thesis

Making Aboriginal Space:
Urban Design and the Canadian First Nations
Kristin N. Chrzanowski
This dissertation is submitted in part fulfilment of the regulations for the
MA in Urban Design
Joint Centre for Urban Design
Oxford Brookes University
2008

Abstract
This dissertation explores the relevance of urban design as it relates to identity-
building and cultural reclamation in a First Nation context. Through acknowledging
past discrepancies between First Nation culture and western theories of planning and
design, it proposes strategies for design and consultation that consider not only the
history and culture of the community, but also the relevance of custom and the universal
desire for high-quality, sustainable communities. The methods and strategies proposed
in this dissertation hold significance both in a First Nation context, and globally, for any
professional attempting to consult and design with a community in a culturally-appropriate
and meaningful manner.
22,783 words

A very great vision is needed and the man
who has it must follow it as the eagle seeks
the deepest blue of the sky.
Crazy Horse

Table of Contents
List of Tables …………………………………………………………………... i
List of Figures ...………………………………………………………………... ii
Preface ………………………………………………………………………….. vi
Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………….. vii
Timeline ………………………………………………………………………… viii
Key Terms and Definitions …………………………………………………….
Collective Names to Describe the Original Peoples of Canada and their
Descendents ……………………………………………………………………….
More Narrowly Defined Groups of Aboriginal People(s) in Canada …..….
Terms Associated with First Nation Communities and Community
Organization ………………………………………………………………………
Legal Definitions Relating to Aboriginals in Canada ………………………..
ix
ix
ix
x
x
Chapter One ……………………………………………………………………
Introduction …………………………………………………………………….
Chapter Outlines …………………………………………………………...1.1
Chapter One ………………………………………………………….……………
Chapter Two ………………………………………………………….……………
Chapter Three ………………………………………………………….………….
Chapter Four ………………………………………………………….…………..
Chapter Five ………………………………………………………….……………
Chapter Six …………………………………………………………….…………..
Chapter Seven ………………………………………………………….………….
1.2 Research Aims and Objectives ………………………………….…………
Objective One ……………………………………………………….……………..
Objective Two …………………………………………………….………………..
Objective Three …………………………………………………….……………...
1.3 Scope and Research Question ………………………………….…………..
Research Question …………………………………………………....…………..
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Chapter Two ……………………………………………………….……………
2.1 Global Context ……………………………………………………………...
Colonizing States …………………………………………………….……………
Effect of Colonization ………………………………………………….…………
Cultural Reclamation …………………………………………………………….
10
11
11
12
13

2.2 Demographics …………………………………………….…………………
Distribution of First Nations in Canada …………………………...................
2.3 Legal Identity ………………………………………………………….……
First Nations Self Government……………………………………….…………..
Consultations ……………………………………………………………………...
13
14
15
15
16
2.4 Land Claims …………………………………………………...……………
Reserve System …………………………………………………….………………
17
17
2.5 Cultural Expression …………………………………………..…………….
Original Cultural Landscapes ……………………………….………………….
Issues with Cultural Expression ……………………………….………………..
Conclusion……………………………………………………….………………
18
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19
20
Chapter Three …………………………………………………………..……… 21
3.1 Culture, Urban Development and the Identity of a People ……….……..
Intrinsic and Instrumental Values ………………………………………....……
Social and Spatial Outcomes of Colonial Development …………….……….
Cultural Implications of the Reserve System ………………………….………
22
22
23
25
3.2 Reserve Geography …………………………………..……………………..
Temporal Implications of Reserve Geography ……..…………………………
First Nation Identity Claims …………………………..…………………………
27
27
28
3.3 Urban Design …………………………………………………..……………
Urban Design as a tool for First Nation Community Design …………....…
Barriers to Design ………………………………………………….……………..
First Nation Participation in the Design and Planning Processes ….……..
29
29
29
30
3.4 Application of Urban Design in First Nation Communities …….……….
Placemaking and Identity-Building …………………………………………….
Modification of Urban Design Practices ……………………..………………..
31
31
32
3.5 Key Aspects of Urban Design in First Nation Communities ………………
Key Aspects of Urban Design …………….……………………………………..
Culturally-Rooted Identity ………………….……………………………………
Conclusion ………………………………………..……………………………..
32
33
35
35
Chapter Four ………………………………………..………………………….
4.1 First Nation Community Structure ……………..…………………………
Cultural Drivers for Community Design ………………………………………
Housing Clusters into Extended Family Groupings …….……………………
Culturally-Defined Property Lines ………………………….…….……………
37
38
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39
41
4.2 Traditional Blackfoot Community and Social Structure …….…………..
Blackfoot Confederacy of First Nations ……………………………………….
Traditional Blackfoot Settlements ………………………………………….…...
Okan Camp Configuration as a Reflection of Social Structure ………..……
Seniority in Blackfoot Culture ………………………………………….……….
42
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4.3 Tipi Architecture ……………………………………………..…….……….
Tipis as Precedents …………………………………………..……………………
Tipi Design and Construction ……………………………………………...……
Tipi Covers ……………………………………………………………………...…
Tipi Orientation and Custom …………………………………………….………
47
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50
4.4 Ceremonial Bundles …………………………………………………….….
Bundle Holders ……………………………………………………………………
Ceremonial Bundles ……………………………………………………………...
51
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53
4.5 Blackfoot Custom …………………………………………………………..
Community Power Structure ………………………………………….…………
Interacting with Elders …………………………………………………………..
Conclusion ……………………………………………………………..………..
54
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55
Chapter Five ………………………………………………………….…………
5.1 Development of Urban Design Guidelines for First Nations …………….
The Need for Culturally-Appropriate Consultation ………………………….
Mistrust and Public Engagement ……………………………………….………
57
58
58
59
5.2 Design and the Consultation Process ……………………………….……..
Past Errors in Consultation ……………………………………………………..
First Nation Project Management and Consultation Structure …….………
Hearing the Concerns of Parties ………………………………………….…….
59
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5.3 Prospective Consultation Participants and Feedback Loops ……………
Stakeholders and Interest Groups …………………………………….………...
Practical Barriers to First Nation Consultation …………………….………..
Personal Barriers to First Nation Consultation ……………………………...
Flow of Information in First Nation Communities …………………….……..
62
62
63
63
64
5.4 Blackfoot Circle Structure Method: Focus Groups and Taskforce
Meetings ……………………………………………………………….…….
Blackfoot Circle Structure Model Overview………………………….………..
Blackfoot Circle Structure Model Guiding Principles ……………….………
Blackfoot Circle Structure Model Process …………………………….………
Blackfoot Circle Structure Model: Bundle …………………..……….………..
Blackfoot Circle Structure Model: Roles and Responsibilities …..…………
65
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67
68
69
5.5 Public Meetings and Design Charrettes ……………………….………….
Traditional First Nation Decision-Making ……………………………………
Open Space Method Overview ……………………………………….………….
Open Space Method Key Principles ……………………………………………
Open Space Method Process ………………….…………………………………
Open Space Method “Law of Two Feet” ……………….……………………..
Records of Meetings and Discussions …………………….……………………
Conclusion ………………………………………………………..……………..
70
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Chapter Six ………………………………………………..…………………….
6.1 Urban Design Guidelines …………………………………….…………….
Introduction to Study Site, Brocket, Alberta …………………………………..
6.2 Appreciating the Context ……………………………………………….….
Importance of Context ……………………………………………………….......
Analysis of Context in a First Nation Community ……………………………
77
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80
80
81
6.3 Landform, Natural Resources and Site Morphology ……….……………
Critical Questions ………………………………………………….……………..
Locations of Cultural Importance ……………………………………………...
Integrating with the Topography ………………………………….…………….
Brocket Case Study ……………………………………………….……………….
82
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6.4 Movement Network ……………………………………………….………..
Amenity Provision on Reserves ……………………………………....…………
Culturally-Appropriate Landmarks ………………………………….…………
Analyzing Connections in First Nation Communities …………….………….
Walkability……………………………………………………………….………...
Movement Issues on Reserves ………………………………………….………..
Brocket Case Study …………………………………………………………….…
87
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6.5 Blocks ………………………………………………………………….…….
Block Structure of Rural First Nation Communities …………………………
Active Building Fronts …………………………………………………………...
Organic Block Structures ………………………………………….……………..
Brocket Case Study …………………………………………………….…………
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6.6 Public Open Spaces ………………………………………………….……..
Questions to ask ………………………………………………………….……..…
Spaces for Ceremony ……………………………………………………….…….
Private and Semi-Private Open Spaces ………………………………….…….
Brocket Case Study …………………………………………………………….…
98
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6.7 Visual Appropriateness ………………………………………….…………
Celebrating the Entrances ………………………………………….……………
Landmark Features ………………………………………………….……………
Legends and Traditions as a Basis for Design …………………….………….
Brocket Case Study ……………………………………………………………….
102
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6.8 Sustainability Characteristics ……………………………………..……….
Incorporation of Passive Systems ………………………………………………
Other Strategies for Sustainability ……………………………………………..
Brocket Case Study ……………………………………………………………….
Conclusion………………………………………………………….……………
106
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Chapter Seven ………………………………………………………………….
Conclusions and Future Research …………………………………………….
Research Question ………………………………………………………………..
Topics and Issues Discussed ……………………………………………………
111
112
112
112
7.1 Global Context ……………………………………………….……………..
Similarity to Colonial Cities …………………………………………….……….
Effect of Colonialism on Place Identity ………………………………………..
Reclamation of Indigenous Cultures …………………………….……………..
113
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114
7.2 First Nation Consultation ……………………………………….…………
Oral Traditions and the Preservation of Culture ………………….………….
Blackfoot Circle Structure Process ………………………………….………….
Open Space Method ……………………………………………………….……...
Purpose of Culturally-Relevant Consultation ……………………….………..
Fostering Community Support for Decisions …………………………………
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7.3 Urban Design in First Nation Communities ……………………….……..
First Nation Versus Western Design ……………………………………..……..
Areas for Design Consideration ………………………………………….……..
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7.4 Future Research ……………………………………………….……………
Impact of Consultation Strategies ……………………………………………...
Planning Policies and Building Codes ………………………………………...
7.5 Concluding Thoughts …………………………………………….…………
118
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Appendix A: Establishment and Characteristics of Colonial Cities ….……..
Establishment of Colonial Cities by Imperial Powers ……………………….
Characteristics of Colonial Cities ……………………………………………...
120
121
122
Appendix B: Telephone Interview with Dr. Frits Pannekoek ……..…………
Telephone Interview Transcript …………………………………….…………...
123
124
Appendix C: The Seven Sacred Teachings of the Seven Grandfathers
(Anishinaabe) …………………………………………....……………….……..
Nibwaakaawin (Wisdom) ……………………………………………….………..
Zaagi’idiwin (Love) ………………………………………………….……………
Minaadendamowin (Respect) ……………………………………….…………..
Aakode’ewin (Bravery) …………………………………………………………..
Gwayakwaadiziwin (Honesty) …………………………………………………..
Dabaadendiziwin (Humility) …………………………………………....………
Debwewin (Truth) …………………………………………………….…………..
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Appendix D: Blackfoot Bundles ……………………………………….………
Background………………………………………………………….……………..
Sun Dance Bundle (Natoas) ……………………………………………………..
Beaver Bundle (Tobacco Bundle) ………………………………….……………
Thunder Medicine Pipe Bundle …………………………………………………
Society Bundles ……………………………………………………….…………...
Individual/Personal Bundles ……………………………………….……………
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134
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135
Appendix E: Capacity Building through Development ……………….……..
Lack of Trained First Nation Professionals ………………………....………..
Developing Local Capacity …………………………………………….………..
Capacity-Building Strategies ……………………………………………………
Mentorship and Job-Matching ………………………………………………….
136
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137
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138
Appendix F: Living Machine Systems ……………………………….………..
Method and Stages of Treatment …………………………………….………….
140
141
Afterword ……………………………………………………………………..... 143
Bibliography …………………………………………….………………………
Web …………………………………………………………………………………
Print ………………………………………………………………………………..
Image Credits ……………………………………………………………………..
Personal Communications ………………………………………………………
Video ……………………………………………………….……………………….
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i
List of Tables
Table 2.1 Distribution of First Nations (Excluding Métis and Inuit) in Canada .....
(Table produced by the Author)
14
Table 3.1 Social and Spatial Outcomes of Colonial Development .......................
(King 1990, p. 22)
23
Table 3.2 Key Aspects of Urban Design in First Nation Communities .................
(adapted from English Partnerships 2007, p. 12)
33
Table 6.1 Analysis of Context in a First Nation Community ................................
81
Table 6.2 Connections and Movement Patterns in First Nation Communities .....
88
Table 6.3 Sustainability Characteristics ...............................................................
(adapted from Dixey 2007, p. 19)
106
Table A.1 Establishment of Colonies by Imperial Powers ....................................
(King 1990, p. 4)
121
Table A.2 Characteristics of Colonial Cities .........................................................
(King 1990, pp. 17-19)
122

