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  1. 1.                       Colonial Origins of Housing Segregation in France: Modern-Day Implications of Discrimination Against Algerians By Elizabeth A. de Ubl Yale University Department of Political Science Advisor: Adria Lawrence December 11, 2015
  2. 2.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      1       “The violence which has ruled over the ordering of the colonial world, which has ceaselessly drummed the rhythm for the destruction of native social forms and broken up without reserve the systems of reference of the economy, the customs of dress and external life, that same violence will be claimed and taken over by the native at the moment when, deciding to embody history in his own person, he surges into the forbidden quarters.” -Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, p. 40
  3. 3.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      2       Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor Adria Lawrence for her support in this project as my thesis advisor. Her guidance and recommendations were extremely valuable, and I appreciate our meetings and her reviews of my progress throughout the semester. I feel very fortunate to have had the opinion of an expert on North African politics while conducting my research. I am also grateful for the readings and discussions in Professor Boris Kapustin’s Moral Choices in Politics seminar, which sparked my interest in Algeria and caused me to think more closely about colonial explanations for present-day issues. Finally, thanks to David Simon and Blaine Hudson for encouraging me as I started this endeavor and helping me to plan its execution. The Yale Political Science Department is filled with dedicated people, and I never could have written this paper without all that I’ve learned from them in the past few years.
  4. 4.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      3       I. Introduction In October and November of 2005, riots broke out in Clichy-sous-Bois, a community in the suburbs of Paris, after two young men died in a power plant while hiding from police. Youths in the housing projects were tired of long interrogations, being required to present identification, and even being held for hours at the police station without committing a crime. Unemployment rates were high and tensions in this poor, immigrant community had been ignited, with the riots quickly spreading throughout France. After thousands of cars and buildings were set on fire, France declared a state of emergency for three weeks, which was ultimately extended to three months. Curfews were imposed with the threat of imprisonment, a rule that had not been used by France since the Algerian War (Hussey, 2014). Unfortunately, violence and rioting are often associated with Algerians and North African Muslims living in France, with a sharp division in French society between whites and the “immigrant” other. Despite the significant role of colonialism and immigration in the modern relationship between France and Algeria, the history between these two nations does not frequently appear in public discourse as an explanation for such problems. French politicians often decry flows of immigration from North Africa as threatening, such as right-wing conservative Jean-Marie Le Pen, who has used the phrase “immigration invasion” and derogatory descriptions of Muslims in his speeches and writings (Le Parisien, 2012). Yet the historical influence France exerted on Algerians in its role as a colonizing power should be examined to help understand current race dynamics. Recent laws help illustrate how French society has fallen short in grappling with issues of race. In 2004 France reinterpreted the concept of laïcité, or secularism, to mean that all forms of religious expression should not be allowed in the public sphere, including the hijab worn by
  5. 5.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      4       some Muslim women. In 2013 France’s National Assembly passed a bill that declared France would not formally recognize race and even went so far as to remove the word “race” from laws. These measures may seem equalizing on the surface, but they actually served to incite tensions. Rejecting real differences in race and religion does not erase the social discord in France that has been mounting steadily over the past decades. Instead, analysis and recognition of past crimes and mistakes have the potential to inform policy decisions that could promote racial integration. This paper will study Algerian migration and immigration patterns starting in the colonial period, the treatment these individuals received once in France, and how this treatment has impacted the present situation and their lack of integration into French society. Though the racial discrimination problems I discuss might extend to all Muslims in France, the paper focuses on Algerians since they constitute the largest proportion of Muslims in the country, and tensions between Algerians and the ethnic French are notorious. I will start with providing historical context in order to establish a foundation for understanding the relationship between Algeria and France and violence that has erupted on both sides. Then I will track the migration flows to France, noting specifically what types of discrimination Algerians faced when searching for housing. Descriptions of the housing they obtained, including location, will provide insight into how their settlements have morphed into “les banlieues,” or current suburbs in France comprised of housing projects that are predominantly inhabited by immigrants. Evidence of persistent housing discrimination is provided in sections III and V through both a first-hand account and a report of the many governmental initiatives and types of organizations developed to manage the issue. These sections demonstrate that current banlieues and the problems that arise from them resulted directly from colonial disparities. I will also use comparative case studies of two cities, Paris and
  6. 6.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      5       Marseille, to show that rioting and violence can be associated with segregated housing on the peripheries of cities. I will argue that the current race relation crisis between ethnic French and Algerians derived, in part, from housing discrimination and segregation that occurred as Algerians immigrated to France both before and after the Algerian War. Because location and quality of housing is so closely correlated with education opportunities, discriminatory housing policies can have a remarkable impact on a family’s ability to successfully integrate in a new country. If the immigrant youth cannot receive adequate education, they will also be disadvantaged when seeking employment opportunities, and a cycle of poverty develops. My aim is not to outline all the factors that have created and exacerbated this ethnic divide, but to call attention particularly to the contribution of housing segregation. Factors like xenophobia and secularism, while important to consider, are thus not the focus of this paper. II. Historical Context When European nations inserted themselves in foreign lands as colonizers, they severely stifled development through extractive exploitation, displacement of natives, and establishment of racial hierarchies. Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson (2001) have determined that various strategies European countries used in different colonies were often dependent on whether they could settle and establish communities, or if they faced harsh conditions and would primarily extract resources. France was a major player in the colonial era, holding the second largest empire in the world (Aldrich, 1996). After losing many of its conquests to Great Britain and other nations following wars in the 1700-1800s, France began focusing its efforts mainly in Africa and Southeast Asia. Algeria was initially invaded in 1830, and by 1852 France had obtained control over the entire country. Though France typically sent few settlers to its colonies,
