutting red tape, simplifying tax administration,
and opening markets for more competition is essen-
tial for boosting private entrepreneurship and thus
providing people with opportunities to take care of
themselves instead of relying on state support.
•	 Excessive bureaucracy. After years of poor pay,
cronyism, and political appointments, the civil
service is bloated and largely discredited in the
eyes of the public. Many Ukrainians see government
officials as corrupt and incompetent. In 2013 (the
last year of Yanukovych’s presidency), Ukraine
ranked 148th in Government Effectiveness Index
compiled by the World Bank.6
To ensure reforms
are not sabotaged or reversed by discredited
incumbents, civil service reforms should not only
concentrate on attracting a critical mass of new
blood into the government at all levels but also
create conditions for sustaining a small, skilled,
and honest bureaucracy. Selection criteria and
processes for both hiring and promotion should be
transparent and based on merit. The salaries must
be competitive. Finally, decentralization of political
power to local governments will increase public
officials’ accountability to the people.
•	 Financial sector. Poor macroeconomic policies
resulted in volatile business conditions that hampered
investment, destabilized the financial sector, and led
to frivolous redistribution. For example, the adoption
of a fixed-exchange rate regime was a major cause of
multiple banking and currency crises as well as high
and unpredictable inflation. Macroeconomic stabiliza-
tion is essential for resuming economic growth. Better
monetary and fiscal policies such as inflation targeting,
a flexible exchange rate regime, program-based public
funding, and the establishment of an independent Cen-
tral Bank, can radically reduce uncertainty, improve
allocation of resources, and stimulate growth.
5  World Bank, Doing Business 2014: Understanding Regulations for
Small and Medium-Size Enterprises (October 29, 2013), http://www.
doingbusiness.org/reports/global-reports/doing-business-2014.
6  World Bank, Worldwide Governance Indicators, http://info.
worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#home.
Of course, this list is far from complete; however, these
reforms catalyze subsequent rounds of economic
restructuring and place the country on a path to robust
economic growth. The new government appreciates the
vital importance of addressing extraordinary challenges
in these areas. The current political leadership—
including President Petro Poroshenko, Prime Minister
Arseniy Yatsenyuk, and Speaker of the Parliament
Volodymyr Groysman—pledged to fight corruption,
secure stable energy supplies at market prices, cut red
tape, simplify taxation, stimulate competition, overhaul
civil service, decentralize the government, and ensure
macroeconomic stability. Ukraine has a herculeanan task
before it and needs international assistance to survive
this crisis.
The Role of the International Community
The international community is providing important
political and financial support to post-revolutionary
Ukraine. In February 2015, international financial
institutions (IFIs) and individual countries agreed on an
approximately $40 billion four-year financial support
package for Ukraine’s $132 billion economy,7
following
7  Daryna Krasnolutska, Volodymyr Verbyany, and  Mark Deen,
“Ukraine Gets IMF-Led $40 Billion Aid Accord to Avert Default,”
THE CURRENT
POLITICAL LEADERSHIP
PLEDGED TO FIGHT
CORRUPTION, SECURE
STABLE ENERGY
SUPPLIES AT MARKET
PRICES, CUT RED
TAPE, SIMPLIFY
TAXATION, STIMULATE
COMPETITION,
OVERHAUL CIVIL
SERVICE, DECENTRALIZE
THE GOVERNMENT,
AND ENSURE
MACROECONOMIC
STABILITY.
ATLANTIC COUNCIL	 3
an estimated $10 billion loan disbursed in 2014 in the
framework of a previous support package approved
in early 2014. The 2015-18 package includes $17.5
billion Extended Fund Facility from the International
Monetary Fund (IMF),8
a deeper and longer stabilization
program than a typical stand-by agreement provided
by the Fund. More than $7 billion is supposed to come
from other IFIs and individual countries including the
World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), the European Investment Bank
(EIB), the United States, the European Union (EU), Japan,
and others. Another $15 billion is expected to be raised
through the restructuring of Ukraine’s sovereign and
quasi-sovereign debt held by private creditors.9
Ukraine’s post-revolutionary leadership can count on
more than $50 billion in support from the international
community over five years to stabilize the economy,
implement reforms, and return the country to growth.
This package is much less generous than what Greece
received during the debt crisis, leading some analysts
to argue that Ukraine should have received more from
its allies. But one should bear in mind that Ukraine’s
record with meeting the requirements of previous
Bloomberg, February 12, 2015, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/
articles/2015-02-12/imf-chief-announces-ukraine-aid-extension-to-
about-40-billion.
8  IMF, “IMF Executive Board Approves 4-Year US$17.5 Billion Extended
Fund Facility for Ukraine, US $5 Billion for Immediate Disbursement,”
March 11, 2015, http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2015/
pr15107.htm.
9  IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69, op. cit.
IMF programs has been quite poor. Out of the nine
IMF bailout programs that Ukraine received since its
independence, only one (signed in 1996) was fully
completed. Although the current reform-oriented
government could mean that this bailout will be
different, it would be risky to flood the country with
cheap money before the country does more to combat
corruption. Thus, the cautious approach of IFIs with
respect to the funding amount and disbursement
schedule is not groundless.
Importantly, almost each dollar from the support
package is tied to implementation of specific steps
in the reform process. The IMF has taken the lead
in assigning conditionality to funding. Numerous
conditions attached to the IMF program can be split into
two categories: (1) stabilization measures; (2) structural
reforms. The former includes a typical set of economic
policy measures such as fiscal consolidation,
continuing transition to a flexible exchange rate regime
accompanied by prudent monetary policy, and banking
system rehabilitation. The structural reforms include
strengthening the Central Bank’s independence;
overhauling weak banking system supervision;
reforming the pension, healthcare, education, and
social assistance systems; improving the tax revenue
administration; and reforming the loss-making and
opaque gas sector.
The IMF pays special attention to Ukraine’s deep-
rooted problems of poor governance and widespread
Table 1. Western Support Pledged to Ukraine (billions of dollars)
Source: IMF, Ukraine, country report no. 15/69; authors’ estimates.
* Amount for 2015-18 is IMF’s projection as of February 2015. Actual amount could be higher depending on the availability of
projects that can be financed by these organizations.
2014 Actual Disbursement 2015-18 Support Package
Private eurobond holders -- 15.3
Official lenders,* including: 10.7 24.7
IMF 4.6 17.5
World Bank 1.3 1.0
EU 1.8 2.5
United States 1.0 2.0
EBRD/EIB/other lenders 2.1 1.7
TOTAL 10.7 40.0
4	 ATLANTIC COUNCIL
-5
-4
-3
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
4
5
corruption. Back in mid-2014, the Fund’s experts
conducted a diagnostic study10
of governance issues
that focused on three areas: corruption (especially at
high levels), regulatory regime, and effectiveness of
the judiciary. Based on the recommendations of the
study, Ukraine’s authorities committed to establish an
independent National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NAB)
empowered to investigate high-level officials, strengthen
anti-money laundering legislation, and improve asset
disclosure procedures. State-owned enterprises (SOEs)
were identified as key sources of corruption and
inefficiency.11
SOE reform became another important
objective of the IMF agenda.
The requirements of other IFIs supplement the IMF’s
efforts in Ukraine. In particular, the World Bank
prioritizes the efficiency of public expenditures including
the quality of state investment projects and banking
system rehabilitation procedures. EU macro-financial
assistance targets improvements in public administration,
transparency, and public finance management.
10  IMF, “IMF Executive Board Approves 4-Year US$17.5 Billion Extended
Fund Facility for Ukraine, US$5 Billion for Immediate Disbursement,”
March 11, 2015, http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2015/
pr15107.htm.
11  According to IMF estimates, SOEs received 2.5 percent of GDP of
transfers from the government in 2014, while they generated only 0.2
percent of dividends. See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69,
op. cit., p.33.
Reform Progress Unnoticed by the Public
Are any reforms taking place? The answer is yes, at
least in the eyes of experts. VoxUkraine has monitored
the progress of economic reforms in five key areas—
anti-corruption & governance, public finance, business
regulation, financial markets, and energy sector—since
early 2015. Together with partner institutions and a
pool of more than thirty experts, VoxUkraine asseses
the speed and quality of reforms, scoring progress from
-5 to +5.12
The resulting Index for Monitoring Reforms
(iMoRe) has never slipped into negative territory.
However, iMoRe rarely rose to the level of +2, which
would signal an “acceptable pace of reforms.”13
The major reform steps identified by the team of
experts include a substantial and long-overdue 285
percent hike in domestic gas tariffs; approval of the
legislation facilitating a clean-up of the banking system;
12  The pool of experts is surveyed every two weeks. Experts evaluate
legislative acts that were adopted over the period on a scale from -5 to
+5. Based on individual legislation they also evaluate reform progress,
or lack thereof, in key five areas. Score +5/-5 is given to a legislation
that (upon its successful implementation) would radically change rule
of the games in one or several areas or significantly affect behavior of
many economic agents. Same score for an area means that important
legislation leading to significant positive (or negative) changes was
adopted in this area. The aggregated experts’ scores for each of the five
areas are averaged to receive Index value. For detailed methodology, see
http://imorevox.in.ua/?page_id=30.