ii
List of Figures
Tipi in the City
(Flickr 2007, www.flickr.com/photos/veitch/1448792708)
Fig. 3.1 Cultural Values and Norms Relating to the Built Environment ...........
(Figure produced by the Author)
23
Fig. 4.1 Church on Reserve, B.C. ......................................................................
(Chrzanowski, L. 2008)
39
Fig. 4.2 Housing Clusters on Reserve, B.C. ......................................................
(Chrzanowski, L. 2008)
40
Fig. 4.3 Treaty 7, Alberta ...................................................................................
(adapted from: Heritage Canada, n.d.)
43
Fig. 4.4 Treaty 7, Canadian Context ................................................................
(Treasury Board of Canada Secretariat 2005)
43
Fig. 4.5 Tipi Arrangements Corresponding to Seating Positions
in Sun Dance Lodge .............................................................................
(adapted from: Nabokov and Easton. 1989, p. 159, 168; and
Crowshoe and Manneschmidt 2002, p. 38)
45
Fig. 4.6 Family Groupings of Tipis, Blackfoot Sun Dance Camp .....................
(Glenbow Library and Archives ca. 1880. Register no. NA-403-1)
46
Fig.4.7 Blackfoot Tipi Plan ...............................................................................
(Nabokov and Easton 1989, p. 152)
47
Fig. 4.8 Blackfoot Tipi Tilted Cone Form ..........................................................
47
Fig. 4.9 Summer Tipi, Propped Open ................................................................
(Nomad Spirit 2007)
48
Fig. 4.10 Tipi Banked with Snow .........................................................................
(Flickr 2007, www.flickr.com/photos/plinton/346440407)
48
Fig. 4.11 Painted Blackfoot Tipi Cover ...............................................................
(Glenbow Museum, n.d.)
49
Fig. 4.12 Tipi at Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump ...............................................
(Flickr 2007, www.flickr.com/photos/76774906@N00/1516491213)
50
Fig. 4.13 Individual Tipi Plan Seating and Sleeping Arrangements ...................
51
Fig. 4.14 Blackfoot Ceremonial Bundle ..............................................................
(Glenbow Library and Archives 1926. Register no. NA-1700-178)
53
Fig. 4.15 Contents of Numak-Mahan Bundle ......................................................
(Glenbow Library and Archives 1908. Register no. NA-1700-18)
53

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Fig. 4.16 Typical First Nation Community Power Structure ...............................
(Figure produced by the Author)
54
Fig. 5.1 First Nation Project Management and Consultation Structure ...........
(Image produced by the Author)
61
Fig 5.2 Practical Barriers to First Nation Consultation ..................................
(Indian and Northern Affairs Canada 2005, p. 10)
63
Fig 5.3 Personal Barriers to First Nation Consultation ...................................
(Indian and Northern Affairs Canada 2005, p. 11)
63
Fig. 5.4 Flow of Information in First Nation Consultations ..............................
64
Fig. 5.5 Traditional Circle Structure .................................................................
(Crowshoe and Manneschmidt 2002, p. 38)
68
Fig. 5.6 Design Consultation Application of the Traditional Circle Structure ..
(Crowshoe and Manneschmidt 2002, p. 51)
69
Fig. 5.7 Set-up for Open Space Discussions ......................................................
(Flickr n.d., www.flickr.com/photoschristiankemper/ 2514570006)
73
Fig. 5.8 Open Space Consultation Process ........................................................
(Flickr n.d, www.flickr.com/photos/christiankemper/2514024607)
73
Fig. 5.9 Open Space Consultation Topic and Results Board .............................
(Flickr n.d, www.flickr.com/photos/christiankemper/2513740841)
75
Fig. 6.1 Brocket, Alberta; Reserve 147 ..............................................................
(adapted from: Live Maps 2008, http://maps.live.com)
78
Fig. 6.2 Aerial Brocket, Alberta .........................................................................
(Google Earth 2008)
79
Fig. 6.3 Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump, Fort MacLeod, Alberta ....................
(Canada Photos 2008, www.canada-photos.com/head-smashed-
buffalo-jump-alberta-photo-321-pictures)
84
Fig. 6.4 Interpretive Centre at Head-Smashed-In Buffalo Jump .......................
(Canada Photos 2008, www.canada-photos.com/data/media/4/
buffalo-jump-alberta_98.jpg)
84
Fig. 6.5 Design Independent versus Design Considering the Contours
of the Site ..............................................................................................
85
Fig. 6.6 Brocket Morphology and Natural Resources .......................................
(Google Maps 2008, http://maps.google.com)
86
Fig. 6.7 Mistissini Cree Road Sign ....................................................................
(Wikipedia Image 2008)
88
Fig. 6.8 Buffalo Landmark, Wainwright, Alberta ..............................................
(Town of Wainwright 2004)
88

