Gender & Sexual Violence Sexual Objectification Sexual objectification is the reduction of a person to his or her sex appeal. Both men and women are objectified in popular culture. Gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men. Women overall are objectified much more than men. There’s now so much competition for attention that media content has learned that more is better. This has extended to more sex in the media, and women are conventionally portrayed as sex objects and sexually objectified. Can you think of examples of sexual objectification in any shows or films you’ve recently watched? Who was sexually objectified? After hearing the responses, do the students’ examples confirm the book’s findings (i.e., that women are objectified more than men and that gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men)? Why or why not? 2 The Heterosexual Male Gaze Media privileges male desire and assumes a heterosexual male gaze. Content is designed to appeal to a hypothetical heterosexual man. Men undergo a process of sexual subjectification. They are told what their internal thoughts and feelings should be. This privilege of male desire leads to a heterosexual male gaze. Can you think of how this gaze can negatively impact men? 3 Self-Objectifying The heterosexual male gaze means that women are regularly exposed to idealized images of female bodies. Many women self-objectify. They internalize the idea that their physical attractiveness determines their worth. During sex, worrying about how you look can translate into a process called spectating. Instructor Note: You can build from the previous slide by now discussing how the heterosexual male gaze can negatively impact women. You should also discuss how gay and bisexual men in same-sex encounters can be positioned as the objectifier, the objectified, or both. Heterosexual men are less likely to be sexually objectified than others are. How can the heterosexual male gaze impact women? How can it impact men? Do you think there are negative consequences to the heterosexual male gaze for men? For women? If yes, how so? 4 Sexual Scripts A sexual script refers to the social rules that guide sexual interaction. The scripts of both mixed-sex and same-sex couples have a somewhat rigid ascending order of intimacy. Sexual scripts are also gendered. The masculine role is assertive. The feminine role is responsive. This creates a push-and-resist dynamic, whereby it’s normal for men to push for sexual activity and for women to stop or slow it down. Instructor Note: Here you can discuss how our views on gender also shape how our sexual interactions are expected to go. Can you develop a sexual script for a mixed-sex couple? Are there any gendered dynamics within the script? If yes, how so? 5 Sexual Violence In the United States, one in three women and one in sex men have experienced sexual violence. Acquaintance rape: rape by a person who is known to the victim Stranger rape: ...

1. Gender & Sexual Violence
Sexual Objectification
Sexual objectification is the reduction of a person to his or her
sex appeal.
Both men and women are objectified in popular culture.
Gay men are objectified more than heterosexual men.
Women overall are objectified much more than men.
There’s now so much competition for attention that media
content has learned that more is better. This has extended to
more sex in the media, and women are conventionally portrayed
as sex objects and sexually objectified.
Can you think of examples of sexual objectification in any
shows or films you’ve recently watched? Who was sexually
objectified? After hearing the responses, do the students’
examples confirm the book’s findings (i.e., that women are
objectified more than men and that gay men are objectified
more than heterosexual men)? Why or why not?
2
The Heterosexual Male Gaze
Media privileges male desire and assumes a heterosexual male

2. gaze.
Content is designed to appeal to a hypothetical heterosexual
man.
Men undergo a process of sexual subjectification.
They are told what their internal thoughts and feelings should
be.
This privilege of male desire leads to a heterosexual male gaze.
Can you think of how this gaze can negatively impact men?
3
Self-Objectifying
The heterosexual male gaze means that women are regularly
exposed to idealized images of female bodies.
Many women self-objectify.
They internalize the idea that their physical attractiveness
determines their worth.
During sex, worrying about how you look can translate into a
process called spectating.
Instructor Note: You can build from the previous slide by now
discussing how the heterosexual male gaze can negatively
impact women. You should also discuss how gay and bisexual
men in same-sex encounters can be positioned as the objectifier,
the objectified, or both. Heterosexual men are less likely to be
sexually objectified than others are.