13  The methodology implies that IMoRe can reach a high value of above
+4 only if radical and deep reforms are taking place in all five areas. As
this is hardly realistic to expect on a biweekly basis, authors of the Index
use value of +2 as threshold for the acceptable pace of reforms.
Chart 1. Index for Monitoring Reforms
Source: VoxUkraine.
Round1
(11.01.2015)
Round4
(22.02.2015)
Round3
(8.02.2015)
Round2
(25.01.2015)
Round11
(7.06.2015)
Round10
(24.05.2015)
Round9
(10.05.2015)
Round8
(19.04.2015)
Round7
(5.04.2015)
Round6
(22.03.2015)
Round5
(8.03.2015)
Round17
(30.08.2015)
Round14
(19.07.2015)
Round13
(5.07.2015)
Round12
(21.06.2015)
Round16
(16.08.2015)
Round15
(2.08.2015)
Acceptable pace of reforms
1.1
1.5 1.7
0.4
2.6
1.0
2.2
0.9
2.1
1.1
0.9 1.0
0.4 1.5
1.7 1.5
1.0
ATLANTIC COUNCIL	 5
and adoption of the new gas market law in line with
European practices. All three of these reforms are
required by the IMF program. The experts also positively
assessed the law deregulating business environment,
increased transparency in public procurement and
government’s decision to liquidate Ukrecoresurs, a
waste disposal company widely known as one of the
most corrupt state-owned enterprises.
At the same time, businesses and Ukrainian citizens
seem to feel little if any improvement. The Investment
Attractiveness Index compiled by the European Business
Association, a community of more than nine hundred
Ukrainian and international companies, was 2.66 points
in the second quarter of 2015 out of a 5.0 maximum.14
This is much better than the 1.8 points at the end of
2013 when the street protests began, but only marginally
higher than the average 2.2 points observed in 2011-
13 during the Yanukovych years. Results of another
poll15
conducted in February-March 2015 by a group of
international and local organizations suggest that only
14  European Business Association, EBA Investment Attractiveness
Index, 2nd Quarter, http://eba.com.ua/static/indices/iai/Index_28_
eng_2015.pdf.
15  CEOs of 2,741 enterprise were surveyed by GfK, Transparency
International, PWC, and PrivatBank. See http://corruption-index.org.ua/
(in Ukrainian).
15 percent of businesses see some decline in corruption,
while 57 percent consider corruption at the same level as
half-year ago and 28 percent perceive it as growing.
Anti-Corruption Efforts
National Anti-Corruption Bureau
Political corruption has plagued Ukraine for years with
influential oligarchs and their political allies routinely
colluding to defraud taxpayers and stonewall much
needed reforms. Despite pressure from the public and
the international community, many in the country’s elite
continue to derail reform attempts. In this atmosphere,
the stakes are high for the newly established National
Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, which is tasked with
rooting out high-level corruption.
NAB’s formation, encouraged by the IMF, was and contin-
ues to be a major undertaking involving the coordinated
efforts of government and civil society. Although beset
by delays, the agency now has a director, permanent
offices in Kyiv, a publicly elected civil society oversight
committee, and it has hired its first detectives.16
In
addition, the agency’s employees will be among the
16  National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, August 26, 2015, http://
www.nabu.gov.ua/index.php?id=6 (in Ukrainian).
National Bank of Ukraine. Kyiv, Ukraine. Photo credit: Alexander Noskin.
6	 ATLANTIC COUNCIL
highest paid civil servants in the Ukrainian government,
a move designed to attract high quality candidates and
insulate them from corrupting influences.
NAB’s success will hinge on the effectiveness of two
other newly formed units: the National Agency for
Prevention of Corruption (NAPC) and the Specialized
Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office. NAPC will audit
the income and asset declarations of politicians and
civil servants for corruption indicators and help set the
country’s corruption fighting agenda. The Specialized
Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office will act as NAB’s
enforcement arm, allowing detectives to initiate criminal
cases against high-level officials suspected of corruption.
So far, NAB has met surprisingly little direct political
resistance, which is due in large part to the agency’s
high domestic and international profile. Instead,
entrenched political interests are focusing their
efforts on foiling NAB’s mission by undermining the
lower profile partners, on which it depends. A recent
lawsuit by Transparency International Ukraine alleged
that the Cabinet of Ministers circumvented the law
to control the process of vetting and appointing the
NAPC’s management team.17
Meanwhile, the well-
respected Anti-Corruption Action Centre claimed that
the President’s party was attempting to control the
selection of the head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption
Prosecutor’s Office.18
The rapid response of Ukraine’s civil society and
assistance from the international community appears to
have paved the way for a fair and transparent selection
process in both cases.19 20
In spite of that success, NAB, the
NAPC, and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s
Office will remain vulnerable to political meddling.
The complicated structure of the new anti-corruption
apparatus and the technical nature of political meddling
make each new threat challenging to communicate to the
public and to effectively counter in the media.
Despite the continued challenges, NAB remains the
face of the anti-corruption fight in Ukraine. The long-
17 Transparency International Ukraine, “Government of Ukraine
Manipulated Composition of the Panel That Will Select Members of
the National Corruption Prevention Agency,” June 10, 2015, http://ti-
ukraine.org/en/news/oficial/5314.html.
18  Daryna Kalenyuk, “Poroshenko Attempts to Control Anti-Corruption
Investigation and Prosecution,” Kyiv Post, June 5, 2015,
19  Anti-Corruption Action Centre, “Civil Society and the Members
of Parliament Presented Candidates to the Selection Commission
on Anti-Corruption Prosecutor,” August 28, 2015, http://antac.org.
ua/en/2015/08/civil-society-and-the-members-of-parliament-
presented-candidates-to-the-selection-commission-on-anti-corruption-
prosecutor/.
20  Transparency International Ukraine, “If the Government Complies
with the Decision on Open Formation of the National Agency for
Corruption Prevention, TI Ukraine Will Withdraw Its Claim,” August 13,
2015, http://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/5454.html.
term success of this effort will hinge on the continued
vigilance of Ukraine’s civil society, the ongoing support
of the international community, and persistent efforts to
inform the Ukrainian public.
Tangible Reform for Citizens
While international lending institutions, donors, and
politicians focus on solving high-level corruption, the
often incremental and complex changes can be hard to
see and feel for ordinary Ukrainians. This is why the re-
cent overhaul of the patrol police in several large cities,
including Kyiv, has been a breath of fresh air for Ukraine
and is giving hope for locally meaningful reform.
Ukraine’s police force is notoriously corrupt and is
perhaps best known for its officers soliciting petty
bribes during routine traffic stops. But in January 2015,
Ukraine’s Ministry of the Interior began the process
of recruiting two thousand new patrol police officers
for the city of Kyiv.21
The rigorous selection process
included a battery of tests and a three-month training
program conducted with the help of American police
officers. The stringent criteria, coupled with relatively
high salaries (approximately three times those of the
former police force), should act as a bulwark against a
culture of corruption.22
21  Anastasia Forina, “New Patrol Police Service to Replace Traffic Police
in Kyiv in July,” Kyiv Post, January 19,2015, http://www.kyivpost.com/
content/ukraine/new-road-patrol-service-to-replace-traffic-police-in-
kyiv-in-july-377788.html.
22 Laura Mills, “In Ukraine’s Capital, a New Show of Force,” Wall Street
THE NATIONAL ANTI-
CORRUPTION BUREAU
OF UKRAINE’S SUCCESS
WILL HINGE ON THE
EFFECTIVENESS OF
TWO OTHER NEWLY
FORMED UNITS: THE
NATIONAL AGENCY
FOR PREVENTION OF
CORRUPTION AND
THE SPECIALIZED
ANTI-CORRUPTION
PROSECUTOR’S OFFICE.
ATLANTIC COUNCIL	 7
Kyiv’s new officers took to the streets on July 4, 2015,
and are enjoying widespread approval from city
residents.23
Since then, new police forces also began
work in Lviv and Odesa with plans underway to expand
the new policing model to other regions of Ukraine.
Mixed Progress Overall
While progress has been made in establishing a national
anti-corruption apparatus, conducting moderate tariff
reforms, and changing state procurement guidelines,
support for these changes among the political elite
remains tepid at best. Instead of pursuing a systematic
reform agenda to tackle a broken civil service, a corrupt
judiciary, and a suspect state prosecution function,
politicians have adopted a reactionary strategy. They
too often rely on outside pressure from Ukraine’s active
civil society and the international community to drive
the country’s reforms. Until political will is generated
from within the ranks of influential politicians, the pace
Journal, August 6, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/in-ukraines-
capital-a-new-show-of-force-1438903782.