  7. 7.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      6       Algeria was a clear exception. Rather than viewing Algeria as a trove of natural resources for the taking, many French citizens conceptualized the North African nation as closer to France, both in proximity and its potential to be assimilated, compared with other African colonies like modern- day Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Congo, or Chad. There were several features of French rule in Algeria that were unique compared with its involvement in other regions. The phrase Algérie française had a connotation encompassing not just the occupation of the country, but the desire to integrate Algeria into France. While French colonists carried their “civilizing mission” (mission civilisatrice) throughout the Empire, forcing French culture and language upon indigenous populations and encouraging their conversion to Christianity, it took on a slightly different tone in Algeria. In categorizing the Arab, Bedouin, and Berber ethnic groups in Algeria within the greater context of Africa, the French seemed to identify them along a continuum, ranging from “savages” to a “half-civilization” of Kabyle Berbers, closer to the French republican model (Silverstein, 2004, p. 48). From 1849 to 1870, France was ruled by Louis-Napoléon, or Napoleon III, who outwardly expressed concern for Algerians and referred to their nation as an “Arab kingdom” rather than a colony (Naylor, 1994, p. 13). Since many French settlers in Algeria were unsatisfied with the military rule that had been established, Napoleon III inaugurated a Ministry of Algeria and the Colonies in 1858, though both Algerian Muslims and the French military protested against this and he dismantled it shortly thereafter. After visiting Algeria, Napoleon III enacted two policies, the Sénatus-Consulte 1863 and the Sénatus-Consulte 1865 that aimed to protect Muslim tribal lands and offer Algerians the status of French nationals, respectively (Brett, 1988, p. 453). However, it would be shortsighted to characterize French rule in Algeria as any better than the standard colonial exploitation and demeaning practices typically used in other places. In
  8. 8.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      7       reality, Napoleon III’s changed system of land ownership worked strongly against native Algerians, allowing colonists to expropriate land even more easily than before. The Sénatus- Consulte of 1865 only served to ascribe a status of “French subject” to Algerian Muslims, since very few people chose to renounce Islam and their cultural heritage to attempt gaining French citizenship (Lawrence, 2013, p. 74). French rule after Napoleon III became significantly harsher, with the Native Code of 1881 imposing restrictions and penalties on Algerians, leading to several uprisings. As mining and agricultural production were developed, the next several decades would further divide the colonists (French citizens) and the Algerians (French subjects). Nevertheless, Algeria was more integrated into the French administrative system than other colonies and was seen as an extension of metropolitan France. The colonial era and the exertion of France’s power and dominance over Algerians is important to my analysis, as it marks the beginning of the close, interdependent relationship between these two nations. The racial discrimination imposed on Algerians by the French may have started in the nineteenth century, but it persists today and manifests in similar ways. III. Migration Patterns During the colonial period, France dismantled communities in some areas of Algeria through the imposition of a market economy and the displacement of farmers and peasants. The colonists implemented regroupement policies, or relocation to support French interests in the region (Loyal, 2009, p. 407). The violence of France’s expansion, from its original control over the three coastal cities of Algiers, Oran, and Bône to its vast holdings throughout North Africa, left many Algerians without land or livelihood. Some Algerians were thus employed by European settlers as house servants, tenant-farmers, miners, assistants to merchants, or workers in ports as trade between France and Africa amplified. A significant number of Algerians
  9. 9.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      8       enlisted in the French military, participating in many conflicts around the world as tirailleurs indigènes. Reliance on colonial labor throughout the Empire naturally lent itself to recruitment of Algerian migrants by large companies based in France. By 1912, only 4,000 Algerians were working in France (Adida, Laitin, & Valfort, 2014, p.15). But flows of Algerian men emigrating for work increased substantially on account of World War I and the need for cheap, industrial labor. Algerian migration could be classified in two distinctive categories: male workers entering France for temporary work during the beginning of the twentieth century and the post-1947 inflows of both individuals and family groups seeking more permanent settlement. Sayad (2004, p. 41) characterized the first flux of emigration from Algeria in the early 1900s as a “major exodus of rural populations” comprised of able-bodied young men. There were a couple factors that propelled such a large portion of Algerian migrants to France. After the mass destruction of villages and loss of their farmland, many families felt compelled to send capable men to France for financial support. Then mandatory military conscription for Algerian Muslims was instituted in 1912. About one-third of the Algerian male population between ages 20-40 was moved to France to contribute to the war effort, including 172,000 native Algerian soldiers and 119,000 native Algerian workers (Aissaoui, 2011, p. 215; Lewis, 2007, p. 190). Furthermore, the Governor-General in Algeria had issued a decree in 1874 that required Algerians to possess a special travel permit in order to enter France. The decree was abolished in 1913, which enabled more Algerians to seek work in France. The first migrants came predominantly from the Kabylia region of Algeria, a mountainous area near the Mediterranean, and most traveled back and forth between Algeria and France (Sayad, 2004). An urbanization process within Algeria developed alongside the emigration trend as rural communities were severely weakened by this drain on its workforce. Migrant workers in France were first
  10. 10.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      9       concentrated mostly in the Provence-Côte d’Azur region around Marseilles, and industrial and mining areas near Paris, Lyon-St Etienne, Lorraine, and the Pas-de-Calais region (Aissaoui, 2008). France depended on these workers. During the interwar period and the depression in the 1930s, Algeria accounted for 45 percent of France’s exports and produced 40 percent of its imports (Aldrich, 1996). The growing economic interdependence between the two regions also led to an increase in human capital transfer to France. At this time, Algerian migrants in France had reached over 85,000 (Aissaoui, 2011, p. 215). The flow of migrant workers between Algeria and France would be significant not only for the gradual establishment of Algerian communities in France, but also for the growing nationalist movement as Algerians sought political rights and equality. Algerians were not the only migrant workers in France—starting in the 19th century it was common for young men from Italy, Spain, Belgium, Poland, and Germany to work there temporarily or seasonally and send money home (Maussen, 2009, p. 107). Colonial migrants were often brought in as a way of reducing the bargaining power of unions and ending their strikes. Therefore, inherent competition and resentment existed between the low-skilled European employees, and the Maghrebi “strike-breakers” who would work for lower wages (idem, p. 109). It was common for companies to provide housing for foreign workers, often in hostels or barracks, but some had to procure their own accommodations in boarding houses or shantytowns. The segregated areas where Algerian migrant workers lived soon became settlements as family members and acquaintances from their villages arrived in France as well. Because of the pervading racism towards North African Muslims, the Algerian migrant workers received different treatment in the allocation of housing in comparison to their European counterparts. A special organization was created in 1925, called Service des Affaires Indigènes