3. How can the heterosexual male gaze impact women? How can it
impact men? Do you think there are negative consequences to
the heterosexual male gaze for men? For women? If yes, how
so?
4
Sexual Scripts
A sexual script refers to the social rules that guide sexual
interaction.
The scripts of both mixed-sex and same-sex couples have a
somewhat rigid ascending order of intimacy.
Sexual scripts are also gendered.
The masculine role is assertive.
The feminine role is responsive.
This creates a push-and-resist dynamic, whereby it’s normal for
men to push for sexual activity and for women to stop or slow it
down.
Instructor Note: Here you can discuss how our views on gender
also shape how our sexual interactions are expected to go.
Can you develop a sexual script for a mixed-sex couple? Are
there any gendered dynamics within the script? If yes, how so?
5
Sexual Violence
In the United States, one in three women and one in sex men
have experienced sexual violence.
Acquaintance rape: rape by a person who is known to the victim
Stranger rape: rape by a person who the victim does not know
Perpetrator: a person who has committed a crime

4. Men are the vast majority of perpetrators, representing 97
percent of people arrested for sexual assault.
Instructor Note: Here you should address how the push-and-
resist dynamic can lead to sexual violence. You can also review
how sexual assault is relatively new in terms of being identified
as a crime, yet sexual violence is pervasive. There is still much
work to be done surrounding victim blaming.
6
Rape Culture
Rape culture refers to an environment that facilitates sexual
assault by justifying, naturalizing, and even glorifying sexual
pressure, coercion, and violence.
Rape culture views men as naturally aggressive and women as
inherently vulnerable to men.
It encourages, and can even compel, men to enact the push-and-
resist dynamic.
The media also reflects rape culture in terms of its programming
and coverage of sexual force and sexual assault.
The push-and-resist dynamic is also very important here, as the
idea of “she’s playing hard to get” can be encouraged by rape
culture and then normalized. Rape culture again ties into a
gendered binary and is depicted by how we talk about genders.
Penises become hard and “hammer” or “pound” during
intercourse and vulvas and vaginas are pictures as passive, like
a flower or a hole.

5. Do you think rape culture exists in the United States? Why or
why not? What are some examples of rape culture that you
encounter in your daily lives?
7
Rape Language
Commonly used language that dehumanizes and diminishes
women & girls to useable and disposable objects.
Pervasive examples of language contributing to rape culture are
the use of violent descriptors for sex with a woman.
smashed, hit that, slammed, screwed, banged, slayed, rammed,
drilled, nailed, pounded, plowed, tapped, beat, etc.
Male Socialization
Defining manhood as "dominant" and sexually aggressive vs.
womanhood as "submissive" and sexually passive.
Trivializing sexual assault (“Boys will be boys!”)
Tolerance of sexual harassment
Culture of male entitlement
Pressure on men to “score”
Expectation that men are sexually driven and always “want it”
devalues male experiencing sexual assault
Rape Myths
Widely held, inaccurate beliefs about rape.
Myths of rape give people a false sense of security by
legitimizing sexual assault or denying that it even occurs.
They often do this by blaming the victim for their experience or
making excuses and minimizing their assault.

6. “Idealized” Rape Scenarios & Rape Myths
While approximately 85% of rapes are perpetrated by someone
known to the victim (Tjaden & Theonnes, 2000), our society
offers preferential sympathy to victims of stranger rape.
Stranger rape is epitomized by virginal or pure victims that are
blitz attacked by deranged strangers lurking in the shadows
before physically attacking their victim (Coller & Resick,1987).
In addition, these victims are presumed to fight off their
attackers, who possess a weapon, with sheer force and report
the details of their rape immediately to the police.
Myths & Realities
Myth: Sexual assault is an act of lust and passion that can’t be
controlled.
Fact: Sexual assault is about power and control and is not
motivated by sexual gratification.
Myth: If a victim of sexual assault does not fight back, they
must have thought the assault was not that bad or they wanted
it.
Fact: Many survivors experience tonic immobility or a “freeze
response” during an assault where they physically cannot move
or speak.
Myth: A lot of victims lie about being raped or give false
reports.
Fact: Only about 2% of rapes are falsely reported, the same
percentage as for other felonies.
Myth: A person cannot sexually assault their partner or spouse.
Fact: Nearly 1 in 10 women have experienced rape by an