23 Roman Olearchyk, “Kiev’s Revamped Police Force Takes to Streets to
Rebuild Trust,” Financial Times, August 17, 2015, http://www.ft.com/
cms/s/0/f895cef8-4032-11e5-9abe-5b335da3a90e.html#axzz3jCfIjczo.
of reforms will continue to be predictably slow and the
scope of those reforms narrow.
Progress on Other Core Areas
Energy Sector
The Ukrainian government has always been very
involved in the energy sector because of its vital
importance to the economy. All previous governments
kept energy tariffs low and covered the deficit of the
state-owned oil and gas monopoly Naftogaz from the
state budget. This was a costly policy: in 2014, for
example, Naftogaz’s deficit exceeded the total govern-
ment deficit.24
As a first step toward market reform in the energy sec-
tor, the authorities diversified gas imports away from
Russia and toward the reverse flows from the EU. 74
percent of imported gas came from Russia in 2014 as
24  According to the IMF, Naftogaz’s deficit reached 5.6 percent of GDP
in 2014, exceeding general government deficit of 4.5 percent of GDP.
See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/218 (August 2015), http://
www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2015/cr15218.pdf.
Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk. Photo credit: European People’s Party/Flickr.
8	 ATLANTIC COUNCIL
compared to 92 percent in 2013.25
This year, gas supply
from the northern neighbor is expected to drop to 40
percent and may fall to zero next year.26
In April 2015,
the government raised gas tariffs for the population by
three to five times27
—a very unpopular step the previ-
ous governments did not dare to make.
Almost simultaneously, the parliament approved two
regulations essential for energy market reform: the law
“On natural gas market,”28
which introduces principles of
the EU Third Energy Package, and two additional laws29
allowing energy service companies to implement energy
efficiency (modernization) projects.
These first steps in the energy sector reform, although
very important, are relatively easy to make. Further mea-
sures, including installation of millions of energy meters,
improving energy efficiency of millions of houses, and
updating millions of kilometers of obsolete infrastructure,
will be more lengthy and costly to implement.
Deregulation
Deregulation is perhaps the most powerful tool for fight-
ing corruption in Ukraine. Since corruption is systemic
rather than episodic, many regulations exist merely to
provide a “job” of issuing some licenses, permits, etc., for
some state bodies or officials (and extracting rents for
performing these unneeded services).
For the last year and a half, several laws aimed at dereg-
ulation and reduction of the number of licenses, certifi-
cates etc. were adopted. In March 2015, the Ministry of
the Economy and Trade developed a detailed deregula-
tion plan for 2015 foreseeing further deregulation for all
industries.30
By the end of 2015, the government plans to adopt a
“regulatory guillotine” eliminating excessive regulations.
There are numerous examples of small excessive regula-
tions that make it difficult to run business in Ukraine.
25  Naftogaz, http://www.naftogaz.com/www/3/nakweb.nsf (in
Ukrainian).
26  According to Naftogaz head Andriy Kobolev. See Ukrayinska Pravda,
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2015/03/12/7061206/ (in
Ukrainian).
27  New gas tariffs set by the National Commission for Regulation of Energy
and Communal services: gas tariffs for population, http://www.nerc.gov.
ua/?id=14329 (in Ukrainian); gas tariffs for heating companies; gas tariffs
for heating companies, http://www.nerc.gov.ua/index.php?id=14139 (in
Ukrainian); electricity tariffs for population, http://www.nerc.gov.ua/index.
php?id=14359 (in Ukrainian). The agreement between the IMF and Ukraine
foresees raising gas tariffs for population to the market level by April 2017.
See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69, op. cit.
28  Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/laws/
show/329-viii (in Ukrainian).
29  Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/
show/327-viii (in Ukrainian); Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon2.
rada.gov.ua/laws/show/328-viii (in Ukrainian).
30  Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/
show/357-2015-%D1%80 (in Ukrainian).
For instance, now a special permit is required to use
the equipment producing food for children, though all
food products should anyway meet quality standards.
These and similarly unnecessary permits and licenses
are going to be cancelled. Also, a few initial steps toward
e-government, such as an electronic property register or
online service of the Ministry of Justice, already lowered
transaction cost for individuals and business entities.
Taking into account the determination of the
government to liberalize the economy, this process—
although somewhat sporadic—will be successful. One
should not expect, however, cancelling of all licences,
permits, and certificates. For the most part, Ukraine
will replace its own regulation with the EU’s within
the framework of the Association Agreement. A lot
of this work will relate to introducing EU standards
for consumer products replacing outdated Ukrainian
standards, largely inherited from Soviet times.
Public Finance
Ukrainian government redistributes over half of the
country GDP, and a large share of public funds is wasted.
The three most important channels of wasting the
money are public procurement; the categorical system of
privileges (public support given to a class of citizens—
e.g., everybody with a child—rather than means-tested);
and large-scale tax evasion caused by high compliance
cost and selective enforcement.
Reforms in the fiscal sector tried to address these
problems. To reduce fraud and waste in public
procurement, the government introduced pilot projects
of electronic state procurement expanding it to all
government purchases until the end 2016. Authorities also
approved legislation enabling international organizational
involvement in medical drugs procurement, which
has been known as one of the most corrupt spheres.31
The Ministry of infrastructure opened the data on all
procurement of subordinate enterprises and initiated
online broadcasting of tenders. Also, since September 1,
2015, all government bodies have to disclose public funds
use in much more detail than they do now.
Attempts to reform the system of privileges included
cancelling some of them (e.g., free public transportation
for students) and making others dependent on income
(e.g., 50 percent discount on utility tariffs for families
with more than three children). However, a means-
tested social safety net is only at the discussion stage.
This will be one of the biggest challenges.
31  The respective law was approved in March 2015. However, it has
not been implemented as of August 2015. See Patients of Ukraine,
http://patients.org.ua/2015/08/05/zakupivlyam-likiv-i-vaktsin-
cherez-mizhnarodni-organizatsiyi-buti-vzhe-tsogo-roku-v-ukrayini/ (in
Ukrainian).
ATLANTIC COUNCIL	 9
Area Key Measures Taken Recommendations
Governance and
Anti-Corruption
-National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NAB) created
-New patrol police force in Kyiv, Lviv, and Odessa with plans to
extend to other major cities by 2016
-More transparency introduced in various spheres:
•	 Reports of the usage of budget funds are published since
mid-September, 2015 (the Finance Ministry created a
dedicated special online platform and launched it on Sep-
tember 15) MPs are now required to publish their income
declarations
•	 Pilot projects for electronic state procurement have been
launched
-Judicial reform: the parliament adopted a law limiting the im-
munity of judges receiving Venice Commission* approval
-Comprehensive public administration
reform creating conditions for sustaining a
small, skilled, and accountable bureaucracy
-More decisive steps in fighting petty
corruption, requiring overhaul of police
(including militia) and tax administra-
tion, and further reduction of staff in state
agencies
-Full-fledged judicial system reform
-Introduction of strict punishment for cor-
rupt civil servants (not just expulsion)
Energy
Independence
-Gas import diversification: 92 percent from Russia in 2013 to
40 percent in 2015
-Gas tariffs for households were raised by three to five times
in April 2015
-Parliament approved the new law on natural gas market in
line with the EU Third Energy Package that introduces market
pricing mechanisms, limits state involvement into whole-
sale segment of the market, and enables to de-monopolize
Ukraine’s gas market
-Installation of gas, water, and heat meters
-Improving temperature insulation in
buildings
-Replacing obsolete infrastructure: pipes,
boilers, etc.
Business
Deregulation
-Number of licensing requirements were reduced by half to
twenty-nine
-Parliament adopted deregulation law that cancels some per-
mits and other documents impeding business activity
-Property registration rules were simplified, some manda-
tory certifications (fuels) and repeated registration (drugs)
cancelled
-Some public services to businesses are now provided online
-Introduce “regulatory guillotine” to re-
duce unnecessary regulations quickly
Public Finance
-The government tackled the problem of wasted public funds
through:
•	 toughening transfer pricing legislation and introducing
electronic VAT accounts;
•	 pilot electronic state procurement projects;
•	 cancellation of some privileges—most importantly in the
energy sphere; and
•	 regaining control over some state-owned enterprises.