  11. 11.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      10       Nord-Africains (SAINA), to oversee the Algerian migrants, distribute their housing, and even discipline them (ibid.). Pierre Godin, the president of the Municipal Council of Paris, led an initiative to develop a system of services and surveillance targeting North African immigrants, which mostly relied on dormitory housing for workers that could be easily monitored (Lyons, 2013, p. 25). Beginning around 1947, a trend developed where workers and their families started settling permanently. Experiences of immigrants during this time offer a window into the paradox of official French policy towards Algerians in France—at once claiming equality and at the same time distinguishing them as a particular type of citizen, the Français musulmans d’Algérie, French Muslims of Algeria. In 1947 the French National Assembly passed the Statute of Algeria, which officially designated Algeria as three French departments and allowed for the creation of an Algerian Assembly. It also granted Algerian men some qualities of French citizenship, though restrictions and limitations were placed on their citizenship status (Lawrence, 2013, p 105). Despite granting free movement between the two regions, deportations were commonly used to remove Algerians from France (Lyons, 2013, p. 36-37). The immigration policy had changed several times since the start of the twentieth century, generally in response to labor demands. Between 1947 and 1953, 740,000 Algerians arrived in France, with a significant number also returning home (Forward, 2001, p. 72). It was more common during this time for family members to accompany male workers. Though the French ostensibly worked to assimilate Algerians into the republic, the efforts to do so took on the unrestrained tone of dealing with a problem, rather than welcoming new citizens. The racism faced by Algerians in France during this time period has been well documented. Sayad (2004) has taken a sociological approach to understanding Algerian migrants and their
  12. 12.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      11       interaction with French society by interviewing several individuals. Below is an excerpt from an Algerian worker: …Keep your distance, don’t be hostile towards them – as if we were hostile when it’s always us that’s gets the hostility. So why mix with them [the French]? What reason do you have to mix with them? As little as possible is best….Stay amongst us, and you’ll see: racism and racists don’t exist!...Racism has always existed, but it does not exist when we are amongst ourselves. Stay in your room, amongst your brothers, they’re all like you so there’s nothing to be afraid of, no one knows you, you don’t know anyone. (48) The segregation that occurred as Algerian workers entered France was partially self-imposed, yet partially facilitated by both French citizens and the French government. The decision to live and remain amongst the Algerian community was induced by the lack of security felt by migrant workers on account of racism experienced. Police frequently harassed Algerians, and colonial military officials were commonly brought to France to manage the dormitories of workers (Lyons, 2013, p. 25). Additionally, many places of residence simply would not accept Algerians, with French landlords often worrying about the damage it might cause to the reputation of the building and neighborhood (Lyons, 2013, p. 4). Furthermore, the nuanced approach of the French government can be seen through the separate welfare services network established to meet the supposed special needs of Algerians (Lyons, 2013). The aims of organizations such as the North African Family Social Service (SSFNA) were to convert Algerians to French habits, monitor them, and eradicate nationalism. Though there were several service providers who tried to support Algerians in a variety of ways, one main problem was difficult to overcome: housing managers often refused to accept Algerian residents in their apartment complexes. Experts at the time insisted that housing was the “determinant factor” in Algerians’ “integration” (Lyons, 2013, p. 116). As a result of their inability to find reasonable housing, most families spent some amount of time in bidonvilles after
  13. 13.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      12       arriving in France. These slums were known for being muddy and unsanitary, often without electricity or plumbing (See Appendix 1). Organizations such as the Société Nationale de Construction de Logements pour les Travailleurs (SONACOTRA) were ultimately tasked by the French government with developing foyers pour travailleurs étrangers, or hostels for the migrant workers that aimed to improve upon the conditions seen in bidonvilles. The foyers were certainly more suitable for living, but they effectively segregated the Algerian workers from the rest of the population. Few housing facilities were provided for families, as well. In addition to the problem of Algerian housing needs and discrimination from apartment landlords, there were larger societal and political reasons that led to the development of social housing. Firstly, a severe housing shortage arose in France following World War II, which affected more than a third of the metropolitan population (Lyons, 2013, p. 14). Because most migrant workers had found jobs in or near cities, Algerians were seeking housing in areas that were overburdened. Many Algerians entered France in Marseille, a port city in the south of France, where they could work as dockers or in the soap industry (Aissaoui, 2008). Then over time they spread to other areas where work was available. Mines in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais were also a significant source of employment, along with building, manufacturing, metal-working, and public transport sector jobs in cities like Paris and Lyon. There were many factors that caused police and French politicians to take notice of the squalid conditions of Algerians living on the outskirts of France’s main cities. However, the decision in the late 1950s to early 1960s to dismantle bidonvilles and provide alternative housing was less an effort to assist Algerians than a move to offer security to the French from the encroaching immigrants. A police memo in 1954 describes the issue: [The North African population] has been concentrated in the most abandoned neighborhoods ... at the very gates of Paris, veritable ‘Bidonvilles’ have been
  14. 14.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      13       constituted and progressively this pacific invasion, coming closer and closer, has conquered the near totality of the Parisian agglomeration (Byrnes, 2013, p. 3). In a similar fashion as politician Jean-Marie Le Pen, the writer uses the word “invasion” and seems apprehensive about the impact of the immigrants on the French living in Paris, rather than harboring concern for the situation of the Algerians themselves. In fact, 1954 was the year in which the Algerian War started. While public health concerns certainly prompted the initiative, concerns about Algerian nationalists developing a front in the bidonvilles probably took precedence. During the Algerian War from 1954-1962, violence erupted in both Algeria and France. The war was initially described with euphemisms, such as les événements d’Algérie [events], or le maintien de l’ordre [peace-keeping], despite it being a savage conflict with torture and war crimes committed (McCormack, 2008, p. 118). There was still a steady flow of Algerian migrants entering France, and systemic racism remained a powerful force in French society. Algerians in bidonvilles were seen as a threat, given the potential for the National Liberation Front (FLN) to organize and demand support from these desperate communities. The FLN started orchestrating bombings and attacks on police stations in France in 1958. French police began to take thousands of Algerians into custody in identity-check operations (House, 2008). As the FLN increased its resistance in France, Maurice Papon was brought over from Algeria in 1958 to lead the repression of the FLN as chief of police in Paris. In October 1961, many Algerians were tired of the curfew imposed upon them by Papon, and they organized peaceful, pro-independence demonstrations in opposition. Papon ordered the police to attack the 30,000 Algerians, an event which has been named the Paris Massacre of 1961. Estimates of the number of victims range from 40 to 200 Algerians killed and thousands injured (House, 2008).