7. intimate partner in their lifetime.
Myth: People that have been sexually assaulted will be
hysterical and crying.
Fact: Everyone responds differently to trauma- some may laugh,
some may cry, and others will not show any emotions.
Myth: Men are not victims of sexual violence.
Fact: 1 in 6 of all men have experienced some form of
unwanted sexual contact in their lifetime.
Victim Blaming
Occurs when the victim of a crime or any wrongful act is held
entirely or partially responsible for the harm done to them.
Rape is the only crime where the defendant has to prove his/her
innocence.
The defendant is also exposed to secondary victimization
through victim blaming
Victim blaming is common, and many victims fear coming
forward.
Only one out of every three sexual assaults is reported to the
police.
Of those reported, only 2 percent will ever lead to a conviction
What Does Victim Blaming Look Like?
Circumstances:
Why was she alone? Where was she? What did she expect?
Behavior:
She asked for it. What was she wearing? She was drunk. They
we were already making out etc.

8. Defense:
She should have been more careful. She should have fought
back. Why didn’t she scream for help?
Relationship/Past:
It’s not rape if they’re together. She said yes every other time.
They hooked up before.
Disbelief:
She just wants attention. She is having morning after regret.
Why didn’t she report it sooner?
For men:
You can’t rape the willing. That’s every man’s fantasy. Guys
always want sex.
How Media Contributes to Rape Culture
Sexual assault “jokes” and dismissive attitudes toward
harassment
Storylines where sex/romance/”getting the girl” is a reward for
being a “good guy”
Victim blaming news stories
Gratuitous gendered violence in movies and television
Refusing to take rape accusations seriously
Teaching women to avoid getting raped instead of teaching men
not to rape
Perpetuating the "stranger rape myth"
Rape Culture in Prevention Campaigns
Focus on victim perpetuates rape culture
Focus on perpetrator addresses rape culture

9. Sexual Danger
One in four senior women reports being sexually assaulted in
college.
Gay men and bisexual women are more likely than heterosexual
women to report being assaulted.
Bisexual men are almost as likely as heterosexual women to be
assaulted.
Sexual scripts of hookup and rape culture make coercive
behaviors look and feel normal. In addition, the fact that many
hookups are pursued while students are drunk means consent is
more difficult to obtain and puts all students at risk of
perpetrating rape. With students primarily focused on their own
pleasure and not focusing on their partner’s well-being, high
rates of coercion seem likely.
17
Hookup Culture Is a Rape Culture
The sexual scripts of hookup culture make coercive behaviors
look and feel normal.
It makes a feminized interest in, and concern for, one’s partner
off-script.
It camouflages the behavior of rapists, and it also puts all
students at risk of perpetuating rape.
It makes it difficult for campus activists fighting sexual
violence to hold colleges accountable.

10. How is hookup culture a rape culture? How can our college
campuses change from a hookup culture? What steps are
needed?
18
“In a rape culture most people assume that sexual violence is a
fact of life, inevitable as death or taxes. This violence, however,
is neither biologically nor divinely ordained. Much of what we
accept as inevitable is in fact the expression of values and
attitudes that can change.”
Bystander Intervention
The only person responsible for committing sexual assault is a
perpetrator, but we can look out for each other’s safety.
Giving someone a safe ride home, explaining that a rape joke
isn’t funny, getting security involved when someone is behaving
aggressively
Choosing to step in can affect the way those around you think
about and respond to sexual violence.
How to Combat Rape Culture
Avoid using language that objectifies or degrades
Speak out if you hear someone else making an offensive joke or
trivializing rape
If a friend says they have been raped, take him/her seriously
and be supportive
Think critically about the media’s messages about women, men,

11. relationships, and violence
Be respectful of others’ physical space even in casual situations
Always communicate with sexual partners and do not assume
consent
Contact RAINN Sexual Assault Hotline 24/7 by phone or online
chat- Free and Confidential
1-800-656-4673 www.online.rainn.org
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Quantitative, Qualitative (How do you know?)