iv
Fig. 6.9 Existing, Paved Routes .........................................................................
90
Fig. 6.10 Unofficial Routes and Driveways .........................................................
90
Fig. 6.11 Proposed New Routes ..........................................................................
91
Fig. 6.12 Brocket Five Minute Pedestrian Shed ..................................................
91
Fig. 6.13 Inactive Building Fronts ......................................................................
(Wordpress 2006)
93
Fig. 6.14 Active Building Fronts .........................................................................
(Webshots 2005)
94
Fig. 6.15 Pê Sâkâstêw Healing Lodge, Hobbema, Alberta .................................
(Correctional Service Canada 2007)
94
Fig. 6.16 Brocket Existing Buildings: Gaps in Active Fronts ..............................
96
Fig. 6.17 Brocket Proposed Buildings: Active Fronts .........................................
96
Fig. 6.18 Brocket Proposed Amenity Zone ..........................................................
97
Fig. 6.19 Brocket Proposed and Existing Building Types ...................................
97
Fig. 6.20 Open Space Setup for Pow Wow Ceremony ........................................
(Great Spirit Circle Trail 2006)
99
Fig. 6.21 Brocket: Indications of Shared Space ..................................................
100
Fig. 6.22 Brocket: Proposed Private Open Space ...............................................
100
Fig. 6.23 Brocket Proposed Semi-Private Open Space .......................................
101
Fig. 6.24 Brocket Proposed Public Open Space ..................................................
101
Fig. 6.25 Totem Pole: Alert Bay, BC ..................................................................
(Travel Vancouver Island 2008)
102
Fig. 6.26 Inukshuk, Rankin Inlet, Nunavut ..........................................................
(Photobucket 2008)
103
Fig 6.27 Mystic Lake Casino: Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux ...........................
(Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux Community 2007)
104

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Fig. 6.28 Brocket Proposed Gateways and Landmarks ......................................
(Image produced by the Author, including images from:
Chase-Daniel 2007; Canada Photos 2008; Town of Wainwright 2004)
105
Fig 6.29 Passive Heating and Cooling ...............................................................
108
Fig. 6.30 Passive Ventilation ...............................................................................
108
Fig 6.31 Trees for Shelter and Privacy ..............................................................
109
Fig. F.1 Living Machine System ........................................................................ 142

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Preface
At an early age, I developed a profound interest in culture, religion and politics
which has prompted me to travel extensively and to pursue studies in comparative religion,
fine arts, architecture and, finally, urban design. The construction and composition of
cities and communities continues to fascinate me as I endeavour upon further travels and
research. Although it may seem unusual for a Euro-Canadian student to write a dissertation
on issues faced by Canadian First Nation communities from a university in the United
Kingdom, I have learned that the farther one travels and the more one learns, the greater the
reflection on one’s own home and the struggles therein. One need not travel over oceans
to remote places in order to find communities in need; communities that are searching for
identity, place and cohesion. To quote the Right Honourable Beverley McLachlin, P.C.
(2004), Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada, “the encounter of difference that
comes with globalization is an occasion for citizens to recognize their shared humanity
and their shared values” (ADM Forum speech). I believe that, in recognition of this
shared humanity, urban design principles and consultation strategies can be successfully
altered to support culturally-appropriate growth in First Nation communities.
There is a great deal of discussion surrounding First Nation issues in Canada, from
the question of land ownership to issues regarding social reform and cultural solidarity.
The purpose of this dissertation is not to weigh in on these controversies, but to examine
how culturally sensitive urban design can foster healthy growth in the First Nation built
environment. It is intended to be a starting point for discussion and debate and, hopefully,
will provide new approaches for the provision of culturally-sensitive and sustainable
development within First Nation communities. I hope that this body of research is as
enjoyable and enlightening for the reader as it has been for me.
Kristin Chrzanowski, BFA, BEDS
August 2008

vii
Acknowledgements
This dissertation was, certainly, a collaborative effort and the contributions of
various scholars and professionals have made it not only feasible, but have ensured that
it is as accurate and relevant as possible. First, I would like to thank Barry Yanchyshyn
for providing me with the original idea and pushing me to pursue such a complex and
important topic. Thank you to Vivian Manasc, Ken Hutchinson, Ron Goodfellow, Bill
Barton and Dr. Frits Pannekoek for your guidance and patience in answering my many
questions. To Linda Many Guns, thank you for sharing your knowledge, research and
reflections with me. Thank you to Brian Goodey and the faculty and staff at the Joint
Centre of Urban Design at Oxford Brookes University for your time and patience in
guiding me on this journey. I hope that the product is as rich and rewarding for you as it
was for me.
Finally, I must extend my gratitude to my family for their support throughout this
process. Thank you to Faye Chrzanowski for helping me to sort through the sociological
aspects of my research and for helping me to organize my thoughts and ideas. Thank
you to Leo Chrzanowski and Tricia Chrzanowski for your swift and patient editing.
Your comments and feedback are greatly appreciated. And finally, thank you to Corrado
Agnello. Your sacrifices and unyielding support have meant the world to me.
Thank you all.

viii
Timeline
1492 First contact is made between Aboriginal people and Christopher Columbus when
Aboriginal people help his crew overcome sickness after many months at sea.
1625 Jesuits arrive in Québec to begin missionary work among the Aboriginal people.
1680 (May) Louis XIV, the King of France, agrees to provide Aboriginal people with
16,200 hectares (40,000 acres) of land near Montreal.
1701 Thirty-eight Indian nations sign a peace treaty near Montreal with the French, ending
20 years of diplomacy.
1763 (October) A Royal Proclamation issued by King George III of Britain recognizes
that consent of First Nations is required in any negotiations regarding their lands.
1818 The 49th parallel becomes accepted as the border between the United States and
Canada, from the Lake of the Woods to the Rockies.
1867 The British North America Act unites Ontario, Québec, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick as the Dominion of Canada.
1876 (March) The IndianAct is established. Bands are created and IndianAgents became
the intermediaries between Aboriginal people and the rest of Canada.
1951 The Indian Act is revised to limit coverage of First Nation people, excluding
Aboriginal women who married non-Aboriginal men (rescinded in 1985).
1960 Aboriginal people in Canada are permitted to vote in federal elections.
1982 The United Kingdom transfers final legal powers over Canada. Canada adopts
its new constitution, which includes the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The Canadian
Constitution recognizes and affirms existing Aboriginal and treaty rights.
1984 In the Northwest Territories, Aboriginal languages are officially recognized in
addition to English and French (Yukon follows in 1988).
1996 (April) The Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development agrees to give
administrative responsibility for the Cultural Educational Centres Program to the First
Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres.
1999 The Northwest Territories are divided to form the Territory of Nunavut. It is the first
territory in Canada to have a majority Aboriginal population.

ix
Key Terms and Definitions
Collective Names to Describe the Original Peoples of Canada and their Descendents:
Aboriginal: The term “Aboriginal” is appropriate when referring to matters that affect
First Nation (Status, Non-status or Treaty Indians), Inuit and Métis people(s). The word
is most appropriately used as an adjective (e.g., Aboriginal person).
First Peoples: “First Peoples” is a collective term used to describe the original peoples of
Canada and their descendents.
Indigenous People(s): Generally used in the international context, “Indigenous” refers to
people who are original to a particular territory.
Native People(s): “Native” is a word similar in meaning to “Aboriginal.” “Native
peoples” is a collective term to describe the descendants of the original peoples of North
America.
More Narrowly Defined Groups of Aboriginal People(s) in Canada:
First Nation(s): The term “First Nations” refers to Status, Non-Status and Treaty
Indians. The term has also been adopted to replace the word “Band” in the naming of
communities.
Indian: The term “Indian” is narrowly defined by the Indian Act, Revised Statutes of
Canada. There are three legal definitions that apply to Indians in Canada: Status Indians,
Non-status Indians and Treaty Indians.
Status Indian (Registered Indian): The term “Status Indian” refers to an Indian person
who is registered (or entitled to be registered) under the Indian Act.
Non-status Indian: An Indian person who is not registered under the Indian Act. This may
be because his or her ancestors were never registered or because he or she lost Indian
status under former provisions of the Indian Act.
Treaty Indian: A person affiliated with a First Nation that has signed, or whose ancestors
signed, a treaty with the Federal Government and who now receives land rights and
entitlements as prescribed in a treaty.
Inuit: Aboriginal people in northern Canada who live above the tree line in the Northwest
Territories, in Northern Quebec and in Labrador. Inuit are not covered by the Indian Act.