  15. 15.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      14       With increasing pressure to deal with the “Algerian problem,” public housing was one solution provided, along with access to a rent-controlled housing system that was developed in the 1950s for the greater population, called Habitation à Loyer Modéré (HLM). These housing units still exist today and can be either public or private, apartment buildings or individual houses. The Minister for Reconstruction and Urbanization, Eugène Claudius Petit, led the plan to implement this new system of socially-subsidized residences, which was based on a charity- subsidized housing system, HBM (Habitation à bon marché) founded in 1889. The architecture and development of HLM estates was similar to their counterparts in Britain, Scandinavia, the Soviet Union, and the United States, primarily taking the form of enormous, multi-family apartment complexes (Cupers, 2014). The period following WWII was a time of urbanization and expansion in many areas of the world. Cupers (2014) claims that housing projects were an area of great experimentation in France’s postwar modernization, with research institutes, consulting firms, and architects trying to build the right spaces for consumers. The interesting political dimension of the projects also led to a concentration of HLMs in the “red suburbs,” or more communist-leaning areas of France like Saint-Denis, while conservative areas were more likely to resist them (Cupers, 2014). Yet this experiment was barely available to Algerians, with families often being moved to the bottom of waiting lists behind applications from French and European families (Lyons, 2013, p. 167). During the tumultuous time of the Algerian War, there was an increase in the overt discrimination towards Muslim population, and both citizens and elected officials spoke out against providing Algerians with social benefits. The bidonvilles were still a common sight on the peripheries of cities, though social services organizations continued to advocate for better housing options. When the bidonvilles were destroyed without adequate relocation plans,
  16. 16.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      15       Algerian families were often left homeless (Lyons, 2013, p. 195). In the early 1960s, the Social Action Fund (FAS) and SONACTRA were instructed by the Interior Ministry to provide housing solutions for Algerian families. These organizations established contracts with HLM companies to build new, separate complexes. Social workers would only approve Algerian families for moving into HLM apartments if they deemed them ready, deserving, and able to adapt to French society (Lyons, 2013, p. 138). Transitional housing projects (cités de transit) were developed, often in the form of mobile homes, as an intermediary step before Algerian families could be allowed to live amongst the French. Though many people involved in this system feared the permanent segregation of Algerians, the weak plans to encourage integration with the rest of the French population were not successful. These included a quota system, where most of the new HLM apartments were reserved for French families that were not Algerian, and an exchange program, where regular HLM companies would allow a certain number of Algerian families to live in their buildings (Lyons, 2013, p. 178). Data is difficult to collect, but it seems that many Algerian families never made it to the HLM apartments. Some HLM companies would accept subsidies from the Social Action Fund with promises to accept a set amount of Algerian residents, only to change those plans when the apartments opened and restrict the apartments to white families (Lyons, 2013, p. 198). In addition, the focus on housing Algerians waned significantly after Algerian Independence in 1962. Algerians were no longer posing a nationalist threat, so the interest in offering welfare services lost critical support. According to Lyons (2013, p. 201), the special services of the Algerian welfare network were now extended to encompass the many people fleeing Algeria after the war: French and European colonists, Algerian French veterans (harkis), and various officials. The impact of the 900,000 repatriates from Algeria entering France in 1962
  17. 17.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      16       burdened the housing system further (Hunt, 1992). However, there was a completely different approach to accommodating the white European colonists and the Algerian harkis. SONACTRA immediately started assigning “repatriated” Europeans to HLM apartments, and policies were established to assist them in settling and finding jobs (Lyons, 2013). Meanwhile, harkis and their families were placed in internment camps with severe limits on their freedom (Choi, 2011). French officials delegated difficult and undesirable jobs to the harkis and even had separate schools within the camps for the children (Lyons, 2013, p. 201). Adding to the dilemma, there were still flows of native Algerians entering France. When the Evian Accords were signed in 1962 granting Algeria’s independence, there were around 300,000 Algerians living in France (Heisler, 1985, p. 476). These individuals were given the right to choose between Algerian and French citizenship. When immigrants and migrant workers continued entering France, the Evian agreement was renegotiated to limit entrance to 12,000 Algerian workers per year, and later, 35,000 per year (ibid.). The end of the Algerian War and influx of people entering the country started to raise an anti-immigrant response in France. Growing concern over mixed marriages also led to criticism of Algerian immigration, with the National Institute for Demographic Studies (INED) estimating that there were over 6,000 Algerian-European couples residing in France (Lyons, 2013, p. 35). The 1970s saw an economic crisis and increased tensions between Algeria and France, through incidents such as the Algerian government nationalizing the French oil industry. With France experiencing a significant shift in sentiment and policy to restrict immigration, the conservative-led government halted immigration completely in 1974. While HLMs initially offered improved housing for some Algerians, the social diversity in HLMs declined rapidly in the 1970s. Middle class households eventually left HLMs to
  18. 18.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      17       become owners, leaving room for more immigrants and low-class workers to fill their places. As the demographics of the population within HLMs shifted, there were less repairs and renovations, and perceptions towards this form of housing changed completely, to regard them as dangerous or dilapidated and filled with poor immigrants. There also existed another form of social housing commonly inhabited by Algerians and poor immigrants, the Prioritized Urban Zone (ZUP). These zones included not just housing, but also other public services such as schools, roads, utilities, and commercial, administrative, and cultural centers (Kinsey, 1969, p. 370). By 1967, there were 173 ZUPs in France (ibid.). Because ZUPs were mostly housing minorities, Algerian residents were highly isolated from the rest of French society. Even the actual architecture of the ZUPs contributed to the feelings of isolation, with inadequate social spaces and apartment blocks often facing inwards on a store, pharmacy, or fast food restaurant (Packer, 2015). Though this paper does not provide much evidence in the way of primary sources documenting housing discrimination faced by Algerians, it is clear through the foundation of certain organizations that there was a need to deal with this issue. The period of about 1914-1962 is of interest, since it entails virtually all of the Algerian migration to France during the colonial period. The response to housing discrimination began in the 1930s, when state agencies first started to make single-sex dormitories available to North African immigrants. In 1951, Joseph Leriche of the Cahiers nord-africains, made one of the first proposals to counteract exclusion of Algerians from housing centers that had been built for the general population or even specifically for immigrants (Lyons, 2013, p. 118). The president of the Aid Commission for North Africans in the Metropole (CANAM) pushed for emergency housing in Paris for Algerian families in 1954 and suggested that discriminatory housing practices were to blame (Lyons, 2013, p. 132). He noted that even Algerian men with a reasonable salary could not find housing for their