12. Purpose Statement
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(Where did the study take place?)
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Key Findings of the Study
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13. Article 4
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Article 6
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Research Question
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(Where did the study take place?)
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14. Method
Key Findings of the Study
Recommendations of the Researcher
© 2019. Grand Canyon University. All Rights Reserved.
2
FEMINIST FORUM
The Relationship between Rape Myths and Sexual Scripts:
The Social Construction of Rape
Kathryn M. Ryan
Published online: 12 July 2011
# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011
Abstract Rape myths can influence sexual scripts that
determine sexual attitudes and behavior. Sexual scripts are
culturally determined patterns of behavior that inform desire
and influence sexual behavior. Sexual scripts include hook up,
seduction, rape, and acquaintance rape scripts (e.g., the too-

15. much-to drink script, the man-is-ready-for-sex script, and the
friends-gone-too-far script). However, research shows that
many individuals still hold an erroneous real rape script, even
when asked to describe acquaintance rape. This may prevent
acquaintance rape victims from acknowledgi ng their rape and
it may allow acquaintance rapists to engage in sexual
aggression while denying it is rape. Rape scripts research
supports several of the rape myths reviewed by Edwards and
her colleagues (Edwards, Turchik, Dardis, Reynolds, &
Gidycz, 2011), but suggests two additional rape myths (i.e.,
the myth that men cannot stop once they have started to
become sexually aroused and the myth that rapists are
obviously different from other men). The study of the
relationship between rape myths and sexual scripts may help
to understand the social construction of rape and consensual
sex. Rape myths and sexual scripts may work in conjunction
to support rape.
Keywords Rape . Rape myths . Rape scripts . Sexual scripts
Introduction
Edwards et al. (2011) have presented a compelling argument
that rape myths are deeply rooted in US history, law, religion,
and media stereotypes. These myths help to foster a climate
in which rape is perpetrated and rape victims blamed for
their victimization. Edwards and her colleagues suggest that
four key rape myths (i.e., husbands cannot rape their wives,
women enjoy rape, women ask to be raped, and women lie
about being raped) are representative of a number of other
contemporary beliefs that arise from a patriarchal system that
accepts and fosters rape. The current paper will extend this
thesis by proposing that rape myths influence sexual scripts
which effect sexual beliefs and behavior.

16. The concept of myth has (at least) two connotations. One
is myth as a story that is imbedded in history, religion, and
culture and that guides human behavior and gives it
meaning (e.g., Campbell 1988; May 1990). The second is
myth as a mistaken belief—a lie. It is this connotation of
rape myth that is evoked by Edwards and her colleagues in
describing rape myth research. Others also share this view
of rape myths. “Rape myths are attitudes and beliefs that
are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and
that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression
against women” (Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1994, p. 134).
Rape myths have been called “the most self-serving
justification of sexual coercion ever invented by callous
men” (Zillmann and Weaver 1989, p. 101).
Myths can inform our understanding of our lives and give
us meaning (e.g., Campbell 1988; May 1990). “A myth is a
way of making sense in a senseless world. Myths are
narrative patterns that give significance to our existence”
(May 1990, p 15). Myths can provide prototypical stories
that guide behavior. “Myth is a form of expression which
reveals a process of thought and feeling—man’s awareness
of and response to the universe, his fellow men, and his
separate being. It is a projection in concrete and dramatic
form of fears and desires undiscoverable and inexpressible in
any other way” (Feder as cited in May 1990, p 28).
K. M. Ryan (*)
Psychology Department, Box 1, Lycoming College,
Williamsport, PA 17701, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
Sex Roles (2011) 65:774–782
DOI 10.1007/s11199-011-0033-2

17. Myths can become scripts that are enacted or avoided.
These scripts structure our understanding of our own and
others’ experience (Schank and Abelson 1977). Rape myths
may be part of a cognitive scheme that reflect the belief in a
just world and facilitate sexual aggression (Bohner et al.
2009). Rape myths can provide comfort to women and men
because they allow them to distance themselves and their
own behavior from the possibility of being victims or
perpetrators of rape. Bohner and colleagues (2009) found
that rape myth acceptance served as a buffer for women
who experienced less anxiety when presented with the issue
of sexual violence. In contrast, for men, rape myth
acceptance served as a “means to rationalize and justify
their own tendencies to engage in sexual aggression” (p. 34).
Thus, myths that blame women for rape, disbelieve claims of
rape, and exonerate the perpetrator operate differently in
women and men (Bohner et al. 2009: Lonsway and Fitzgerald
1995). Rape myths can also provide cautionary tales of what
could happen when women are incautious or unguarded (e.g.,
women invite rape by engaging in overtly sexual behavior or
wearing provocative dress; only certain women are raped—
those who drink too much, sleep around, or hang out in the
wrong places). Finally, rape myths can be used as guidelines
or instructions for the perpetration of sexual aggression (e.g.,
it’s okay to rape women who tease men, dress provocatively,
or engage in sexual behavior; women mean yes when they say
no; and women want to be raped).
Rape Scripts
Scripts are prototypes for how events normally proceed
(Schank and Abelson 1977). Schank and Abelson described
four conceptualizations that establish a script: precondition
(s), elements that depend on other elements (e.g., one must
take the subway to go to the restaurant), location(s), and role
(s). Scripts may be shared, concealed, competing with other