-Fiscal decentralization has been launched with some taxes
shifted to local authorities (10 percent of corporate income
tax, 80 percent of ecology tax; property tax, and retail tax on
excised goods)
-Launch full-fledged tax reform aimed at
significant simplification of tax compliance
procedures and reduction of payroll tax
-Remove remaining tax privileges creating
level playing field for all businesses
-Introduce means-tested social assistance
system
-Reforms in healthcare and education are
necessary for more efficient use of public
funds
Banking Sector
-Parliament introduced criminal responsibility for bank own-
ers and managers stripping bank’s assets
-Since spring 2014, more than 50 non-viable out of 180 total
banks were recognized as insolvent**
-The NBU introduced stricter rules for disclosure of banks
ownership (namely, the minimal ownership share for manda-
tory disclosure was lowered from 10 to 1 percent)
-Ensure proper implementation of the
law strengthening responsibility of bank
owners
-Proceed with cleaning banks’ balance
sheets
-Reduce the share of related-party lending
Table 2. Reform Measures and Recommendations
* Venice Commission at the Council of Europe is an independent body of legal experts that can review (draft) legislation and provide comments on whether
it is in line with the best legal practices and the main principles of EU legislation. See http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/events/.
** IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/218, op. cit.
10	 ATLANTIC COUNCIL
Finally, the government tried to raise budget revenues
by reducing opportunities for tax evasion through trans-
fer pricing and by regaining operating control over some
state-owned enterprises, which have been for years
controlled by oligarchs.
Two reforms the government is most proud of are the
tax reform and fiscal decentralization. While the latter
can be considered a genuine reform leading to increased
revenues of local communities, the former was mostly
merging some taxes while keeping the overall tax rate
at the previous level. Currently, with the help of NGOs
and international experts, the Ukrainian government is
developing a real tax reform.
Banking Sector
A well-functioning financial system is crucial for a
healthy economy, and the National Bank of Ukraine
(NBU) is doing a good job in restoring the functionality
of the banking system. As a part of the “IMF package,”
the Ukrainian government adopted a law increasing
bank owner responsibility. It prescribes criminal
responsibility for stripping of a bank’s assets and
transferring liabilities to the State Deposit Guarantee
Fund (or the state budget)—this has been a widespread
scheme of bank fraud. Since spring 2014, more than
50 non-viable banks out of 180 total banks have been
recognized as insolvent; however, none of their owners
has been held responsible for emptying the bank’s
assets in accordance with the new law.
Besides “killing” the bad banks, the NBU is ensuring
the future health of the banking system by introduc-
ing stricter rules for disclosure of information on bank
ownership and related party lending, and raising repu-
tational requirements for banks’ owners and CEOs.
Conclusion
Ukrainian authorities are moving forward with reforms
in various areas. The most prominent achievements
are the establishment of the National Anti-Corruption
Bureau to fight high-level corruption, the introduction of
a new police force in the cities of Kyiv, Odesa, and Lviv,
the reform of the banking system, and the restructuring
of the natural gas sector.
However, these reforms are still insufficient given the
vast reform agenda Ukraine’s authorities face. Apart
from a new police force in Kyiv and a handful of other
cities, there were few attempts to reform the civil
service. Businesses continue to claim that middle-
and low-level employees at tax and customs agencies
remain corrupt. The central government is significantly
overstaffed, inefficient, and employees are unmotivated.
The government’s decision-making process is often
ineffective and impedes the successful implementation
of reforms.
The international support package provides an incentive
to reform in critical areas. Many of the requirements
have been met, but requirements of the IMF and other
international organizations represent only a critical
minimum in reforms the country needs to implement. It
is in the interest of Ukraine’s leadership to progress with
reforms faster than prescribed by the IMF and others.
If the Ukrainian government does not follow through
with an ambitious reform agenda, public support for
reforms will wane while dissatisfaction will increase,
threatening political stability and the country’s
successful future. There is no time for slow evolutionary
changes. Radical and revolutionary reforms are the only
way to success.
THERE IS NO TIME FOR
SLOW EVOLUTIONARY
CHANGES. RADICAL
AND REVOLUTIONARY
REFORMS ARE THE ONLY
WAY TO SUCCESS.
CHAIRMAN
*Jon M. Huntsman, Jr.
CHAIRMAN,
INTERNATIONAL
ADVISORY BOARD
Brent Scowcroft
PRESIDENT AND CEO
*Frederick Kempe
EXECUTIVE VICE
CHAIRS
*Adrienne Arsht
*Stephen J. Hadley
VICE CHAIRS
*Robert J. Abernethy
*Richard Edelman
*C. Boyden Gray
*George Lund
*Virginia A. Mulberger
*W. DeVier Pierson
*John Studzinski
TREASURER
*Brian C. McK. Henderson
SECRETARY
*Walter B. Slocombe
DIRECTORS
Stephane Abrial
Odeh Aburdene
Peter Ackerman
Timothy D. Adams
John Allen
Michael Andersson
Michael Ansari
Richard L. Armitage
David D. Aufhauser
Elizabeth F. Bagley
Peter Bass
*Rafic Bizri
*Thomas L. Blair
Francis Bouchard
Myron Brilliant
Esther Brimmer
*R. Nicholas Burns
William J. Burns
*Richard R. Burt
Michael Calvey
James E. Cartwright
John E. Chapoton
Ahmed Charai
Sandra Charles
Melanie Chen
George Chopivsky
Wesley K. Clark
David W. Craig
*Ralph D. Crosby, Jr.
Nelson Cunningham
Ivo H. Daalder
*Paula J. Dobriansky
Christopher J. Dodd
Conrado Dornier
Thomas J. Edelman
Thomas J. Egan, Jr.
*Stuart E. Eizenstat
Thomas R. Eldridge
Julie Finley
Lawrence P. Fisher, II
Alan H. Fleischmann
*Ronald M. Freeman
Laurie Fulton
Courtney Geduldig
*Robert S. Gelbard
Thomas Glocer
*Sherri W. Goodman
Mikael Hagström
Ian Hague
John D. Harris, II
Frank Haun
Michael V. Hayden
Annette Heuser
*Karl Hopkins
Robert Hormats
Miroslav Hornak
*Mary L. Howell
Robert E. Hunter
Wolfgang Ischinger
Reuben Jeffery, III
*James L. Jones, Jr.
George A. Joulwan
Lawrence S. Kanarek
Stephen R. Kappes
Maria Pica Karp
Francis J. Kelly, Jr.
Zalmay M. Khalilzad
Robert M. Kimmitt
Henry A. Kissinger
Franklin D. Kramer
Philip Lader
*Richard L. Lawson
*Jan M. Lodal
Jane Holl Lute
William J. Lynn
Izzat Majeed
Wendy W. Makins
Mian M. Mansha
William E. Mayer
Allan McArtor
Eric D.K. Melby
Franklin C. Miller
James N. Miller
*Judith A. Miller
*Alexander V. Mirtchev
Obie L. Moore
Karl Moor
Georgette Mosbacher
Steve C. Nicandros
Thomas R. Nides
Franco Nuschese
Joseph S. Nye
Sean O’Keefe
Hilda Ochoa-Brillembourg
Ahmet Oren
*Ana Palacio
Carlos Pascual
Thomas R. Pickering
Daniel B. Poneman
Daniel M. Price
Arnold L. Punaro
*Kirk A. Radke
Robert Rangel
Teresa M. Ressel
Charles O. Rossotti
Stanley O. Roth
Robert Rowland
Harry Sachinis
John P. Schmitz
Brent Scowcroft
Alan J. Spence
James Stavridis
Richard J.A. Steele
*Paula Stern
Robert J. Stevens
John S. Tanner
*Ellen O. Tauscher
Karen Tramontano
Clyde C. Tuggle
Paul Twomey
Melanne Verveer
Enzo Viscusi
Charles F. Wald
Jay Walker
Michael F. Walsh
Mark R. Warner
David A. Wilson
Maciej Witucki
Neal S. Wolin
Mary C. Yates
Dov S. Zakheim
HONORARY
DIRECTORS
David C. Acheson
Madeleine K. Albright
James A. Baker, III
Harold Brown
Frank C. Carlucci, III
Robert M. Gates
Michael G. Mullen
Leon E. Panetta
William J. Perry
Colin L. Powell
Condoleezza Rice
Edward L. Rowny
George P. Shultz
John W. Warner
William H. Webster
*ExecutiveCommittee
Members
List as of September 25,
2015
Atlantic Council Board of Directors
The Atlantic Council is a nonpartisan organization that ­promotes constructive US
leadership and engagement in ­international ­affairs based on the central role of the
Atlantic community in ­meeting today’s global ­challenges.