  19. 19.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      18       families. Another later example would be l’Association Villeurbannaise pour le Droit au Logement (AVDL), which was founded in 1985 to fight for access to housing for all without discrimination. The majority of people who sought assistance from this group were Maghrebi immigrants (Lyons, 2013). Some evidence exists to show the resistance of local officials and citizens towards Algerian integration. Petitions were signed and circulated throughout communities to prevent construction of Algerian workers’ dormitories. The subjectivity of bureaucrats can be traced through their actions to slow the purchase or transfer of land for housing projects and set up other roadblocks for fair distribution of housing to Algerians (Michel, 1957). Even if housing managers turned away some Algerian families for the same reasons as they did other poor families who had weak income security, other reasons they provided were clearly discriminatory. Some feared that Algerian families “did not know how to maintain their homes,” or that they would overcrowd the apartments with their relatives and friends, reducing the quality of the building for neighbors (Lyons, 2013, p. 133). Others claimed that the cultural and religious differences between Algerian and French families would be incompatible and undesirable. The last bidonvilles and shantytowns weren’t demolished until 1977 (House, 2008). Thus, Algerians were severely limited in their access to housing upon entering France during the colonial era. In sections V and VII of this paper, I will discuss how this discrimination still exists, connecting it to problems facing Algerians in France today. IV. Case Studies of Paris and Marseille In this section, I will provide a closer look into the housing policies in two important French cities, Paris and Marseille. The different policies and programs developed for Algerians in Marseille and in Paris provide an interesting comparison, though there are abundant
  20. 20.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      19       similarities. Because Marseille is a port city where many Algerians entered France, it had a significant number of welcome centers. Yet these welcome centers were deceiving, as Marseille was one of the worst places for Algerians to live. According to Lyons (2013, p. 120), the dormitories available were mostly filled with Algerians being considered for repatriation due to medical problems, unemployment, or other reasons, and employers were generally uninterested in providing housing for their workers. In Marseilles, Algerians settled mostly in the St Martin district near the Porte d’Aix, then at the end of the WWI, around the Vieux Port district (Aissaoui, 2008). Unlike Algerians in the Greater Paris area who typically lived near factories in the suburbs, Algerians in Marseille were often living downtown near the docks. A demographic study in 1955 by urban planner Feracci provides great insight into municipal-level discrimination towards Algerians, focusing on the bidonville called Peyssonnel in downtown Marseille (Nasiali, 2012). Of the 126 families living in Peyssonel, or 656 people, many households had a steady income, and the majority of residents were actually French (Nasiali, 2012, p. 5). Though this was only one bidonville out of many in Marseille, it is interesting to note that the two major wars and economic depression of the 1930s had a marked effect on many working-class families in France, not just foreign immigrants. In order to house the families that were too “asocial” to move directly into apartments, Marseille constructed “reduced norm housing” (Nasiali, 2012, p. 7). These apartments did not have hot water or central heating and had only one toilet per floor (ibid.). Though the logic was quite similar to offering transition housing in Paris, the form of the housing was slightly different than the mobile homes there. Additionally, the site chosen for the reduced norm housing was in downtown Marseille. Even though Feracci’s study characterized each household on scales of salubrité [hygiene] and sociability and several French households scored lower, it was mostly North African and Roma
  21. 21.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      20       (gypsy) families that were moved to the transitional housing (Nasiali, 2012, p. 8). French families were moved directly into HLM apartments. In the Paris region, Algerians first settled primarily in the northeast areas outside the city, in Saint-Denis, Aubervilliers, Pantin, and Les Lilas, the poorest part of the capital where 40% of Algerians in the city lived, along with the northwest suburban industrial boroughs of Asnières, La Garenne-Colombe, Courbevoie, Clichy, and Puteaux (Aissaoui, 2008). According to Byrnes (2013), there was significant variance in policy and attitude towards North Africans at the local level, even in the vicinity of the greater Paris area. By examining two suburbs of Paris, Saint- Denis and Asnières-sur-Seine, Byrnes demonstrates their different motives. Saint-Denis aimed to relocate North Africans from the bidonvilles to better housing within the city, while Asnières destroyed the bidonvilles to relinquish their responsibility over the migrants’ well-being and to use the land for developing new housing for French families. Because the plans within Saint- Denis were not aligned with national-level policies, eventually the municipality gave up on fighting for more funding to support the migrants and joined six other cities in 1974 to petition to block new migrants from entering the community (Byrnes, 2013). There was a negative result for Algerians living in both the municipalities of Saint-Denis and Asnières, but nevertheless, politicians in Saint-Denis took a more compassionate approach to solving the housing crisis. In general, Algerians in and around Paris were pushed towards the outskirts and suburbs. Despite the fact that Algerians in Marseille were essentially placed into segregated housing while their French counterparts received normal apartments, perhaps there is a slight difference in the integration of Algerians in Marseille compared with those in Paris. It is interesting to note that while the riots of October and November 2005 spread throughout many cities of France like Lyon, Dijon, Nice, Lille, Bordeaux, and Strasbourg, they did not quite reach Marseille. Marseille