x
Métis: The term refers to Aboriginal people of mixed First Nation and European ancestry
who identify themselves as Métis people, as distinct from First Nations people, Inuit or
non-Aboriginal people.
Terms Associated with First Nation Communities and Community Organization:
Band: As defined by the Indian Act, a Band is a “body of Indians for whose common use
and benefit lands have been set aside or monies held by the Government of Canada or
have been declared by the Governor in Council to be a Band.” Today, many Bands prefer
to be known as First Nations.
Band Council (First Nation Council): The governing or administrative body of a Band,
elected according to procedures set forth in the Indian Act.
Tribal Council: A tribal council is a group comprised of several Bands that represent
the interests of those Bands and may administer funds or deliver common services to
those Bands. Membership to a Tribal Council tends to be organized around geographic,
political, or cultural and linguistic lines.
Elder(s): Aboriginal persons who are respected and consulted due to their experience,
wisdom, knowledge, background and insight. The title of Elder does not necessarily
equate with age.
Reserve: Land set aside by the federal government of Canada for the use and occupancy
of an Indian group or Band. Some Bands have more than one reserve. Legal title rests
with the federal government of Canada.
First Nation community: A community located on Reserve land that is primarily inhabited
by Aboriginal people and which falls under the management of First Nation self-
governments.
Bundle: Objects of varying sizes which are derived from an individual’s communication
with the Creator through a vision. Bundles contain both physical and abstract
representations of the First Nation worldview and are accompanied by prayers, protocols
and rituals that are specific to the content and purpose of the Bundle.
Legal Definitions Relating to Aboriginals in Canada:
Aboriginal rights: Rights that some Aboriginal peoples of Canada hold as a result of their
ancestors’long-standing use and occupancy of the land (e.g., the right to hunt, trap or fish
on ancestral lands).

xi
Aboriginal self-government: Governments designed, established and administered by,
and for, Aboriginal peoples.
Aboriginal title: A legal term that recognizes Aboriginal interest in the land. It is based on
the long-standing use and occupancy of the land by descendants of the original inhabitants
of Canada.
Treaty: An agreement between First Nations and the federal government.
Throughout this dissertation ‘First Nation’ will be used to refer to the Indigenous people
in Canada. ‘Aboriginal’ will be used to refer to an individual member, or group of
individuals, with First Nation ancestry. The terms ‘Native’ and ‘Indian’ will only be used
when citing published government or academic documents.

2
Introduction
The factors which control the use and modification of the environment, including
urban design, planning and architectural interventions, are driven and influenced by
the social, political, cultural and economic circumstances of the location and society in
question. In a politically stable, western context, it is generally accepted that statutory
control of the built environment, which is articulated through building codes and
planning legislation, represents the ‘collective will’ of society. Further, it is assumed that
the aesthetics, use and function of the built environment are prescribed by the cultural
codes and mores inherent in a society. However, as King (1990) notes, “in the case of
planned environments as well as planning legislation exported to culturally-different, pre-
capitalist societies, neither of these two assumptions applies” (p. 59). In consideration
of the fact that many urban centres were founded on the precepts and principles of the
colonial era, not only in Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Far East, but also in Canada
and Australia, the contemporary resurgence in cultural reclamation and expression by
indigenous peoples can be considered an inevitability.
In fact, it is widely acknowledged that recognizing cultural heritage and facilitating
identity-building within a community contributes significantly towards sustainability,
social cohesion and resident satisfaction. While the construction, expression and
preservation of a cohesive place identity is integral to every new development, it is
especially important for those communities that are struggling to cultivate feelings of
social unity and empowerment after generations of isolation and oppression. First Nation
communities in Canada are increasingly setting out to preserve, rediscover and advance
Aboriginal cultural heritage within their communities. Such an expression of cultural
heritage forms the foundation of individual and collective identities which, with sensitive
application to new and existing developments, may help Aboriginal people connect with

3
their communities and their history. Furthermore, the introduction of a stable system
of ordered cultural meaning will help First Nations to create a sense of sequence and
cohesion in communities which are struggling to overcome years of dissociation and
alienation. The creation of culturally-expressive and supportive environments will help
First Nations preserve their cultural heritage, while adapting to meet the present and
future needs of their communities. As Hewison notes, “the impulse to preserve the past is
part of the impulse to preserve the self” (Harvey 1990, p. 86). In short, any understanding
of urban form in a colonial context requires an understanding of the social, historic and
cultural background of both the colonizers and the colonized.
Urban design can play an important role with respect to reclaiming, preserving
and expressing First Nation cultural identity. This dissertation will explore the way
in which the built environment can express and influence identity on Reserves, both
historically and in the present day. Furthermore, this dissertation will explore culturally-
appropriate methods of consultation which will help to foster healthy and mutually-
beneficial relationships between First Nations and non-Aboriginal consultants. In the past,
development on Reserves has been negatively affected due to a lack of understanding by
governments, designers, developers and project managers. This lack of understanding has
led to the propagation of, generally pejorative, cultural stereotypes and the ineffectiveness
of Aboriginal-non-Aboriginal communications relating to community and cultural
development (Harris 2002, p. 299). Development strategies suggested in the past have
tended to be either assimilatory or nostalgic and have had a negative, cascading effect
on Reserves, First Nation community members and, ultimately, developers, the wider
Canadian community and the economy.
This dissertation will address the role of urban design in First Nation communities
and the way in which design and consultation methods can be adapted to accommodate

4
and express First Nation cultural and customary practices. This dissertation is intended to
create realistic, effective and culturally-sensitive guidelines for community consultation
and design that can serve to help First Nation communities preserve and express their
identity while addressing their rapidly disappearing cultural heritage. Additionally, this
dissertation will address common disconnects inAboriginal-non-Aboriginal relationships
through a number of strategies for culturally-appropriate and inclusive consultation and
collaborative design.
1.1 Chapter Outlines
Canadian history regarding First Nation cultural heritage, Reserve development
and land claims is a complex and emotionally-charged study. Harris (2002) summarizes
the situation as follows:
Native people lost almost all their land and, with it, their means of livelihood, to
an aggressively colonizing settler society, and the two societies still confront each
other over the land question. Moreover, stripped to their essentials, the options
available to us are probably only two – a politics of assimilation or of difference
– and the implications of following either path seem perfectly clear (p. 293).
The implications of, and procedures for, pursuing such a politics of difference
through preserving cultural heritage and creating spaces for cultural growth, development
and expression, will be explored in this dissertation. In order to support such a politics
of difference, in which First Nation customs and traditions are preserved and expressed
in order to create socially and culturally-sustainable communities, urban design strategies
must be, at once, culturally-sensitive and able to withstand criticism from both the
Euro-Canadian and First Nation communities. Historically, there has been a struggle to
find compromise between legitimate First Nation cultural requirements and the needs,
demands and expectations of incoming settler societies. There is no way to efface past

5
injustices and start fresh from a pre-colonial slate, however, it is possible to begin to
communicate with First Nations in a respectful and culturally-appropriate manner and to
help Aboriginal communities preserve their cultural heritage in the built environment for
present and future generations. This dissertation will investigate solutions for consultation
and design within a culture that is situated at the crossroads of history, politics, geography
and tradition. The dissertation is organized as follows:
Chapter one will outline the aims and objectives of this body of research. The
procedures for this dissertation will be explained and the research question will be
articulated.
Chapter two will introduce the historic background of First Nations in Canada.
It will explain the effect of colonialism on cultural expression, drawing comparisons
between First Nations in Canada and experiences in other colonial cities. This chapter
will provide statistical information regarding the population, demographics and cultural
identity of Aboriginal people in Canada. Furthermore, it will outline the social, cultural
and legal status of First Nations as they relate to the built environment.
Chapter three will explore the relationship between culture and the built
environment as it relates to First Nations in Canada. It will examine the spatial effect of
colonialism on the built environment and will include theories about social control and the
effect of Reserve geography on First Nation culture and the Aboriginal built environment.
It will introduce urban design as a relevant and effective method for addressing issues of
rootedness, cultural expression and place identity, as well as outlining the key aspects of
urban design in relation to First Nation communities.
Chapter four will examine the role of culture and custom in a representative First
Nation community. Through the examination of a Blackfoot case study, it will explore

6
the relationships between traditional social and community structures. Additionally,
this chapter will explore tipi architecture and etiquette as important precedents for
contemporary urban design and consultation practices. This section will form the basis for
the consultation and design strategies that will be proposed in the following chapters.
Chapter five will outline two culturally-appropriate methods of consultation
for First Nation communities. The first method, based on the traditional Blackfoot
Circle Structure method of decision-making, will be appropriate for smaller, high-level
discussions between urban designers and steering committees, community representatives,
Elders or the Chief and Council. The second method, based on the Open Space process, is
appropriate for larger, more inclusive community consultations and is based on democratic
and respectful information-sharing and participant-led discussion. Both methods of
consultation are rooted in First Nation traditions and customs surrounding negotiation and
decision-making and, therefore, hold a certain authority in contemporary communities.
Chapter six will consider the aforementioned information and will propose
practical design applications for development on Reserves. This chapter will include
photographic examples, as well as the theoretical application of urban design principles
to a case study community. These examples will help to illustrate the application of
inclusive, culturally-appropriate design on a living community. Furthermore, this chapter
will tie together urban design principles with First Nation culture and customs in order to
provide appropriate and sustainable guidelines for development on Reserves.
Chapter seven will be the concluding chapter of this dissertation. It will summarize
the main points and principles discovered through this body of research. It will answer
the research question and draw conclusions regarding the role of culture and custom in
urban design and consultation practices on Reserves. Further, it will outline the relevance
of this dissertation in a global, colonial context.