© 2015 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this
publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without
permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations
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Ukraine: From Evolutionary to Revolutionary Reforms

  • 1. Ukraine: From Evolutionary to Revolutionary Reforms BYOLENABILAN,MIKEDUANE, YURIYGORODNICHENKO, ANDILONASOLOGOUB ISSUEBRIEF Olena Bilan is a Chief Economist of Dragon Capital, Ukraine’s leading investment bank, and an Editor for VoxUkraine. Mike Duane is a contributor to VoxUkraine. Yuriy Gorodnichenko is an Associate Professor at the Department of Economics, University of California at Berkeley, and a Co-Founder of VoxUkraine. llona Sologoub is a Research Associate at the Kyiv Economics Institute and the Managing Editor for VoxUkraine. SEPTEMBER 2015 Post-Revolutionary Reform Agenda By the time the democratic Maidan movement started in late 2013, Ukraine’s economic crisis was well under way. According to the World Bank, Ukraine entered economic recession in the second half of 2012.1 The collapse of President Viktor Yanukovych’s corrupt regime in early 2014 left enormous challenges for the new leadership. The key question is not whether the country must implement reforms but rather where the government should start the process. After years of mismanagement, nearly every aspect of economic and political life in Ukraine needs reform. A recent poll2 of experts (promi- nent economists, political scientists, lawyers) conducted by VoxUkraine, a civil society organization, identified five areas as the most pressing: persistent corruption, inefficient energy sector, excessive regulation, civil ser- vice bureaucracy, and a mismanaged financial sector. • Corruption. By nearly every metric, Ukraine has one of the worst corruption problems in the world. Eliminating corruption would provide a boost for the economy, ensuring better provision of public services and creating a foundation for efficient 1  World Bank, “Ukraine Economic Update—April 2013,” http://www. worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/04/02/ukraine-economic- update. 2  Editorial board of VoxUkraine, “Reform Priorities: Expert Survey Results,” September 15, 2014, http://voxukraine.org/2014/09/15/ reform-priorities-expert-survey-results/. implementation of other reforms. Almost 40 percent of surveyed experts noted anti-corruption reforms should be a subset of broader reforms of the judiciary system and law enforcement prosecution agencies strengthening the rule of law in Ukraine. • Energy sector. Ukraine’s energy sector is grossly inefficient. The government spent billions of dollars supporting unprofitable coal mines and subsidizing gas prices for households and firms.3 4 This practice not only placed unsustainable pressure on public finances but also resulted in glaring inefficiencies in energy use. Furthermore, the lack of diversification in energy supplies made Ukraine’s economy vulnerable 3  VoxUkraine editorial board, “DNR/LNR: Creative Destruction,” December 3, 2014, http://voxukraine.org/2014/12/03/dnrlnr-creative- destruction/. 4  According to the IMF, gas and heating subsidies accounted for 7-8 percent of Ukraine’s GDP in 2012-14. See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69 (March 2015), http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/ scr/2015/cr1569.pdf. Ukraine in Europe Initiative In response to Russia’s seizure of Crimea in February 2014, the Atlantic Council launched a campaign to galvanize the transatlantic community into helping ensure that Ukraine survives as an independent nation. Ukraine must have a fair chance to build democracy and shape its own future, including, if it chooses, greater integration with Europe. Atlantic Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER
  • 2. 2 ATLANTIC COUNCIL to blackmail by Russia’s state-owned energy giant Gazprom and created a monopolized market for energy, feeding corruption and rent-seeking. • Regulation. The business environment in Ukraine was plagued by regulation, onerous taxation levels and administration, and concentration of mar- ket power. The World Bank’s 2014 Ease of Doing Business ranking (covering regulations measured from mid-2012 to mid-2013, the last year of Yanu- kovych’s presidency) ranks Ukraine 112th out of 189 countries surveyed.5 Liberalizing economic life by cutting red tape, simplifying tax administration, and opening markets for more competition is essen- tial for boosting private entrepreneurship and thus providing people with opportunities to take care of themselves instead of relying on state support. • Excessive bureaucracy. After years of poor pay, cronyism, and political appointments, the civil service is bloated and largely discredited in the eyes of the public. Many Ukrainians see government officials as corrupt and incompetent. In 2013 (the last year of Yanukovych’s presidency), Ukraine ranked 148th in Government Effectiveness Index compiled by the World Bank.6 To ensure reforms are not sabotaged or reversed by discredited incumbents, civil service reforms should not only concentrate on attracting a critical mass of new blood into the government at all levels but also create conditions for sustaining a small, skilled, and honest bureaucracy. Selection criteria and processes for both hiring and promotion should be transparent and based on merit. The salaries must be competitive. Finally, decentralization of political power to local governments will increase public officials’ accountability to the people. • Financial sector. Poor macroeconomic policies resulted in volatile business conditions that hampered investment, destabilized the financial sector, and led to frivolous redistribution. For example, the adoption of a fixed-exchange rate regime was a major cause of multiple banking and currency crises as well as high and unpredictable inflation. Macroeconomic stabiliza- tion is essential for resuming economic growth. Better monetary and fiscal policies such as inflation targeting, a flexible exchange rate regime, program-based public funding, and the establishment of an independent Cen- tral Bank, can radically reduce uncertainty, improve allocation of resources, and stimulate growth. 5  World Bank, Doing Business 2014: Understanding Regulations for Small and Medium-Size Enterprises (October 29, 2013), http://www. doingbusiness.org/reports/global-reports/doing-business-2014. 6  World Bank, Worldwide Governance Indicators, http://info. worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#home. Of course, this list is far from complete; however, these reforms catalyze subsequent rounds of economic restructuring and place the country on a path to robust economic growth. The new government appreciates the vital importance of addressing extraordinary challenges in these areas. The current political leadership— including President Petro Poroshenko, Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, and Speaker of the Parliament Volodymyr Groysman—pledged to fight corruption, secure stable energy supplies at market prices, cut red tape, simplify taxation, stimulate competition, overhaul civil service, decentralize the government, and ensure macroeconomic stability. Ukraine has a herculeanan task before it and needs international assistance to survive this crisis. The Role of the International Community The international community is providing important political and financial support to post-revolutionary Ukraine. In February 2015, international financial institutions (IFIs) and individual countries agreed on an approximately $40 billion four-year financial support package for Ukraine’s $132 billion economy,7 following 7  Daryna Krasnolutska, Volodymyr Verbyany, and  Mark Deen, “Ukraine Gets IMF-Led $40 Billion Aid Accord to Avert Default,” THE CURRENT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP PLEDGED TO FIGHT CORRUPTION, SECURE STABLE ENERGY SUPPLIES AT MARKET PRICES, CUT RED TAPE, SIMPLIFY TAXATION, STIMULATE COMPETITION, OVERHAUL CIVIL SERVICE, DECENTRALIZE THE GOVERNMENT, AND ENSURE MACROECONOMIC STABILITY.
  • 3. ATLANTIC COUNCIL 3 an estimated $10 billion loan disbursed in 2014 in the framework of a previous support package approved in early 2014. The 2015-18 package includes $17.5 billion Extended Fund Facility from the International Monetary Fund (IMF),8 a deeper and longer stabilization program than a typical stand-by agreement provided by the Fund. More than $7 billion is supposed to come from other IFIs and individual countries including the World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), the European Investment Bank (EIB), the United States, the European Union (EU), Japan, and others. Another $15 billion is expected to be raised through the restructuring of Ukraine’s sovereign and quasi-sovereign debt held by private creditors.9 Ukraine’s post-revolutionary leadership can count on more than $50 billion in support from the international community over five years to stabilize the economy, implement reforms, and return the country to growth. This package is much less generous than what Greece received during the debt crisis, leading some analysts to argue that Ukraine should have received more from its allies. But one should bear in mind that Ukraine’s record with meeting the requirements of previous Bloomberg, February 12, 2015, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/ articles/2015-02-12/imf-chief-announces-ukraine-aid-extension-to- about-40-billion. 8  IMF, “IMF Executive Board Approves 4-Year US$17.5 Billion Extended Fund Facility for Ukraine, US $5 Billion for Immediate Disbursement,” March 11, 2015, http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2015/ pr15107.htm. 9  IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69, op. cit. IMF programs has been quite poor. Out of the nine IMF bailout programs that Ukraine received since its independence, only one (signed in 1996) was fully completed. Although the current reform-oriented government could mean that this bailout will be different, it would be risky to flood the country with cheap money before the country does more to combat corruption. Thus, the cautious approach of IFIs with respect to the funding amount and disbursement schedule is not groundless. Importantly, almost each dollar from the support package is tied to implementation of specific steps in the reform process. The IMF has taken the lead in assigning conditionality to funding. Numerous conditions attached to the IMF program can be split into two categories: (1) stabilization measures; (2) structural reforms. The former includes a typical set of economic policy measures such as fiscal consolidation, continuing transition to a flexible exchange rate regime accompanied by prudent monetary policy, and banking system rehabilitation. The structural reforms include strengthening the Central Bank’s independence; overhauling weak banking system supervision; reforming the pension, healthcare, education, and social assistance systems; improving the tax revenue administration; and reforming the loss-making and opaque gas sector. The IMF pays special attention to Ukraine’s deep- rooted problems of poor governance and widespread Table 1. Western Support Pledged to Ukraine (billions of dollars) Source: IMF, Ukraine, country report no. 15/69; authors’ estimates. * Amount for 2015-18 is IMF’s projection as of February 2015. Actual amount could be higher depending on the availability of projects that can be financed by these organizations. 2014 Actual Disbursement 2015-18 Support Package Private eurobond holders -- 15.3 Official lenders,* including: 10.7 24.7 IMF 4.6 17.5 World Bank 1.3 1.0 EU 1.8 2.5 United States 1.0 2.0 EBRD/EIB/other lenders 2.1 1.7 TOTAL 10.7 40.0