  22. 22.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      21       is the second largest metropolitan area in France and has a significant Algerian Muslim population. However, I would argue that since Algerians and other North Africans were relocated from bidonvilles to housing within the downtown area of Marseille, the difference in spatial organization within the city may have had an impact on Algerian integration. The new housing possibly allowed more interaction between different ethnicities, while the banlieues around Paris serve to isolate Algerians more distinctly. Marseille also developed a strong public transport network that includes a tramway passing through most neighborhoods. Savitch, Iksandar, and Kaye-Essien (2015) claim that all parts of the city are connected well by high- speed rail, tramway, metro or bus. This is not the case with many Parisian neighborhoods home to Algerians. Of course there are still racial and social problems in Marseille as well, but it seems as though these two populations of Algerians living in France have had different experiences to some extent. Other factors that might contribute to this could be difference in local politics, levels of multiethnic civic engagement, or economic discrepancies. However, the case of Marseille strongly insinuates the importance of housing policies in race relations, integration, and avoiding intergroup violence. V. Present Discrimination After the 1970s the narrative changed from assisting Algerians with social services to focusing on the problem of immigration. This obsession with immigration and the problems it supposedly engenders have hardly subsided. The French often refer to Algerian Muslims or non- whites in general as immigrants or étrangers [foreigners], and whites are designated as français de souche [French from the roots]. As noted by Packer (2015), this form of speech subtly implies that those who are not white are less French, even though it is often the case that Algerian Muslims hold citizenship and may be the second or even third generation in their family to have
  23. 23.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      22       been born in France. According to Sayad (2004), there were several events in which Algerian and Muslim groups were implicated in public opinion, including commentaries on the Gulf War, the ‘Islamic headscarf’ affair, the question of Muslim polygamy, and the entire discourse on Islam and radical extremism that may stem from it (p. 274). As France distanced itself from its colonial past, the Algerian population received less support. Since the 1970s and the rapid deindustrialization seen in France, many suburbs of Paris and other French cities saw a reduction in the number of factories and industrial jobs. This transition had detrimental effects for Algerians living in these areas, with many individuals becoming unemployed and experiencing a general decline in the quality of their neighborhoods. By the time of the 1990 census in France, nearly 100,000 foreigners, 85 percent from Africa, were still living in hostels (INSEE, 1992a: 81). Between socioeconomic constraints and ostracism in French society, Algerians have much to overcome and finding better housing is still a challenge. Currently, many Algerians are still living in social and ethnic segregation distant from the centers of cities, stuck in the exact same type of subsidized housing in the banlieues from the postwar modernization. Some of these complexes have been partially dismantled in favor of more decentralized structures, but the largest ZUP in France, Val-Fourré in the Parisian banlieue of Mantes-la-Jolie, still houses more than 25,000 people (Silverstein, 2004, p. 94). The word ‘banlieue’ itself and its meaning in French can offer a view into problem. Though ‘banlieue’ would be defined as ‘suburb,’ it has now taken on a pejorative quality, practically meaning “slums dominated by immigrants” (Packer, 2015). In a study by Beaman (2010), which involved interviews of Parisians living in the banlieues, participants with solid incomes reported facing difficulty in finding housing due to their Algerian background. Body-Gendrot (2010) claims that many of the high-risk neighborhoods have unemployment rates of 18 percent on average, though
  24. 24.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      23       it can reach 40 percent (p. 659). At the same time, the average unemployment rate for all of France was approximately 9 percent (ibid.). It is easy to connect poor housing situations to reduced job opportunities. Disregarding the role of education, many employers will not consider an applicant that lists an address in one of the high-risk districts (Packer, 2015). After the riots of 2005, the French government spent a substantial amount of money on raising living standards in the poorer neighborhoods and tried to help create employment. Yet Clichy still has an unemployment rate of around 25% and just one slow bus route into Paris, so the isolation of these communities remains unchanged (Halligan, 2014). Since high proportions of Algerian Muslims reside in the same locations that were settled before the Algerian War, the connection between past and current discrimination is clear. An interesting element of this phenomenon is the lack of awareness that average French citizens tend to have surrounding the history of Algerian immigration and housing. As anecdotal evidence, when I was speaking with a 24-year-old white French male about the bidonvilles that existed in many French cities, he responded with disbelief. I was only able to convince him of their existence by displaying photos taken at the time. Many have claimed that schools do not provide an adequate, detailed history of France’s colonialism, including its relationship with Algeria. McCormack states: “The Algerian War is little taught in schools…pupils may learn about Empires and their respective ends, but touch little on any specific account of French involvement in Algeria” (McCormack, 2011, p. 1134). In February 2005, a law was passed that required school curricula to acknowledge the ‘positive role of France overseas’ (de Laforcade, 2006, p. 227). de Laforcade claims there was a public uproar in reaction to this act of “colonial revisionism,” and several scholars petitioned against it (ibid.). Though the law was reworded, the fact remains that the study of colonialism was not even included in university-level curricula
  25. 25.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      24       until the 1990s (de Laforcade, 2006). Simply improving education and promoting a general understanding of the injustice faced by Algerians in France might help the situation. It would be difficult to speculate how the Algerian population might differ today if they had greater access to housing when first immigrating to France, but certainly there would have been more interaction across races if options to live amongst the French were available. Algerian families would most likely have preferred single-family homes or apartments in downtown areas instead of being contained to less desirable buildings and locations. If this had been a frequent outcome for new immigrants, Algerians probably would have entered better schools, enjoyed better employment, and naturally assimilated into the fabric of French society. With opportunities to exhibit this type of “model citizen” behavior, it is possible that the French would have slowly become more welcoming to Algerians in a general sense. We cannot know for sure how opportunities for Algerians could be expanded through housing policies alone, but it seems reasonable to assume that current feelings of isolation and destitution in the banlieues could be minimized. With improved opportunities and equality, there might be less violent rioting that contributes to the negative perception some French whites form towards the Algerian community. An area for further research could be looking into the small portion of families who were able to secure decent apartments either on their own or with welfare assistance and evaluating the socioeconomic status of those families and their descendants. Perhaps there might be a significant difference between families who lived in normal apartment buildings and those who never left the segregated ZUPs and HLMs. VI. Counterarguments and Other Considerations So far this paper has presented a rather negative report of the treatment Algerians have faced in France. However, it should be clear that not everyone responded to the Algerian