18. scripts, and/or instrumental (i.e., rigid sequences of behavior
in the service of a goal). Sexual scripts are culturally
determined, they create sexual meaning and desire, and they
enable individuals to interpret their own and their partner’s
behavior (e.g., Frith 2009; McCormick 2010a; Simon and
Gagnon 1984, 1986). Sexual scripts include predictable
patterns of behavior (e.g., male persistence), methods of
consent (usually clear and direct), and methods of non-
consent (often polite and indirect) (Frith 2009). Script
research has been applied to a variety of sexual behaviors
including rape and seduction (e.g., Littleton and Axsom
2003), acquaintance rape (e.g., Carroll and Clark 2006), and
hook ups (Littleton et al. 2009).
Rape scripts are beliefs about the nature of rape (e.g., the
location, weaponry, sex of perpetrators), the roles of the
sexes in rape, boundaries of vulnerability to rape, and the
disposition of the victims (Crome and McCabe 2001). In an
early study of rape scripts, Ryan (1988) asked a small
number of participants to describe the typical rape and the
typical seduction “in as much detail as possible, including
what led up to, what happened during, and what followed
the events” (p. 239). Participants were also asked to
describe the characteristics of the individuals, including
their thoughts and feelings. Half of the participants
described the rape first and half, the seduction first.
Ryan (1988) content analyzed the scripts based on prior
rape research and elements that were commonly repeated in the
scripts. Common categories included perceived precondition
(s), location(s), and role(s). Results showed that the rape and
seduction scripts were very different. Rape scripts resembled a
blitz rape. They involved a stranger who was a crazed male,
who attacked a woman outdoors, at night, in a sudden and
physically violent attack. In contrast, seduction scripts more

19. closely resembled an acquaintance rape (e.g., they were
indoors, involved alcohol, and prior conversation). Complete
rape and seduction scripts from two of the participants in the
original study follow (the first is from a male, the second is
from a female) (Ryan 1986):
Rape A woman is walking down (a) road that is
poorly lit. Not that many people go that way so it is
empty. As she is walking along, a man comes up from
behind she (sic) and knocks her down to the ground.
At first the woman doesn’t know what’s going on, but
soon realizes that there’s a man on top of her ripping
her clothes off. She is so terrified that she can’t
scream and the man is too strong so she can’t get him
off of her. The man is probably a loner with a lot of
mental problems who is angered very easily and very
frustrated with his life. He lurks around barren places
hoping women will come by. The woman could (be)
an average business woman on her way home from
work, she got out late and so decided to take a short
cut and save time. When it’s over the man is
temporarily content but will soon become frustrated.
It doesn’t bother him on what he did and he wouldn’t
think twice. The woman would be mentally tormented
for many years. Because of the way women are
treated in rape cases, she may be afraid to report it.
(Male, 19 years old)
It usually begins with a female who is walking alone
at night. No one is around, except a man looking for a
victim. He begins to follow her at first keeping at a
distance. He waits to see her reactions, does she
become nervous, or does she stay calm? If she gets
really nervous, she’ll practically be running. Then,
he’ll go for the attack.