  • 4. 4 ATLANTIC COUNCIL -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 corruption. Back in mid-2014, the Fund’s experts conducted a diagnostic study10 of governance issues that focused on three areas: corruption (especially at high levels), regulatory regime, and effectiveness of the judiciary. Based on the recommendations of the study, Ukraine’s authorities committed to establish an independent National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NAB) empowered to investigate high-level officials, strengthen anti-money laundering legislation, and improve asset disclosure procedures. State-owned enterprises (SOEs) were identified as key sources of corruption and inefficiency.11 SOE reform became another important objective of the IMF agenda. The requirements of other IFIs supplement the IMF’s efforts in Ukraine. In particular, the World Bank prioritizes the efficiency of public expenditures including the quality of state investment projects and banking system rehabilitation procedures. EU macro-financial assistance targets improvements in public administration, transparency, and public finance management. 10  IMF, “IMF Executive Board Approves 4-Year US$17.5 Billion Extended Fund Facility for Ukraine, US$5 Billion for Immediate Disbursement,” March 11, 2015, http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2015/ pr15107.htm. 11  According to IMF estimates, SOEs received 2.5 percent of GDP of transfers from the government in 2014, while they generated only 0.2 percent of dividends. See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69, op. cit., p.33. Reform Progress Unnoticed by the Public Are any reforms taking place? The answer is yes, at least in the eyes of experts. VoxUkraine has monitored the progress of economic reforms in five key areas— anti-corruption & governance, public finance, business regulation, financial markets, and energy sector—since early 2015. Together with partner institutions and a pool of more than thirty experts, VoxUkraine asseses the speed and quality of reforms, scoring progress from -5 to +5.12 The resulting Index for Monitoring Reforms (iMoRe) has never slipped into negative territory. However, iMoRe rarely rose to the level of +2, which would signal an “acceptable pace of reforms.”13 The major reform steps identified by the team of experts include a substantial and long-overdue 285 percent hike in domestic gas tariffs; approval of the legislation facilitating a clean-up of the banking system; 12  The pool of experts is surveyed every two weeks. Experts evaluate legislative acts that were adopted over the period on a scale from -5 to +5. Based on individual legislation they also evaluate reform progress, or lack thereof, in key five areas. Score +5/-5 is given to a legislation that (upon its successful implementation) would radically change rule of the games in one or several areas or significantly affect behavior of many economic agents. Same score for an area means that important legislation leading to significant positive (or negative) changes was adopted in this area. The aggregated experts’ scores for each of the five areas are averaged to receive Index value. For detailed methodology, see http://imorevox.in.ua/?page_id=30. 13  The methodology implies that IMoRe can reach a high value of above +4 only if radical and deep reforms are taking place in all five areas. As this is hardly realistic to expect on a biweekly basis, authors of the Index use value of +2 as threshold for the acceptable pace of reforms. Chart 1. Index for Monitoring Reforms Source: VoxUkraine. Round1 (11.01.2015) Round4 (22.02.2015) Round3 (8.02.2015) Round2 (25.01.2015) Round11 (7.06.2015) Round10 (24.05.2015) Round9 (10.05.2015) Round8 (19.04.2015) Round7 (5.04.2015) Round6 (22.03.2015) Round5 (8.03.2015) Round17 (30.08.2015) Round14 (19.07.2015) Round13 (5.07.2015) Round12 (21.06.2015) Round16 (16.08.2015) Round15 (2.08.2015) Acceptable pace of reforms 1.1 1.5 1.7 0.4 2.6 1.0 2.2 0.9 2.1 1.1 0.9 1.0 0.4 1.5 1.7 1.5 1.0
  • 5. ATLANTIC COUNCIL 5 and adoption of the new gas market law in line with European practices. All three of these reforms are required by the IMF program. The experts also positively assessed the law deregulating business environment, increased transparency in public procurement and government’s decision to liquidate Ukrecoresurs, a waste disposal company widely known as one of the most corrupt state-owned enterprises. At the same time, businesses and Ukrainian citizens seem to feel little if any improvement. The Investment Attractiveness Index compiled by the European Business Association, a community of more than nine hundred Ukrainian and international companies, was 2.66 points in the second quarter of 2015 out of a 5.0 maximum.14 This is much better than the 1.8 points at the end of 2013 when the street protests began, but only marginally higher than the average 2.2 points observed in 2011- 13 during the Yanukovych years. Results of another poll15 conducted in February-March 2015 by a group of international and local organizations suggest that only 14  European Business Association, EBA Investment Attractiveness Index, 2nd Quarter, http://eba.com.ua/static/indices/iai/Index_28_ eng_2015.pdf. 15  CEOs of 2,741 enterprise were surveyed by GfK, Transparency International, PWC, and PrivatBank. See http://corruption-index.org.ua/ (in Ukrainian). 15 percent of businesses see some decline in corruption, while 57 percent consider corruption at the same level as half-year ago and 28 percent perceive it as growing. Anti-Corruption Efforts National Anti-Corruption Bureau Political corruption has plagued Ukraine for years with influential oligarchs and their political allies routinely colluding to defraud taxpayers and stonewall much needed reforms. Despite pressure from the public and the international community, many in the country’s elite continue to derail reform attempts. In this atmosphere, the stakes are high for the newly established National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, which is tasked with rooting out high-level corruption. NAB’s formation, encouraged by the IMF, was and contin- ues to be a major undertaking involving the coordinated efforts of government and civil society. Although beset by delays, the agency now has a director, permanent offices in Kyiv, a publicly elected civil society oversight committee, and it has hired its first detectives.16 In addition, the agency’s employees will be among the 16  National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, August 26, 2015, http:// www.nabu.gov.ua/index.php?id=6 (in Ukrainian). National Bank of Ukraine. Kyiv, Ukraine. Photo credit: Alexander Noskin.
  • 6. 6 ATLANTIC COUNCIL highest paid civil servants in the Ukrainian government, a move designed to attract high quality candidates and insulate them from corrupting influences. NAB’s success will hinge on the effectiveness of two other newly formed units: the National Agency for Prevention of Corruption (NAPC) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office. NAPC will audit the income and asset declarations of politicians and civil servants for corruption indicators and help set the country’s corruption fighting agenda. The Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office will act as NAB’s enforcement arm, allowing detectives to initiate criminal cases against high-level officials suspected of corruption. So far, NAB has met surprisingly little direct political resistance, which is due in large part to the agency’s high domestic and international profile. Instead, entrenched political interests are focusing their efforts on foiling NAB’s mission by undermining the lower profile partners, on which it depends. A recent lawsuit by Transparency International Ukraine alleged that the Cabinet of Ministers circumvented the law to control the process of vetting and appointing the NAPC’s management team.17 Meanwhile, the well- respected Anti-Corruption Action Centre claimed that the President’s party was attempting to control the selection of the head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office.18 The rapid response of Ukraine’s civil society and assistance from the international community appears to have paved the way for a fair and transparent selection process in both cases.19 20 In spite of that success, NAB, the NAPC, and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office will remain vulnerable to political meddling. The complicated structure of the new anti-corruption apparatus and the technical nature of political meddling make each new threat challenging to communicate to the public and to effectively counter in the media. Despite the continued challenges, NAB remains the face of the anti-corruption fight in Ukraine. The long- 17 Transparency International Ukraine, “Government of Ukraine Manipulated Composition of the Panel That Will Select Members of the National Corruption Prevention Agency,” June 10, 2015, http://ti- ukraine.org/en/news/oficial/5314.html. 18  Daryna Kalenyuk, “Poroshenko Attempts to Control Anti-Corruption Investigation and Prosecution,” Kyiv Post, June 5, 2015, 19  Anti-Corruption Action Centre, “Civil Society and the Members of Parliament Presented Candidates to the Selection Commission on Anti-Corruption Prosecutor,” August 28, 2015, http://antac.org. ua/en/2015/08/civil-society-and-the-members-of-parliament- presented-candidates-to-the-selection-commission-on-anti-corruption- prosecutor/. 20  Transparency International Ukraine, “If the Government Complies with the Decision on Open Formation of the National Agency for Corruption Prevention, TI Ukraine Will Withdraw Its Claim,” August 13, 2015, http://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/5454.html. term success of this effort will hinge on the continued vigilance of Ukraine’s civil society, the ongoing support of the international community, and persistent efforts to inform the Ukrainian public. Tangible Reform for Citizens While international lending institutions, donors, and politicians focus on solving high-level corruption, the often incremental and complex changes can be hard to see and feel for ordinary Ukrainians. This is why the re- cent overhaul of the patrol police in several large cities, including Kyiv, has been a breath of fresh air for Ukraine and is giving hope for locally meaningful reform. Ukraine’s police force is notoriously corrupt and is perhaps best known for its officers soliciting petty bribes during routine traffic stops. But in January 2015, Ukraine’s Ministry of the Interior began the process of recruiting two thousand new patrol police officers for the city of Kyiv.21 The rigorous selection process included a battery of tests and a three-month training program conducted with the help of American police officers. The stringent criteria, coupled with relatively high salaries (approximately three times those of the former police force), should act as a bulwark against a culture of corruption.22 21  Anastasia Forina, “New Patrol Police Service to Replace Traffic Police in Kyiv in July,” Kyiv Post, January 19,2015, http://www.kyivpost.com/ content/ukraine/new-road-patrol-service-to-replace-traffic-police-in- kyiv-in-july-377788.html. 22 Laura Mills, “In Ukraine’s Capital, a New Show of Force,” Wall Street THE NATIONAL ANTI- CORRUPTION BUREAU OF UKRAINE’S SUCCESS WILL HINGE ON THE EFFECTIVENESS OF TWO OTHER NEWLY FORMED UNITS: THE NATIONAL AGENCY FOR PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION AND THE SPECIALIZED ANTI-CORRUPTION PROSECUTOR’S OFFICE.