  26. 26.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      25       migrants and immigrants with hostility or disdain. Many of the projects previously mentioned came from charity organizations that were genuinely trying to assist a marginalized group. Some social workers were arrested during the Algerian War for working for Algerians’ rights and still continued to advocate for them. There were a host of private, charitable organizations that received funding from the Ministry of the Interior, Labor, or Public Health to provide services to the Algerian population (Lyons, 2013). By 1958, the height of the Algerian War, service organizations spent 400 million francs a year on programs and aid for Algerians (Lyons, 2013, p. 45). Organizations often provided emergency or permanent housing. While soft racism was still an underlying feature of many of these groups, transporting the “civilizing mission” from Algeria to France, as scholars like Lyons and Silverstein have implied, that was not always the case. But regardless of the intentions behind the housing assistance provided, the outcome remains the same. As Algerians were given housing on the outskirts of French society, they were physically kept from integrating. A counterargument to my hypothesis could be that informal recruitment chains actually drive immigration to certain locations, with family members or people from the same regions in Algeria seeking familiarity and assistance from already-settled communities. While this certainly does occur and could be documented in immigrant communities all over the world, it is the cycle of racism and discrimination that pushes Algerian communities away from French society, along with misguided efforts that led to segregated housing. Marginalization causes them to retreat and seek support from one another, only to then reinforce the stereotypes cast upon them as isolated and incapable of integrating. In short, withdrawal from French culture and society occurs as a direct result from exclusion. VII. Implications for France and Beyond
  27. 27.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      26       The importance of understanding the complex realities facing Muslims in France has become painfully clear with recent events. In light of the terrorist attacks in Paris in January 2015 (Charlie Hebdo incident) and November 2015, much of the French population starts to associate the “problematic” Algerian Muslims with this extremist, dangerous behavior. Therefore, the attacks generate more stigmatization of Muslims as a group in France. Other violent crimes and riots by Algerians contribute to this and create an excuse for the French to condemn and disapprove of them. Though of course religiosity plays a role in these dynamic issues, it is imperative to recognize that Islam itself does not drive people towards committing terrorism and violence. Rather, there are many complex factors that lead to these acts, and one of them is probably feeling as though they have no home in France. Algerian Muslims are treated as an immigrant community, yet they have no country to return to. For many, they have spent their entire lives in France and might not feel a strong connection to their Algerian heritage at all. The concentration of Algerians in banlieues from the colonial era to present has created a sense of desperation due to the lack of opportunities and mobility. The banlieues facilitate collective action, sometimes dangerous, with such large groups of young people feeling forsaken by French society. France’s relationship with Algerian immigrants and their descendants exposes deep-seated concerns related to ethnicity, religion, and French identity. The excessive frustration towards immigrant groups may be related to the confusing task of applying France’s republicanism in the context of its integration into the European Union. Entering into a borderless Europe certainly provokes fears of immigrants and their potential to overpower French values and absorb welfare benefits rather than thrive independently and assimilate to French culture. There is great political tension between those wishing to accept a multicultural France and those who wish to craft a
  28. 28.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      27       French identity based on race and religion. Expanding education on France’s colonial history, both in schools and through other venues, could offer a first step in solving these problems. It’s very important for citizens of all races in France to understand how history has led to issues that endure today. Furthermore, new plans should be developed to improve housing, education, and employment opportunities for minority populations. Rather than viewing disruptive behavior and criminality by Algerian Muslims as a burden to French society that should be removed, it would be more effective to approach the problem by asking questions and considering the responsibilities the State should accept. What causes this behavior? What role does the French government and its institutions play? How could these problems be mitigated and solved? While there are no simple solutions, a top-down approach might help by allocating funding towards the goal of increasing mixed neighborhoods and offering more choice in affordable housing. In 2007 France passed the Droit au Logement Opposable (DALO), Enforceable Right to Housing Law, which provides a legal cause of action for individuals who have been denied the right to housing (Tar, Lum, & Paul, 2012). This law and successive amendments certainly helps promote the rights of Algerians to obtain reasonable housing, but it doesn’t take into account the particular racial dimension of the issue. It would also be interesting to consider the impact of socialism in general, and whether the lack of a private real estate market for low-income individuals and families contributes to segregation. It seems that migrant workers and immigrants in countries like the U.S. do not experience such extreme segregation through public housing. Though there is greater racial diversity in the U.S. in general, there is also greater optionality for families seeking public housing. For example, 60% of public housing units are in central cities, 21% are in rural and non-metropolitan areas, and 19% are in suburbs (Council of
  29. 29.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      28       Large Public Housing Authorities, 2007). It might be useful to analyze the possibility of spreading social housing throughout different areas in France, both within cities and in more rural areas. Finally, studying Algerians living in France can provide insights that might be applied in other countries. It may be difficult to extrapolate from this situation to other instances of immigrant communities struggling to integrate, but the underlying problem of historical racism is commonly present. For example, drawing on the work of Adida, Laitin, and Valfort (2014, p. 90), we can try to understand why Muslim communities in Western countries seem to face even more discrimination than other minority groups, and how the “discriminatory equilibrium,” where both the ethnic French and French Muslims act negatively towards each other, can be broken. Their work shows that host populations will often discriminate against Muslims even when no particular hostility is expected from them, and, at the same time, “Muslims behave in ways that feed rational Islamophobia” (Adida, Laitin, & Valfort, 2014, p. 10). Thus, in order to maintain diversity and harness its proven value, both sides on this racial conflict need to evaluate how to best live cohesively, whether in France or elsewhere. Finding successful strategies for doing do should begin with acknowledgement of the root causes, including colonial housing segregation and the continued impact on Algerians. Housing policy will only continue to become important as gentrification threatens the diversity of urban centers. The experiences of Algerians in France offer forewarning of unintentional residential segregation, but also reveal a potential area to focus on for improving race relations.