20. He’ll grab her putting his hand over her mouth.
Depending upon where they are, he may drag her to a
Sex Roles (2011) 65:774–782 775
more secluded area. He’ll hit her a few times for a
warning, and to show who is in control. He’ll hold her
hands back, and begin to remove her clothing. As
quickly as he can, he’ll force himself into her, as she
struggles to prevent the act. She is scared because she
does not want to be hurt or killed. He is scared that she’ll
fight back or he’ll be caught. Then, he may beat her
more to make her unable to run away and get help
quickly. She is left scarred emotionally for life, he lives
in fear she will get revenge. (Female, 18 years old)
Seduction A man comes up to a woman at a bar. He
buys her a drink and starts a conversation with her. If the
woman is responsive then he continues and buys her
some more drinks. By the end of the night he asks her
back to his place. Takes her back and gives her some
more to drink. The majority of the time both people feel
it’s a “one night stand” and that there is little likelyhood
(sic) of them ever meeting again. They probably feel
little real emotional attachment and that it is mostly
physical. The next morning they say goodbye and the
woman leaves, and by the next day may think little
about the entire situations. The next weekend, both will
do the same thing. Both participants are working people
during the week, who are tired, need to get out and have
a good time, as well as have some companionship.
(Male, 19 years old)
You see a person who is very attractive. Something

21. about them really interests you. They give you a
certain look, and they have a mysterious look in their
eyes. They’ll walk over to you, and begin to talk to
you, introducing themselves. You’ll both talk for a
while, and then one of the two will make a suggestion
to go somewhere where you’ll be alone—either to go
for a walk another room (sic), back to one’s house for
a drink, etc. Usually the people do not know much
about each other, and seem only interested in a “one
night stand.” Infatuation plays a big part. Then,
they’ll go back to one’s house. Drinks will be poured,
and the setting is very romantic. Then (usually) the
man will grab the woman and give her a passionate
kiss. Things get heavier, until the couple go all the
way. Then they depart, never to see each other again.
(Female, 18 years old)
Subsequent research showed the key features of rape scripts
are the assailant’s use of physical violence and the victim’s
resistance (e.g., Krahé et al. 2007; Littleton and Axsom 2003),
as well as negative psychological consequences for the victim
(e.g., Littleton et al. 2007). This is often called the real rape
script (e.g., Horvath and Brown 2009). The real rape script
involves a sudden and physically violent attack on an
unsuspecting woman, usually by a stranger. The woman is
alone at the time of the attack. She may physically resist
the rape or she may be too afraid to resist. There is no
doubt that the victim was raped-her only mistake was
being in the wrong place at the wrong time. She is
devastated after the rape.
Research also showed that unacknowledged rape victims
were more likely than acknowledged rape victims to hold a
real-rape script (e.g., Bondurant 2001; Kahn et al. 1994).
Thus, their belief that rape involved high levels of violence

22. may have led them to label their personal experience with a
relatively non-physically violent sexual assault as something
other than rape. It is also possible that this belief makes
women more vulnerable to sexual predation (Turchik et al.
2010). Turchik and her colleagues asked college women to
write about a hypothetical experience with unwanted sexual
advances from an acquaintance. Participants were asked a
series of questions to elicit details of the script, including
how long they knew the perpetrator. Sexual victimization
was assessed at two times, at the time they completed their
acquaintance rape scripts and 8 weeks later. Script content
significantly correlated with the experience of victimization
at time two. Women who experienced severe sexual
victimization at time two wrote scripts at time one that
described an outdoor setting, non-forceful victim resistance,
and a perpetrator who was known for less than 1 month.
Turchik and her colleagues suggest that “some women may
hold scripts that are less consistent with an acquaintance
rape, making it less likely for them to recognize important
risk cues in contexts that do not fit their idea of a real rape”
(pp. 81–82). They believe that women who hold a real rape
script may be at risk for sexual assault.
Subsequent research showed that people may have a
variety of rape scripts. These scripts include several
acquaintance rape scripts: the too-much-to drink script,
the man-is-ready-for-sex script, and the friends gone-too-far
script (Carroll and Clark 2006). However, some individuals
write real rape scripts when asked to write about acquaintance
rape (Clark and Carroll 2008; Turchik et al. 2010). Still others
do not appear to acknowledge the possibility that rape could
occur during casual sexual encounters, like a hook up
(Littleton et al. 2009). Thus, the real rape script may be
strong and powerful even after years of acquaintance rape-
education efforts. The belief that rape involves a sudden and
extreme physical attack from a stranger may interfere with