7
1.2 Research Aims and Objectives
The aim of this dissertation is to explore the role of culture in the design and
development of First Nation communities. The objective of this body of research is
twofold. First, to determine the manner and extent to which urban design principles
may relate specifically to First Nation issues in the built environment. It will consider
the various elements that affect a cultural development agenda, including value-based
typologies, the relationship between values, policies and development and the necessity
of culturally-sensitive consultation to inform cultural change initiatives.
Second, this dissertation will explore how a return to traditional community
and cultural structures, to varying degrees, will help First Nation communities express
and preserve their cultural heritage while moving forward in a positive and progressive
manner. The dissertation will propose several consultation and design strategies that
are intended to balance rootedness with forward-looking development in order to create
socially and culturally cohesive communities. The objectives, methods and stages of
research for this dissertation are, therefore, as follows:
Objective One: To gather information outlining specific issues that affect development
in First Nation communities, including the demographic, political, social and cultural
situations on Reserves, as well as the effect of colonialism on cultural expression in the
First Nation built environment.
Information about the political, social and cultural situations of First Nations in
Canada will be gathered through a comprehensive literature review. This literature review
will include archival resources from the national and provincial archives in Canada, as well
as industry and academic literature pertaining to development in First Nation communities.
An additional source of information will be interviews with various professionals and
academics that work with First Nations in a variety of development capacities and are
aware of current issues and challenges facing Aboriginal people on Reserves. Issues

8
for consideration include the spatio-temporal consequences of the Reserve system,
cultural drivers for development, the importance of inclusive and culturally-appropriate
consultation and the various opportunities facing First Nation communities today.
Objective Two: To examine traditional First Nation decision-making and negotiation
customs in order to propose culturally-appropriate and mutually-beneficial methods for
consultation in First Nation communities.
ThroughtheexaminationofthecustomsandcultureofarepresentativeFirstNation
community, approaches to community design, consultation and cultural expression will
be considered. Through the exploration of culturally-sensitive and appropriate strategies
for public consultation and design, this dissertation will consider the degree to which
cultural mores, customs and traditions could be used to affect change and foster trust
within a First Nation community in an effective and sustainable way.
Objective Three: To develop strategies for design and consultation in First Nation
communities that are, at once, culturally-rooted and forward-looking.
The dissertation will propose a series of admirable practices to address inadequate
urban design on Reserves. These practices may be applied by designers who are working
toward the development or redevelopment of Reserves, in collaboration with First Nation
communities. Further, these guidelines will help guide discussions relating to the creation
of a sympathetic and rooted built environment through which First Nation communities
can transition from reliance and assimilation to empowerment and cultural expression.
1.3 Scope and Research Question
When addressing such a complex and emotionally-charged subject as First Nation
community development, a definitive scope of research is of the utmost importance. This
dissertationaimsneithertoweighinoncontroversiessurroundingFirstNationcommunities

9
and government policies, nor to evaluate the appropriateness of Reserve geography in
Canada. It is intended to examine the manner in which urban design strategies can be
modified so to consider cultural sensitivities when addressing First Nation issues and
concerns. Further, it is intended to examine the role of custom and culture in fostering
successful, respectful and sustainable relationships between First Nation communities
and non-Aboriginal urban designers through consultations, charrettes and personal
interactions. In consideration of this scope, and of the aforementioned objectives and
aims of this dissertation, the research question can, therefore, be stated as follows:
What is the role of culture and custom in fostering healthy relationships between
urban designers and First Nation communities and how can urban design methods
be modified in order to encourage sustainable, culturally-sensitive development
on Reserves?

11
2.1 Global context
Throughout the history of urbanism in the developed world there have been twelve
formal imperial states, five of which have been major colonizers: Spain, Portugal, the
Netherlands, France and Great Britain.1
These aforementioned states were most active
in their colonial pursuits between 1500 and 1750. After 1870, Belgium, Germany, Italy,
Japan and the USA emerge as ‘late comers’ in the design and settlement of colonial cities
(King 1990, p. 3). During this period, First Nations in Canada became subjects of French
and British colonial rule and, after confederacy in 1867, the recently-formed Canadian
government emerged as a new imperial power within its own borders. The process of
colonization and, subsequently, settlement, divided and developed the land according to
European principles and value systems. Such a “reorientation of land away from custom
and towards the market was not unique .... It had happened many times before, not only
in earlier settler societies, but also in the British Isles, whence many of the settlers in early
modern [Canada] had come” (Harris 2002, p. 266).
Furthermore, the political and economic conditions, as well as the social belief
system of the colonizing country, were prerequisites for many of the early urban design
and ‘rational’ planning experiments. For instance, Le Corbusier’s Seven Plans for
Algiers were founded on the colonial principles and values of Imperial France. These
plans proposed the demolition of indigenous quarters and mosques, with the intention of
replacing them with modern BeauxArtes urbanism.2
Similarly, social control was imposed
on the indigenous residents of Lucknow, India, by means of colonial urban design. New
building regulations were introduced which required that architecture be standardized and
1
For further dates and information on the establishment of colonies by imperial states, see
Appendix A.
2
For further information on Le Corbusier’s Seven Plans for Algiers, refer to Çelik 1992, pp.
58-77.

12
regular, while forbidding balconies and ‘ornate’ design. Under the new colonial regime,
traditional courtyard houses, considered to be ‘ill-designed’ and ‘poorly-ventilated,’ were
prohibited. If indigenous residents wished to live in the colonial suburbs, their homes and
buildings had to conform to western ideals and standards (King 1990, p 40). Through
strategically-designed planning policies, the culture and traditions of indigenous people
were suppressed and western building forms began to dominate in newly-formed colonial
cities and suburbs. As a result, the disparity between the homes and lives of the élite and
those of the indigenous residents widened.
This disparity in cultural expression is still evident in many cities today. The
effect of colonialism on urban design and the resultant, present-day pursuit of subdued
cultures to reclaim and express their heritage has had global implications on the typology
of post-colonial cities. As King (1990) explains,
at the simplest level, a typology of all cities must account for a variety of historical
situations where settlements are transplanted by a colonial power, for example,
those of the Romans in France, the Arabs in North Africa, the English in Ireland,
the Moghuls in India, the Russians in Central Asia, as well as the Portuguese in
South America or the Dutch in Indonesia (p. 16).
Each of the aforementioned cultures has simultaneously embraced and succumbed to the
domination of colonial forms in their built environments. Where the interventions were
beneficial to the local culture and fit within traditional cultural and belief systems, the
colonial forms became highly integrated and wholly adopted by the indigenous culture.
However, for some indigenous peoples, such as the First Nations in Canada,
the forms and urban ideals introduced by the incoming settler society were antithetical
to their culture and worldview. As Harris (2002) explains, “life became a matter of
working out the spatial strategies that would allow them to survive in such circumstances
… In Europe, the common alternatives for ordinary people to the assault on custom

13
were emigration overseas or migration to the industrializing cities” (p. 274). For First
Nations, emigration was not a viable
alternative and migration to the cities,
an option only in recent decades, was
historically considered to necessitate
the assimilation of Aboriginal culture
into Euro-Canadian society. In recent
decades, however, there has been a
resurgence in interest concerning the
expression of First Nation culture and
values in Aboriginal communities as a means of building identity and coping with social
discord.
In light of the global context of colonization, and the subsequent reclamation of
indigenous culture, three main issues emerge which must be addressed; questions of land
ownership, political autonomy and freedom of cultural expression. It is impossible to
provide an exhaustive profile of the social, economic, legal, cultural and governmental
situation of First Nation communities in Canada today. However, a brief overview of
those aspects which affect the built environment on Reserves will be provided herein.
2.2 Demographics
According to Statistics Canada (2006), 1,172,790 Canadian citizens currently
identify themselves as Aboriginal, First Nation, Métis and Inuit, thereby accounting for
approximatelyfourpercentoftheCanadianpopulation. Oftherespondents,approximately
sixty percent (698,205) identified themselves specifically as being of First Nation ancestry.
Furthermore, approximately forty percent of First Nation respondents indicated that they
In the eyes of the Creator, we were no different
from the caribou. We moved and lived with the
herds … We were nomadic by tradition and of
necessity throughout the ages, but we finally
yielded to sign Treaty Five in 1910. We attempted
to make a stationary life at Duck Lake, where a
Hudson’s Bay Company post was located … For
my people, it was the beginning of two decades of
destruction and suffering … For my people, the
impact of the relocation had the same effect as
genocide
Ila Bussidor (1997, p. 4)

14
currently live on Reserves (http://www12.statcan.ca).
According to the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (2008),
there are 614 culturally-distinct First Nations in Canada, which are distributed as follows
(http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca):
Table 2.1 Distribution of First Nations (Excluding Métis and Inuit) in Canada
British Columbia 198 Newfoundland 3
Alberta 44 Prince Edward
Island
2
Saskatchewan 70 Nova Scotia 13
Manitoba 62 Yukon Territory 16
Ontario 126 Northwest
Territories
26
Québec 39 Nunavut 0 (Inuit only)
New Brunswick 15 Total 614
Additionally, almost half of the Aboriginal population in Canada is comprised of
children and young adults who are under the age of twenty-five (Statistics Canada 2006,
http://www12.statcan.ca). The prominence of such a young demographic in First Nation
communities has serious implications for the preservation and promotion of Aboriginal
culture due to the linguistic and cultural disconnect between Elders and the youth
population. Consequently, in order for cultural heritage to be expressed and transferred
from generation to generation, there must be a stronger focus on the preservation of
traditional skills and knowledge in all areas of cultural experience, including the built
environment. There is an urgent need for the preservation of traditional skills and
knowledge in First Nation communities if cultural heritage is going to be expressed and
preserved for current and future generations.