  • 7. ATLANTIC COUNCIL 7 Kyiv’s new officers took to the streets on July 4, 2015, and are enjoying widespread approval from city residents.23 Since then, new police forces also began work in Lviv and Odesa with plans underway to expand the new policing model to other regions of Ukraine. Mixed Progress Overall While progress has been made in establishing a national anti-corruption apparatus, conducting moderate tariff reforms, and changing state procurement guidelines, support for these changes among the political elite remains tepid at best. Instead of pursuing a systematic reform agenda to tackle a broken civil service, a corrupt judiciary, and a suspect state prosecution function, politicians have adopted a reactionary strategy. They too often rely on outside pressure from Ukraine’s active civil society and the international community to drive the country’s reforms. Until political will is generated from within the ranks of influential politicians, the pace Journal, August 6, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/in-ukraines- capital-a-new-show-of-force-1438903782. 23 Roman Olearchyk, “Kiev’s Revamped Police Force Takes to Streets to Rebuild Trust,” Financial Times, August 17, 2015, http://www.ft.com/ cms/s/0/f895cef8-4032-11e5-9abe-5b335da3a90e.html#axzz3jCfIjczo. of reforms will continue to be predictably slow and the scope of those reforms narrow. Progress on Other Core Areas Energy Sector The Ukrainian government has always been very involved in the energy sector because of its vital importance to the economy. All previous governments kept energy tariffs low and covered the deficit of the state-owned oil and gas monopoly Naftogaz from the state budget. This was a costly policy: in 2014, for example, Naftogaz’s deficit exceeded the total govern- ment deficit.24 As a first step toward market reform in the energy sec- tor, the authorities diversified gas imports away from Russia and toward the reverse flows from the EU. 74 percent of imported gas came from Russia in 2014 as 24  According to the IMF, Naftogaz’s deficit reached 5.6 percent of GDP in 2014, exceeding general government deficit of 4.5 percent of GDP. See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/218 (August 2015), http:// www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2015/cr15218.pdf. Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk. Photo credit: European People’s Party/Flickr.
  • 8. 8 ATLANTIC COUNCIL compared to 92 percent in 2013.25 This year, gas supply from the northern neighbor is expected to drop to 40 percent and may fall to zero next year.26 In April 2015, the government raised gas tariffs for the population by three to five times27 —a very unpopular step the previ- ous governments did not dare to make. Almost simultaneously, the parliament approved two regulations essential for energy market reform: the law “On natural gas market,”28 which introduces principles of the EU Third Energy Package, and two additional laws29 allowing energy service companies to implement energy efficiency (modernization) projects. These first steps in the energy sector reform, although very important, are relatively easy to make. Further mea- sures, including installation of millions of energy meters, improving energy efficiency of millions of houses, and updating millions of kilometers of obsolete infrastructure, will be more lengthy and costly to implement. Deregulation Deregulation is perhaps the most powerful tool for fight- ing corruption in Ukraine. Since corruption is systemic rather than episodic, many regulations exist merely to provide a “job” of issuing some licenses, permits, etc., for some state bodies or officials (and extracting rents for performing these unneeded services). For the last year and a half, several laws aimed at dereg- ulation and reduction of the number of licenses, certifi- cates etc. were adopted. In March 2015, the Ministry of the Economy and Trade developed a detailed deregula- tion plan for 2015 foreseeing further deregulation for all industries.30 By the end of 2015, the government plans to adopt a “regulatory guillotine” eliminating excessive regulations. There are numerous examples of small excessive regula- tions that make it difficult to run business in Ukraine. 25  Naftogaz, http://www.naftogaz.com/www/3/nakweb.nsf (in Ukrainian). 26  According to Naftogaz head Andriy Kobolev. See Ukrayinska Pravda, http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2015/03/12/7061206/ (in Ukrainian). 27  New gas tariffs set by the National Commission for Regulation of Energy and Communal services: gas tariffs for population, http://www.nerc.gov. ua/?id=14329 (in Ukrainian); gas tariffs for heating companies; gas tariffs for heating companies, http://www.nerc.gov.ua/index.php?id=14139 (in Ukrainian); electricity tariffs for population, http://www.nerc.gov.ua/index. php?id=14359 (in Ukrainian). The agreement between the IMF and Ukraine foresees raising gas tariffs for population to the market level by April 2017. See IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/69, op. cit. 28  Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/laws/ show/329-viii (in Ukrainian). 29  Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/ show/327-viii (in Ukrainian); Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon2. rada.gov.ua/laws/show/328-viii (in Ukrainian). 30  Vekhovna Rada of Ukaine, http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/ show/357-2015-%D1%80 (in Ukrainian). For instance, now a special permit is required to use the equipment producing food for children, though all food products should anyway meet quality standards. These and similarly unnecessary permits and licenses are going to be cancelled. Also, a few initial steps toward e-government, such as an electronic property register or online service of the Ministry of Justice, already lowered transaction cost for individuals and business entities. Taking into account the determination of the government to liberalize the economy, this process— although somewhat sporadic—will be successful. One should not expect, however, cancelling of all licences, permits, and certificates. For the most part, Ukraine will replace its own regulation with the EU’s within the framework of the Association Agreement. A lot of this work will relate to introducing EU standards for consumer products replacing outdated Ukrainian standards, largely inherited from Soviet times. Public Finance Ukrainian government redistributes over half of the country GDP, and a large share of public funds is wasted. The three most important channels of wasting the money are public procurement; the categorical system of privileges (public support given to a class of citizens— e.g., everybody with a child—rather than means-tested); and large-scale tax evasion caused by high compliance cost and selective enforcement. Reforms in the fiscal sector tried to address these problems. To reduce fraud and waste in public procurement, the government introduced pilot projects of electronic state procurement expanding it to all government purchases until the end 2016. Authorities also approved legislation enabling international organizational involvement in medical drugs procurement, which has been known as one of the most corrupt spheres.31 The Ministry of infrastructure opened the data on all procurement of subordinate enterprises and initiated online broadcasting of tenders. Also, since September 1, 2015, all government bodies have to disclose public funds use in much more detail than they do now. Attempts to reform the system of privileges included cancelling some of them (e.g., free public transportation for students) and making others dependent on income (e.g., 50 percent discount on utility tariffs for families with more than three children). However, a means- tested social safety net is only at the discussion stage. This will be one of the biggest challenges. 31  The respective law was approved in March 2015. However, it has not been implemented as of August 2015. See Patients of Ukraine, http://patients.org.ua/2015/08/05/zakupivlyam-likiv-i-vaktsin- cherez-mizhnarodni-organizatsiyi-buti-vzhe-tsogo-roku-v-ukrayini/ (in Ukrainian).