23. the ability to recognize a rape in which an acquaintance uses
physical restraint to subdue the victim. If it takes longer for a
victim to recognize the intent of the perpetrator, it can make
it more difficult to avoid rape (Bart and O’Brien 1985). In
addition, women show less forceful resistance for lower level
sexual coercion than for rape (Fisher et al. 2007) and forceful
physical resistance works better than non-forceful verbal
resistance in preventing rape (e.g., Ullman 2007; Ullman and
Knight 1991). Thus, if a potential victim misreads a
776 Sex Roles (2011) 65:774–782
situation, she might use less forceful resistance than
necessary and risk being raped. Moreover, the belief in a
real rape script may also delay the individual’s ability to
define the experience as rape and make it less likely that
assistance will be sought (Warshaw 1988).
The predominance of the real rape script may be related
to women’s very real fears about rape and the possibility of
extreme physical violence and even death (Gordon and
Riger 1989). Senn and Dzinas (1996) constructed a Fear of
Rape Scale based on prior research. Most of the items dealt
with fears of being alone (or in public spaces) late at night
and the resultant consequences, including vigilance and
behavioral restrictions. Thus, fear of rape is assessed as fear
of real rape, not fear of acquaintance rape. Moreover,
women’s fear of real rape acts as a master offense
heightening their fear of other crimes (Ferraro 1996). Fisher
and Sloan (2003) found that college women showed a
relatively high fear of rape on campus at night. Fear of rape
was associated with constrained behaviors (e.g., carrying
keys in a defensive manner, asking someone to walk with
them at night, avoiding certain areas on campus). In

24. addition, fear of rape influenced fear of other crimes such
as assault and robbery.
Krahé and her colleagues (2007) presented evidence that
contemporary adolescents still hold a real rape script, which
they called the “real rape stereotype” (p. 316). They
described the script for non-consensual intercourse as
reflecting several key elements, including the threat of
physical force, threat with a weapon, and victim resistance.
In comparison to a script for a first sexual encounter, the
script for non-consensual intercourse was also distinguished
by its location (e.g., more chance meetings, outdoors, at a
party), the intention for sex, and perceived greater drug or
alcohol consumption by the boy. Moreover, girls were more
likely than boys to believe in the real rape stereotype.
Clark and Carroll (2008) studied date rape scripts in
college students. They found that men’s and women’s date
rape scripts contained many of the same elements (e.g., the
man is only interested in sex, the woman is not ready for
sex, and the woman is upset). However, women wrote more
real rape scripts (which involved physical force, negative
victim emotions, and the label of rape) and scripts
suggesting consent for early sexual activities (e.g., petting)
that were followed by the use of physical force to make the
woman do things that made her uncomfortable. In contrast,
men wrote more wrong accusation scripts, in which a man
was falsely accused of rape because coercion and resistance
were verbal and the woman gave in, and party rape scripts,
in which alcohol consumption was a major element. Clark
and Carroll believe that these gender differences may be
because women tend to focus on the victim and her
emotions, whereas men may seek to understand the
perpetrator’s behavior in the context of mixed signals and
the absence of a definitive refusal. Thus, it appears that some

25. date rape scripts are commonly held, whereas others are less
commonly held. Moreover, gender differences in date rape
scripts may contribute to misunderstanding and sexual
coercion (Clark et al. 2009). Very simply, men may believe
in a yes/no form of consent, whereas women may see consent
as negotiated through an ongoing process that involves a
series of gates, in which they are willing to do some things
but not others. However, both men and women expect
women to be careful in their refusal of sex in order to
preserve the man’s face (Frith 2009). Thus, rape scripts can
make it more difficult for women to assess an ongoing sexual
coercion attempt and to negotiate a tolerable conclusion.
Rape Scripts and Sexual Predation
Most of the research linking rape scripts to participants’
interpretations of their own experience as a rape focuses on
female victims of sexual aggression (e.g., Bondurant 2001;
Kahn et al. 1994). For example, researchers have sought to
understand why some women do not label their personal
experience as rape when it clearly matches the legal
definition of rape. Rape myths and rape scripts can narrow
victims’ definitions of rape and decrease the likelihood that
victims will acknowledge an event is rape (Peterson and
Muehlenhard 2004). In addition, the presence of an
experience that strongly contradicts the real rape script (e.g.,
a victim’s initial sexual desire) may prevent the application of
the rape label to nonconsensual sexual experiences (Peterson
and Muehlenhard 2007). It is also possible that victims might
resist labeling their experience as rape because of the
perceived negative ramifications of being a rape victim,
including changes in worldview and view of self (Crome and
McCabe 2001). Having a strong real rape script may allow
them to escape some of the negative ramifications of being a
rape victim. However, belief in the real rape script may also
make them more vulnerable to a legally defined rape