15
2.3 Legal Identity
According to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
(2007), “indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their
cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions” (Article 31,
p. 68). In recognition of this and other international guidance regarding the treatment
of indigenous peoples, the Government of Canada has developed a “two-row wampum
concept … of the relationship of Native people to others in Canada, by which is meant
two parallel and largely autonomous societies and systems of government, one of them
for Native people” (Harris 2002, p. 304). The resultant distinction of First Nations as self-
governing means that they have a special legal status in Canada and are, consequently,
able to interact with the federal and provincial authorities on a government-to-government
basis.
While the federal government has a fiduciary obligation to Aboriginals in
Canada, the nature of First Nations’ political autonomy suggests that responsibility for
the expression, preservation and propagation of traditional knowledge, skills and culture
is largely in the hands of individual communities. First Nation self-governments are,
essentially, modelled on an enhanced municipal archetype for which the federal and
provincial governments provide the operational framework. As Harris (2002) explains,
“Native management of Native land is an essential corollary of a politics of difference,
otherwise Native people will be required to follow rules and procedures of land use
that are not of their own making and may be antithetical to their understanding” (p.
318). Domination of First Nation development policies by non-Aboriginal designers
and planners simply propagates the ideals of colonial rule. This special legal status of
First Nations is the result of an understanding that Aboriginal peoples are the appropriate
custodians of their own cultural destinies.

16
Furthermore, the obligations of the federal government, including the requirement
to consult with and accommodate First Nations on issues of development, ownership
and resource allocation, which directly affect Aboriginal communities, are derived from
sources such as the Royal Proclamation of 1763, the Constitution Acts of 1867 and
1982, and from the decisions made by the Supreme Court of Canada. It must be noted,
however, that there is a distinct and important difference between public consultation as
it is employed by an urban design professional, and the legal requirement of governments
to consult with First Nations in respect of the aforementioned issues. While public
consultations, as utilized by urban designers, are not legally binding, they are conducted
in an environment of mutual trust and respect. Such consultations must, therefore, be
regarded with the utmost seriousness and not merely endeavoured upon because they
are required by contractual obligations, planning regulations or urban design etiquette.
Any and all references to consultation with First Nations in this dissertation are to public
consultation in a design context and do not refer to legal obligations of the federal and
provincial governments, developers or designers.
It must be noted that Reserve lands do not fall under Canadian planning policies or
development regulations and, as such, First Nations have both the increased freedom and
the responsibility of producing safe, sustainable and culturally-expressive environments.
In the past, this exemption has had serious implications on the development, maintenance
and appearance of the built environment inAboriginal communities. Reserves, in general,
become dilapidated at a higher rate than non-Reserve lands and cultural expression tends
to be focused in interpretive centres rather than in buildings or community design. The
issue of substandard living conditions on Reserves has been at the forefront of the political
agenda in Canada for many years but, arguably, little has been done with respect to the
design of communities that would support First Nation cultures and mores.

17
2.4 Land Claims
The arrival of an aggressively colonizing settler society resulted in the introduction
of Reserve geography in Canada. The belief of the early settlers was that Aboriginals
“were wanderers, primitive people who did not know how to use land effectively. They
had legitimate claims to their principal settlement sites, also to their burial grounds and
small cultivated patches, but not to much more” (Harris 2002, p. 46). Consequently, the
land was divided, according to the colonial grid system, and was reoriented away from
custom to market uses.
Land areas were divided into two principal settlements, the larger for market
use by settlers and the other for First Nations. Reserves in Canada confined, but did
not relocate, First Nations as they did in the United States of America. This distinction
means that Aboriginal people continue to live on, significantly smaller, parcels of land
that their ancestors once inhabited. The size and nature of Reserves are the result of
previous provincial and federal governments’ notions that smaller parcels of land would
help to prevent uprisings, while forcing Aboriginal people into the burgeoning urban
society and workplace. It was their hope that, by being forced to migrate to the cities,
Aboriginals would learn the customs of the European settlers and become integrated into
the new, Euro-Canadian society. Due to the assimilatory nature of the provincial and
federal governments’ original First Nation policies, the land question is essential to the
consideration of First Nation heritage and cultural expression today. As Harris (2002)
explains,
those who defend cultural difference are inclined to agree that Native people
need more land. The land question is complicit, therefore, with arguments about
culture … [as opposed to a] politics of assimilation in which Native people would
be recognized as full citizens with the same rights and privileges as other citizens
(and would therefore require no special land rights) (p. 298).

18
The question of land rights is an ongoing debate in Canada, with claims being
treated on a case-by-case basis.
2.5 Cultural Expression
Cultural expression in First Nation communities is difficult to address from
an intellectual perspective due to the emotive nature of the issue. It is imperative to
remember that the land in Canada was not unoccupied when European explorers arrived
in the fifteenth century. The landscape was “already inscribed with patterns and forms
reflecting the cultural use of Indian occupants for whom it had been a home for centuries.
As North America’s first culturally modified environment, it was a new land only to
the Europeans” (Mitchell and Groves 1987, p. 26). The aggressive colonization and
assimilation strategies implemented by European settlers have modified traditional First
Nation land use and community patterns to such an extent as to render them entirely
dissimilar to that of their ancestors.
Currently, there is some debate surrounding the role of First Nation cultural
expression in Canadian society. In response to this and other cultural debates, it must
be noted that Canada is not, and never has been, culturally homogenous, therefore a
single doctrine of cultural policy has never more than partially applied. As Harris (2002)
succinctly notes:
there are good reasons why in an immigrant society the idea of assimilation is
attractive. It corresponds with the life experience of many immigrants, has an
egalitarian symmetry, and carries the illusion of simplicity. But if the last 150
years of Native-non-Native relationships in British Columbia have any lessons to
teach, one of the most important must be that, overall, the politics of assimilation
are unrealisable. The only real alternative is a politics of difference: that is, policies
that respect and support Native distinctiveness (p. 201).

19
It appears, therefore, that the only realistic and realizable goal for First Nation
community development is one which incorporates and encourages the expression of
cultural heritage in the built environment. In response to this notion, there has been a
movement in recent decades to preserve and reinterpret First Nation heritage as a means
of healing a fragmented society and teaching Aboriginal children about their past in order
to prepare them for the future.
Furthermore, if it is acknowledged that cultural expression is vital to the creation
of a viable and sustainable First Nation community, then strategies, programs and policies
supporting such development must be explored. There are some governmental programs
which are available to support and assist First Nation community development, however,
these have not been adapted or extended to adequately address urban design considerations
on Reserves. Additionally, the lack of coherent design guidelines, planning policies,
building codes and culturally-sensitive consultation and design strategies for First Nation
communities often means that attempts at cultural regeneration are either overlooked or,
if considered, are unsuccessful. It is, therefore, imperative to examine the role of culture
in the conception of development agendas for First Nations communities.
This dissertation will attempt to outline several culturally-sensitive and rooted
strategies for consultation, design and development on Reserves. The danger of focusing
primarily on the preservation and construction of cultural heritage in the built environment
is the potential to create a backward-looking, nostalgic environment. This is avoidable
through the careful implementation of proven urban design principles that are specifically
modifiedtocelebrateandexpressFirstNationtraditionsandculture. ConsultationwithFirst
Nations from the beginning stages of any design intervention, through to implementation
and management, will help to ensure that the social and cultural needs of the community
are being satisfied. In this way, urban designers and First Nations can work together to

20
ensure that they are creating a high-quality environment which adequately expresses and
accommodates the needs of the individual, community and culture.
Conclusion
The purpose of this introduction is to provide a rudimentary understanding of
First Nation issues, politics and cultural requirements in Canada. While it is impossible
to provide a comprehensive account of issues relating to First Nations in Canada,
there are several universal, underlying matters that greatly influence development and
relationships on and off Reserves. The first is the issue of First Nation self government,
specifically relating to land, resource and cultural management. It is generally agreed
that First Nations are the appropriate custodians of their own cultural heritage and that
decisions relating to culture and the built environment must, necessarily, be made by the
First Nation community members themselves. Second, the acknowledgement of First
Nations as distinct cultural groups necessitates the demarcation of spaces for Aboriginal
culture and heritage development. It must be noted that these are living and evolving
cultures, therefore caution must be taken to ensure that communities are not treated as
museum or anthropological exhibits. With careful consideration and adequate sensitivity,
culturally-rooted, sustainable communities can be created on Reserves which promote
and protect First Nation culture for future generations.
The following chapter will outline the role of culture and urban design in the
development of a unique and rooted community identity. Furthermore, it will examine
the effect of colonialism and Reserve geography on cultural development and expression
in both a global and Aboriginal context. It will conclude by introducing urban design as
one approach that can be employed to address cultural and material issues in the First
Nation built environment.