  30. 30.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      29       Appendix 1 – Le Bidonville de Nanterre1                                                                                                                 1  Retrieved  from:  http://www.matierevolution.fr/spip.php?article3329  
  31. 31.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      30       References Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson. The colonial origins of comparative development: An empirical investigation. No. w7771. National bureau of economic research, 2000. Adida, Claire, David Laitin, and Marie-Anne Valfort. Why Muslim Integration Fails: An Inquiry in Christian-heritage Societies. Manuscript, 2014. Aissaoui, Rabah. "Algerian Migration to France from the early twentieth century to the Interwar Period." 2008. accessed October 12, 2015, http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.424.3137&rep=rep1&type=pdf Aissaoui, Rabah. "Exile and the politics of return and liberation: Algerian colonial workers and anti-colonialism in France during the interwar period." French History 25, no. 2 (2011): 214-231. Aldrich, Robert. Greater France: A History of French Overseas Expansion. Palgrave Macmillan, 1996. Beaman, Jean. "Identity, marginalization, and Parisian banlieues." Research in Urban Sociology Book Series 10 (2010): 153-176. Bennoune, Mahfoud. The Making of Contemporary Algeria, 1830-1987. Vol. 19. Cambridge University Press, 2002. Body-Gendrot, Sophie. “Police marginality, racial logics and discrimination in the banlieues of France.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, no. 4 (2010), 656-674. Brett, Michael. “Legislating for Inequality in Algeria: The Senatus-Consulte of 14 July 1865.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 51, no. 3 (January 1, 1988): 440–61. Byrnes, Melissa K. "Liberating the Land or Absorbing a Community: Managing North African Migration and the Bidonvilles in Paris's Banlieues." French Politics, Culture & Society 31, no. 3 (2013): 1-20. Choi, Sung. "The Muslim Veteran in Postcolonial France: The Politics of the Integration of Harkis After 1962." French Politics, Culture & Society 29, no. 1 (2011): 24-45. Council of Large Public Housing Authorities. “Assessing the Economic Benefits of Public Housing: Final Report.” (2007): 1-35. Cupers, Kenny. “The Social Project: The complex legacy of public housing in postwar France.” Places Journal. 2014.
  32. 32.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      31       de Laforcade, Geoffroy. "‘Foreigners’, Nationalism and the ‘Colonial Fracture’ Stigmatized Subjects of Historical Memory in France." International journal of comparative sociology 47, no. 3-4 (2006): 217-233. Forward, Jean S. Endangered peoples of Europe: struggles to survive and thrive. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001. Frantz, Fanon. The Wretched of the Earth. Grove Press, 1963. Halligan, Liam. "The Heat Rises in France's Banlieues." The Telegraph, November 23, 2014. accessed October 20, 2015, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/france/11248098/The-heat-rises-in-Frances- banlieues.html Hargreaves, Alec G. Multi-ethnic France: immigration, politics, culture and society. Routledge, 2007. Heisler, Barbara S. “Sending Countries and the Politics of Emigration and Destination.” The International Migration Review, 19, no. 3 (1985): 469-484. House, Jim. "The colonial and post-‐colonial dimensions of Algerian migration to France." History in focus 11. 2008. Hunt, Jennifer. "The impact of the 1962 repatriates from Algeria on the French labor market." Industrial & Labor Relations Review 45, no. 3 (1992): 556-572. Hussey, Andrew. “The French Intifada: how the Arab banlieues are fighting the French state.” The Guardian. 2014. Kinsey, David N. "The French ZUP Technique of Urban Development." Journal of the American Institute of Planners 35, no. 6 (1969): 369-375. Lawrence, Adria. Imperial rule and the politics of nationalism: anti-colonial protest in the French empire. Cambridge University Press, 2013. Lewis, Mary Dewhurst. The boundaries of the republic: migrant rights and the limits of universalism in France, 1918-1940. Stanford University Press, 2007. Loyal, Steven. "The French in Algeria, Algerians in France: Bourdieu, colonialism, and migration." The Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (2009): 406-427. Lyons, Amelia. Civilizing Mission in the Metropole: Algerian Families and the French Welfare State during Decolonization. Stanford University Press, 2013. Maussen, Marcel Johannes Marie. Constructing mosques: The governance of Islam in France and the Netherlands. (2009): 107-120.
  33. 33.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                              de  Ubl      32       McCormack, Jo. “Memory and Exile: Contemporary France and the Algerian War (1954-1962).” Critical Studies, (2008): p. 117-138. McCormack, Jo. “Social Memories in (Post)colonial France: Remembering the Franco-Algerian War.” Journal of Social History 44, no. 2 (2011): 1129-1138. Merrouche, Ouarda. The Long Term Impact of French Settlement on Education in Algeria. No. 2007: 2. Working Paper, Department of Economics, Uppsala University, 2007. Michel, Andrée. Les travailleurs algériens en France. Paris Centre National de la Recherce Scientifique 1956, 1957. Nasiali, Minayo. "Ordering the Disorderly Slum: ‘Standardizing’ Quality of Life in Marseille Tenements and Bidonvilles." Journal of Urban History 38, no. 6 (2012): 1021-1035. Naylor, Phillip C. Historical dictionary of Algeria. Rowman & Littlefield, 2015. Packer, George. “The Other France: Are the suburbs of Paris incubators of terrorism?,” The New Yorker. Last modified August 31, 2015, http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/08/31/the- other-france Savitch, H. V., Doddy Aditya Iskandar, and Charles Wharton Kaye-Essien. "Marseille: France’s Great Port City Comes Back from the Brink."Transforming Distressed Global Communities: Making Inclusive, Safe, Resilient, and Sustainable Cities (2015): 31-48. Sayad, Abdelmalek. The Suffering of the Immigrant. Trans. David Macey. Cambridge, UK and Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2004. Silverstein, Paul. Algerian in France: Transpolitics, Race, and Nation. Indiana University Press, 2004. Tars, Eric S., Julia Lum, and E. Kieran Paul. "Champagne of Housing Rights: France's Enforceable Right to Housing and Lessons for US Advocates.” Northeastern University Law Journal 4 , no. 2 (2012): 429-482.

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