  • 9. ATLANTIC COUNCIL 9 Area Key Measures Taken Recommendations Governance and Anti-Corruption -National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NAB) created -New patrol police force in Kyiv, Lviv, and Odessa with plans to extend to other major cities by 2016 -More transparency introduced in various spheres: • Reports of the usage of budget funds are published since mid-September, 2015 (the Finance Ministry created a dedicated special online platform and launched it on Sep- tember 15) MPs are now required to publish their income declarations • Pilot projects for electronic state procurement have been launched -Judicial reform: the parliament adopted a law limiting the im- munity of judges receiving Venice Commission* approval -Comprehensive public administration reform creating conditions for sustaining a small, skilled, and accountable bureaucracy -More decisive steps in fighting petty corruption, requiring overhaul of police (including militia) and tax administra- tion, and further reduction of staff in state agencies -Full-fledged judicial system reform -Introduction of strict punishment for cor- rupt civil servants (not just expulsion) Energy Independence -Gas import diversification: 92 percent from Russia in 2013 to 40 percent in 2015 -Gas tariffs for households were raised by three to five times in April 2015 -Parliament approved the new law on natural gas market in line with the EU Third Energy Package that introduces market pricing mechanisms, limits state involvement into whole- sale segment of the market, and enables to de-monopolize Ukraine’s gas market -Installation of gas, water, and heat meters -Improving temperature insulation in buildings -Replacing obsolete infrastructure: pipes, boilers, etc. Business Deregulation -Number of licensing requirements were reduced by half to twenty-nine -Parliament adopted deregulation law that cancels some per- mits and other documents impeding business activity -Property registration rules were simplified, some manda- tory certifications (fuels) and repeated registration (drugs) cancelled -Some public services to businesses are now provided online -Introduce “regulatory guillotine” to re- duce unnecessary regulations quickly Public Finance -The government tackled the problem of wasted public funds through: • toughening transfer pricing legislation and introducing electronic VAT accounts; • pilot electronic state procurement projects; • cancellation of some privileges—most importantly in the energy sphere; and • regaining control over some state-owned enterprises. -Fiscal decentralization has been launched with some taxes shifted to local authorities (10 percent of corporate income tax, 80 percent of ecology tax; property tax, and retail tax on excised goods) -Launch full-fledged tax reform aimed at significant simplification of tax compliance procedures and reduction of payroll tax -Remove remaining tax privileges creating level playing field for all businesses -Introduce means-tested social assistance system -Reforms in healthcare and education are necessary for more efficient use of public funds Banking Sector -Parliament introduced criminal responsibility for bank own- ers and managers stripping bank’s assets -Since spring 2014, more than 50 non-viable out of 180 total banks were recognized as insolvent** -The NBU introduced stricter rules for disclosure of banks ownership (namely, the minimal ownership share for manda- tory disclosure was lowered from 10 to 1 percent) -Ensure proper implementation of the law strengthening responsibility of bank owners -Proceed with cleaning banks’ balance sheets -Reduce the share of related-party lending Table 2. Reform Measures and Recommendations * Venice Commission at the Council of Europe is an independent body of legal experts that can review (draft) legislation and provide comments on whether it is in line with the best legal practices and the main principles of EU legislation. See http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/events/. ** IMF, Ukraine, IMF country report no. 15/218, op. cit.
  • 10. 10 ATLANTIC COUNCIL Finally, the government tried to raise budget revenues by reducing opportunities for tax evasion through trans- fer pricing and by regaining operating control over some state-owned enterprises, which have been for years controlled by oligarchs. Two reforms the government is most proud of are the tax reform and fiscal decentralization. While the latter can be considered a genuine reform leading to increased revenues of local communities, the former was mostly merging some taxes while keeping the overall tax rate at the previous level. Currently, with the help of NGOs and international experts, the Ukrainian government is developing a real tax reform. Banking Sector A well-functioning financial system is crucial for a healthy economy, and the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) is doing a good job in restoring the functionality of the banking system. As a part of the “IMF package,” the Ukrainian government adopted a law increasing bank owner responsibility. It prescribes criminal responsibility for stripping of a bank’s assets and transferring liabilities to the State Deposit Guarantee Fund (or the state budget)—this has been a widespread scheme of bank fraud. Since spring 2014, more than 50 non-viable banks out of 180 total banks have been recognized as insolvent; however, none of their owners has been held responsible for emptying the bank’s assets in accordance with the new law. Besides “killing” the bad banks, the NBU is ensuring the future health of the banking system by introduc- ing stricter rules for disclosure of information on bank ownership and related party lending, and raising repu- tational requirements for banks’ owners and CEOs. Conclusion Ukrainian authorities are moving forward with reforms in various areas. The most prominent achievements are the establishment of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau to fight high-level corruption, the introduction of a new police force in the cities of Kyiv, Odesa, and Lviv, the reform of the banking system, and the restructuring of the natural gas sector. However, these reforms are still insufficient given the vast reform agenda Ukraine’s authorities face. Apart from a new police force in Kyiv and a handful of other cities, there were few attempts to reform the civil service. Businesses continue to claim that middle- and low-level employees at tax and customs agencies remain corrupt. The central government is significantly overstaffed, inefficient, and employees are unmotivated. The government’s decision-making process is often ineffective and impedes the successful implementation of reforms. The international support package provides an incentive to reform in critical areas. Many of the requirements have been met, but requirements of the IMF and other international organizations represent only a critical minimum in reforms the country needs to implement. It is in the interest of Ukraine’s leadership to progress with reforms faster than prescribed by the IMF and others. If the Ukrainian government does not follow through with an ambitious reform agenda, public support for reforms will wane while dissatisfaction will increase, threatening political stability and the country’s successful future. There is no time for slow evolutionary changes. Radical and revolutionary reforms are the only way to success. THERE IS NO TIME FOR SLOW EVOLUTIONARY CHANGES. RADICAL AND REVOLUTIONARY REFORMS ARE THE ONLY WAY TO SUCCESS.
  • 11. CHAIRMAN *Jon M. Huntsman, Jr. CHAIRMAN, INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD Brent Scowcroft PRESIDENT AND CEO *Frederick Kempe EXECUTIVE VICE CHAIRS *Adrienne Arsht *Stephen J. Hadley VICE CHAIRS *Robert J. Abernethy *Richard Edelman *C. Boyden Gray *George Lund *Virginia A. Mulberger *W. DeVier Pierson *John Studzinski TREASURER *Brian C. McK. Henderson SECRETARY *Walter B. Slocombe DIRECTORS Stephane Abrial Odeh Aburdene Peter Ackerman Timothy D. Adams John Allen Michael Andersson Michael Ansari Richard L. Armitage David D. Aufhauser Elizabeth F. Bagley Peter Bass *Rafic Bizri *Thomas L. Blair Francis Bouchard Myron Brilliant Esther Brimmer *R. Nicholas Burns William J. Burns *Richard R. Burt Michael Calvey James E. Cartwright John E. Chapoton Ahmed Charai Sandra Charles Melanie Chen George Chopivsky Wesley K. Clark David W. Craig *Ralph D. Crosby, Jr. Nelson Cunningham Ivo H. Daalder *Paula J. Dobriansky Christopher J. Dodd Conrado Dornier Thomas J. Edelman Thomas J. Egan, Jr. *Stuart E. Eizenstat Thomas R. Eldridge Julie Finley Lawrence P. Fisher, II Alan H. Fleischmann *Ronald M. Freeman Laurie Fulton Courtney Geduldig *Robert S. Gelbard Thomas Glocer *Sherri W. Goodman Mikael Hagström Ian Hague John D. Harris, II Frank Haun Michael V. Hayden Annette Heuser *Karl Hopkins Robert Hormats Miroslav Hornak *Mary L. Howell Robert E. Hunter Wolfgang Ischinger Reuben Jeffery, III *James L. Jones, Jr. George A. Joulwan Lawrence S. Kanarek Stephen R. Kappes Maria Pica Karp Francis J. Kelly, Jr. Zalmay M. Khalilzad Robert M. Kimmitt Henry A. Kissinger Franklin D. Kramer Philip Lader *Richard L. Lawson *Jan M. Lodal Jane Holl Lute William J. Lynn Izzat Majeed Wendy W. Makins Mian M. Mansha William E. Mayer Allan McArtor Eric D.K. Melby Franklin C. Miller James N. Miller *Judith A. Miller *Alexander V. Mirtchev Obie L. Moore Karl Moor Georgette Mosbacher Steve C. Nicandros Thomas R. Nides Franco Nuschese Joseph S. Nye Sean O’Keefe Hilda Ochoa-Brillembourg Ahmet Oren *Ana Palacio Carlos Pascual Thomas R. Pickering Daniel B. Poneman Daniel M. Price Arnold L. Punaro *Kirk A. Radke Robert Rangel Teresa M. Ressel Charles O. Rossotti Stanley O. Roth Robert Rowland Harry Sachinis John P. Schmitz Brent Scowcroft Alan J. Spence James Stavridis Richard J.A. Steele *Paula Stern Robert J. Stevens John S. Tanner *Ellen O. Tauscher Karen Tramontano Clyde C. Tuggle Paul Twomey Melanne Verveer Enzo Viscusi Charles F. Wald Jay Walker Michael F. Walsh Mark R. Warner David A. Wilson Maciej Witucki Neal S. Wolin Mary C. Yates Dov S. Zakheim HONORARY DIRECTORS David C. Acheson Madeleine K. Albright James A. Baker, III Harold Brown Frank C. Carlucci, III Robert M. Gates Michael G. Mullen Leon E. Panetta William J. Perry Colin L. Powell Condoleezza Rice Edward L. Rowny George P. Shultz John W. Warner William H. Webster *ExecutiveCommittee Members List as of September 25, 2015 Atlantic Council Board of Directors
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