22
3.1 Culture, Urban Development and the Identity of a People
Cultural values and mores both identify and unite a culture. It is through the
physical manifestation of such a value system that cultural landscapes may begin to take
form. Therearetwocategoriesofculturalvalueswhichcontributetothebuiltenvironment,
intrinsic and instrumental. Intrinsic values are upheld regardless of the benefit, or cost,
to the group in question. For example, patriotism may not reap many tangible benefits,
in fact it may be detrimental within a culturally hostile environment, yet it is still valued
highly by many people. Conversely, instrumental values are those which are directly
beneficial to the people who hold them. For instance, all economically-based values
are inherently instrumental.1
These values are based on circumstance and differ greatly
from community to community. Both intrinsic and instrumental values are necessary for
the development of a meaningful and sustainable society, however, as Grondona notes,
“the intrinsic values indispensable for sustained development, although non-economic,
must not be anti-economic” (Harrison and Huntington 2000, p. 45). It is, therefore, the
interpretation and implementation of these intrinsic values that is essential for the creation
of culturally-meaningful and socially-sustainable communities.
The mores and values of every society are enforced and expressed through
local custom and etiquette. The diagram below illustrates how the various aspects of
urban design can fit within the framework of a community’s cultural values and norms.
Moreover, the diagram can be interpreted as an illustration of western and indigenous
values and the subsequent urban and rural considerations that are affected by custom and
which, in turn, affect the physical manifestation of these values.
1
For further information regarding intrinsic and instrumental values, refer to Grondona in
Harrison and Huntington 2000, pp. 44-55.

23
Figure 3.1 Cultural Values and Norms Relating to the Built Environment
It is this system of cultural values and norms which allows a group of people to
structure itself in space and history and to create a physical manifestation of its cultural
heritage. In the case of colonized cities, the immigrant and indigenous societies are
combined, to varying degrees, thereby creating numerous social and spatial communities.
The possibilities for such outcomes, as well as examples of each, are outlined in the
following table (King 1990, p. 22).
Table 3.1 Social and Spatial Outcomes of Colonial Development
Outcome Example
The site and accommodation are occupied with little or no
modifications
Zanzibar
The site and accommodation are occupied, but are modified and
enlarged
Interior China
The existing settlement is razed and built over Mexico City

24
The site and accommodation are incorporated into a new, planned
settlement
Batavia
The new settlement is built separate from but close to the existing one New Delhi
The existing settlement is ignored and a new one built at a distance
from it
Rabat
For the colonialists only; indigenous and intervening groups remain
outside, providing their own settlement and accommodation
New York
For the colonialists only, no other permanent settlement by non-
colonial groups is permitted
Sydney
For the colonialists but with separate locations and
accommodations for indigenous and intervening groups
Nairobi
For the colonialists and all (or some) of the intervening and
indigenous groups in the same area
Kingston
Each of these situations has a distinct and formidable effect on the development of
a culturally-rooted place identity and can be modified according to whether the settlement
was formed on the basis of a preconceived plan or whether it simply grew by accretion
(King 1990, p. 22). In fact, the relationship between culture, urban development and
place identity has long been established. Watson and Bentley (2007) define place identity
as “the set of meanings associated with any particular cultural landscape which any
particular person or group of people draws on in the construction of their own personal or
social identities” (p. 6). It is important to note that, when residents and users talk about
place identity, they are referring to the manner in which a place affects their personal
understanding and identity development and, in turn, the way in which they believe the
built environment causes others to perceive them. A stable sense of place identity is,
therefore, especially important for communities that are struggling to overcome years of
oppression, prejudice and cultural domination.
The creation of Reserves and the forced sedentarization of First Nations has, in
fact, often been compared to Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon; small, distributed parcels of

25
land, overlooked by neighbouring settlements, that were designed to prevent rebellion
through separation and surveillance rather than respectful co-existence (Harris 2002, p.
269). Such comparisons recognize and demonstrate that building is not a passive activity.
The fabrication of the built environment is a social process that is highly politically,
socially and culturally charged.2
In fact, the majority of decisions made by settlers with
respect to First Nations in Canada were intended to be deliberate instruments of social
and cultural assimilation. From the first colonial contact prior to 1871 until the 1970’s,
European settlers and, later, the government employed missionary teachings, residential
schools and language training, in addition to the Reserve system, in order to assimilate
First Nations and to annihilate their culture. According to Harris (2002), “approximately
a third of Canadians with some Native ancestry no longer identify themselves as Native
… It is less remarkable that some Native people have been assimilated than the majority
have not” (emphasis added, p. 299). The simple fact that the majority of Aboriginal
people have not been assimilated into mainstream culture indicates that there is more to
cultural heritage than merely a nostalgic longing for the past.
First Nation communities in Canada have long been attempting to reclaim their
traditions and cultural knowledge, which were suppressed during the long period of
colonization in Canada. As was previously mentioned, Reserves were designed not to
accommodate, but to segregate and assimilate the Aboriginal people. For this reason,
the distinction between the creation of Reserves and the urbanization of, inherently rural,
First Nation cultures is often blurred. As Harris (2002) explains,
the urbanization of Native societies can hardly be separated from conditions on
the reserves, which, in turn, are largely products of the detachment of Native
peoples from most of their lands. Reserves are small, Native access to off-reserve
resources is circumscribed, and Native birth rates are high. This is a recipe for
high rates of unemployment and, eventually, for migration to the cities (p. 309).
2
For further information on the characteristics of colonial settlements, refer to Appendix A.

26
The realities of modern life have made it necessary for many First Nation people
to move away from their traditional lands and, subsequently, their traditional lifestyles
to urban centres. This migration does not, however, indicate a desire to abandon their
Aboriginal cultural heritage; it is merely a circumstantial necessity. The attempt to
preserve and promote Aboriginal culture in a rapidly changing, and often hostile, urban
environment, however, exemplifies the importance of maintaining and promoting First
Nation cultural identities.
In fact, the Royal Commission of Aboriginal People (2006) identifies the
reclamation of Aboriginal identity as directly related to the spiritual well being of First
Nation people. Furthermore, the Commission asserts that “young people want to learn
the values and wisdom that sustained their ancestors long ago — values and wisdom
they can use to guide their behaviour in today’s world. They want to face the future as
Aboriginal people” (emphasis added, http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sj15_e
.html). The development and expression of Aboriginal identity and pride can, therefore,
be promoted and reinforced through the built environment. Social relationships span
across spaces and migrants, in particular First Nation citizens, have been able to disrupt
boundaries and create identities of belonging within more than one place. As Paul Oliver
(2006) succinctly notes,
a town is made of buildings, but a community is made of people; a house is a
structure, but a home is much more. The distinctions are not trivial, nor are
they sentimental or romantic; they are fundamental to the understanding of the
difference between the provision of shelter which serves to protect, and the creation
of domestic environments that express the deep structures of society (p. 193).
It is clear, therefore, that there is considerably more to the creation of a culturally-
rooted built environment than sentiment and aesthetic. Building, fundamentally, occurs
to facilitate the ordering of space and time for the purpose of human occupation and
understanding. Although values and methods differ by location and culture, it is the

27
metaphysical understanding, and not the physical object of a building itself, that is the
purpose of built culture. People affect and are affected by their environments and it is,
therefore, imperative that the built environment reflects both who people are and who
they aspire to be.
3.2 Reserve Geography
For First Nations in Canada, the creation of Reserves was the first of many spatial
manifestations that resulted from the labelling of Aboriginal peoples as socially and
culturally distinct from European settlers. Reserves became ‘Native space’ and lands
that had once been inhabited by the First Nations and their ancestors were ‘emptied’,
literally and conceptually, for settlement by Europeans. Such mappings of Aboriginal-
non-Aboriginal space and identity came to mean that urban environments, which were
developed and inhabited by European settlers, were increasingly regarded as places where
Aboriginal people were, culturally, ‘out of place’ (Wilson 2005, p. 399).
Furthermore, the new, ‘urban’ lifestyle on Reserves differed not only spatially,
but also temporally for First Nation people; many Aboriginals who lived and hunted on
the plains were accustomed to following herds of buffalo or caribou throughout the year,
returning to winter camps each fall. After the introduction of separate settlements for First
Nations and colonizers, however, Reserves became the principal locus of habitation for
Aboriginal people. They were restricted to one geographical area and, instead of living
within structures and communities that reflected their cultures and lifestyles, “most people
lived in detached log or frame houses that were intended for nuclear families and for year-
round occupancy” (Harris 2002, p. 288). Culturally, these building and community types
were very different from the transitory, communally-based forms that had traditionally

28
been used by Aboriginal people living on the plains.3
Reserve geography led to the
elimination of transitory and adaptable First Nation communities, thereby resulting in the
loss of traditional cultural gathering spaces for ceremony and oral traditions.
The spatial and temporal nature of Reserves, therefore, presents a significant
challenge to First Nations with respect to fostering and maintaining connections to nature
and tradition. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples has identified a variety of
elements that are central to the creation and preservation of First Nation cultural identities
on Reserves and in urban areas, including “spirituality, language, a land base or ancestral
territory, traditional values, family and ceremonial life” (Wilson 2005, p. 400). All of
these aspects have a direct impact on place identity and should be incorporated into any
urban design, planning or architectural project that takes place on Reserves.
If urban design interventions are to successfully reflect First Nation culture, one
further argument must be explored and dispelled. It has been postulated that, because
Aboriginal people do not live in the same manner that their ancestors did, “Native identity
claims not based on traditional culture are trivial and hardly to be taken seriously. This
position … imposes a stern rule that few, if any, contemporary identity claims could
meet” (Harris 2002, p. 299). In light of such scrutiny and criticism, it is imperative that
any attempts at cultural expression and interpretation within the built environment be
approached carefully and with sensitivity; culturally-rooted projects must be more than
simply a verbatim reproduction of traditional buildings and forms.
The difficulty in creating such sensitive and culturally-rooted environments lies
in the fact that there is a distinct lack of trained architectural, planning and urban design
professionals in First Nation communities. While it is possible to hire talented, non-
Aboriginal design professionals to create an interpretation of Aboriginal cultural identity,
3
For further information, refer to Chapter 4.3: Tipi Architecture

29
the most significant and successful efforts will, ultimately, be those that arise from within
a community itself (Moffat 2004, p. 20). After all, the experts in any community are the
residents who experience life in that community on a day-to-day basis. This is not to
say that design expertise is not useful, only that it should be refocused to include cultural
norms and customs appropriate to the community which will ultimately have to live with
and within the design.
3.3 Urban Design
Urban design is a vital tool in the creation of sustainable places and culturally-
rooted place identities. High-quality urban design is important, not only in a western,
urban context, but for any community, region or public space that seeks to achieve
inclusiveness, environmental sustainability, economic viability, social equity and cultural
identity. The practice of urban design “is derived from but transcends matters related
to planning and transportation policy, architectural design, development economics,
landscape and engineering” (English Partnerships 2007, p. 11). In essence, urban design
is intended to develop and realize the vision of a specific place and the unique group of
people who inhabit and use it.
The strategies that will be proposed in this dissertation are intended to support
First Nation communities and urban designers on their journey to create quality places.4
In order to produce high-quality, sustainable urban design on Reserves, a number of
barriers must be overcome. These include:
the lack of trained professionals on Reserves, combined with a general•
lack of understanding regarding First Nation culture by non-Aboriginal
professionals;
4
For further information regarding First Nation consultation, see Chapter 5; for First Nation
urban design strategies, see Chapter 6.

30
the lack of recognition regarding the legitimate role of First Nation community•
members as experts on their own culture and community development needs;
predominantly conservative and profit-driven development; the proliferation•
of casinos, for example, that is currently taking place on Reserves;
the lack of innovation with respect to community engagement, culturally-•
responsive design and management strategies;
the lack of guidance and support for First Nations to pass useful legislation•
and specific guidelines that will encourage culturally-appropriate consultation
and development in their communities;
a historic lack of trust between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal parties;•
excessive time and budgetary constraints which negatively affect development•
on Reserves; and
the professionalization of design culture and the submission of First Nation•
communities to evaluation by western standards.
Due to the complex and longstanding history of inequality between Reserves and
larger urban centres, combined with the widespread mistrust inAboriginal-non-Aboriginal
relations, resolution of the above barriers is of the utmost importance. Further, because
First Nations are self-governing, they are ultimately responsible for the design, character
and construction of their own communities.
It must be remembered that First Nations have their own distinct cultural
identities and are not bound by Canadian planning practices, therefore development
on Reserves cannot be judged based on western standards and expectations. It must
also be acknowledged that design professionals are not experts on the inner workings
of First Nation communities, but that Aboriginal residents hold the knowledge of their
own traditions, how their individual communities operate and their aspirations for future
development. Each community must therefore take an active role in the planning,
design, implementation and management of any project. First Nation communities can
benefit from using urban design to support their culture, thereby empowering residents
to design and manage their communities in accordance with their specific needs, desires
and customs. The attitude of the design professional must, therefore, be altered and
relationships with First Nation communities must be approached in a culturally-sensitive

31
and appropriate manner. The professional is present at the request and in service of the
community; “Professionals assist, professionals advise, [but] professionals do not direct”
(Pannekoek 1998, p. 7).
3.4 Application of Urban Design in First Nation Communities
As an emerging profession in Canada, urban design can play an important role in
communities that are struggling to create and realize a culturally-rooted place identity.
Like planning, urban design is “fundamentally concerned with the organization and
management of land and resource use … and it has a future-seeking dimension that
means it is concerned with improving the circumstances of human existence, commonly
expressed as equality and sustainability” (Lane 2005, p. 172). Urban design principles,
if properly applied, could enable the transformation of Reserves into social centres that
better reflect the aspirations, values and goals of First Nation community members.
Thus, the question is not whether urban design is an appropriate method for the
amelioration of the built environment on Reserves, but rather how urban design can be
used in a sensitive and sophisticated manner specific to First Nation communities, cultures
and mores. As Watson and Bentley (2007) note, the “interweaving of place identity and
human identity is a broadly encountered phenomenon … Unfortunately, however, there
is a distinct lack of useful theory about how architects, urban designers, or town planners
might work in relation to this interweaving process” (p. 4). Regarding First Nation
communities, such theories are virtually non-existent. As such, it is necessary to combine
contemporary theory relating to placemaking, cultural reclamation and urban design with
literature and consultation strategies that are specific to current First Nation issues and
concerns. Frank Palermo (2004), in reference to urban design for the Mi’kmaq First
Nation in Nova Scotia, calls attention to the belief that “there isn’t enough time; there

32
aren’t enough resources; it’s not considered important…but the most significant barrier
is that many communities don’t know the difference it makes and don’t often understand
how to do it” (Moffat 2004, p. 20).
Urban design practices must, therefore, be applied to and modified for First
Nation communities in a number of ways. First, the urban design principles, including
permeability, legibility, personalization and economic viability, must be examined within
the context of First Nation communities and culture. As theoretically solid, admirable
design practices, these principles can be applied to any community or environment. The
difference, however, is the manner in which these principles are adapted so to apply
specifically to First Nation communities. Due to the self-governing nature of First Nations,
Reserves can provide a unique opportunity for Aboriginal people to freely express and
celebrate their culture without being subject to the constraints of an established, urban
environment or western building standards and practices. With the careful application of
culturally-sensitive urban design principles, Reserves can become places of empowerment
which will help to foster the creation of many different communities that will endure both
on and off the Reserve.
3.5 Key Aspects of Urban Design in First Nation Communities
The design of communities is only valuable if it offers exceptional choice, richness
and cultural expression to the residents and users of the space (Bentley et al. 2006, p.
12). There are a number of urban design and sustainability characteristics that must be
considered in order to ensure that projects are sustainable, functional and appropriate,
regardless of culture, race or creed. These principles include permeability, legibility,
choice, identity and visual appropriateness. The application of these principles promotes
the creation of ‘good’ design which can be tailored and adapted to suit any culture,

33
community or user group. Depending on the community, some urban design principles
will be more important than others, however, considering all of the principles will ensure
that the development is well-planned and thoroughly understood.
The following table examines the key aspects of urban design with respect to the
specific concerns and requirements of First Nation communities (adapted from English
Partnerships 2007, p. 12). Although these principles are vital to the successful creation of
any urban design scheme, they are especially important in marginalized communities that
are in the process of developing or redeveloping. Safety, security and accessibility form
the necessary basis from which Aboriginal citizens can participate in the development
and management of their communities. The most urgent and imperative tenets of urban
design for First Nation communities are, therefore, as follows:
Table 3.2 – Key Aspects of Urban Design in First Nation Communities
Permeability and Connectedness
Reserves are typically isolated and therefore need to be integrated, physically and
visually, with their environment. This means developing strong connections both
within the Reserve and to surrounding cities, towns and villages. Residents should be
able to walk to a majority of the activities of daily living; schools, shops, parks, etc.
This structure discourages the excessive use of vehicles and provides independence for
those who are unable or unwilling to drive, such as children and the elderly.
Places for People
The First Nation community structure should reflect cultural values such as family
structures, spaces for gathering and ceremony, esteem toward Elders and personalization
of buildings and public spaces. Due to the often isolated nature of Reserves, new
developments must be safe, comfortable and accessible for the users. Additionally, the
inclusion of public spaces for gathering and ceremony will help to reinforce identity
and promote social unity.
Legibility
New developments should strengthen and enrich existing community characteristics.
For First Nation communities, this can include the incorporation of works by local
artists, the layering of cultural symbols in community and built forms, incorporating
opportunities for teaching and expressing First Nation culture (such as signage in the
local language) and the opportunity for individual contribution and personalization.
Legibility also means that the town is able to be read by residents and visitors,
especially regarding social structure and the identification of Bundle holding families
and ceremonialists.

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