26. (Turchik et al. 2010). And, it may not prevent the
psychological ramifications of rape victimization (e.g., Koss
et al. 1988; McMullin and White 2006). Research shows
unacknowledged rape victims experience many of the same
negative consequences as those who acknowledged rape.
The role of rape scripts in sexual predation is less well -
studied. At the level of culture, rape scripts may become
instructional guides, defining the nature and parameters of a
just world (Crome and McCabe 2001). I have argued (Ryan
2004) that acquaintance rapists and convicted sex offenders
have a common belief system that includes rape myths,
other rape-supportive beliefs (e.g., adversarial sex, hyper-
sexuality), and sexual scripts. These beliefs encourage
sexual narcissism, allow for victim blame, and the
minimization and denial of rape. Rape myths may lead to
sexual scripts that are reinforced by fantasy and enacted in
Sex Roles (2011) 65:774–782 777
rape. These sexual scripts may involve a seduction or a rape
and they may be an important link in the connection
between rape myths and sexual aggression.
However, there is little research on the rape and seduction
scripts of sexually aggressive (and non-aggressive) men. As far
as I know, researchers have not asked sexually aggressive men
for their sexual scripts. Instead, rape script research in men
frequently focuses on overt verbalizations and behaviors that
imply the presence of scripts. For example, Beauregard et al.
(2007b) used a script approach to describe the hunting
process engaged in by serial sex offenders. They interviewed
convicted sex offenders. They assumed that sex offending is a
product of rational choice in which decisions are made about

27. where to search for potential victims, the techniques that can
be used to disable victims, and techniques for later victim
release. These accounts were characterized by a hunting
model, an apt metaphor when one considers the amount of
time many sex offenders spent prowling for victims.
In later research, using interviews and police records,
Beauregard and colleagues (Beauregard et al. 2007a;
Deslauriers-Varin and Beauregard 2010) found six scripts
among sex offenders (three scripts with two tracks each);
however, some of the scripts were primarily for pedophiles
(those with younger victims). The location of encounter
was an important distinguishing feature in most scripts (i.e.,
indoors versus outdoors). The four rape scripts were home
intrusion, home invasion (using trust to enter the home),
coercive-outdoors, and social or recreational onsite attacks.
Approximately half of the offenders were willing to use
multiple scripts. The offenses of the convicted serial sex
offenders often matched a real rape script (e.g., involving a
sudden assault, using threats and violence, taking place
outside or when a woman was home alone). More
importantly, two key script elements, location and role,
appeared to be strong indicators of different rape scripts. Is
it possible that enacting a real rape script makes offenders at
greater risk for detection, conviction, and punishment? The
real rape script might be an important part of the legal and
criminal justice systems’ responses to an alleged rape.
Kanin (1975) studied men who were not incarcerated for
sexual offenses. He interviewed sexually aggressive college
men about their experience with sexual aggression. He did
not ask for their sexual scripts, but the stories they told held
several script elements. For example, sexual aggression was
usually preceded by consensual sexual foreplay, while later
refusals were ignored. Sexual foreplay may be one
precondition for the acceptable use of force in some

28. sexually aggressive men. This may allow the acquaintance
rapist to hold the woman to be responsible for her
victimization. Do these men believe that men cannot stop
once they have become sexually aroused? This rape myth
may be part of a personal, instrumental script that results in
acquaintance rape. In addition, several men mentioned rape
myths such as female provocation and female promiscuity.
These myths also suggest potential precursors for sexual
aggression. Finally, other men suggested that sexual
aggression was an apt punishment for a teasing or
exploitative woman, which suggests the possibility that
they held a rape script (for a justifiable rape).
In a later article, Kanin (1985) described date rapists as
sexual predators who employed a variety of techniques to
gain sexual access including “drugging, extortion, fraud,
and lying” (p. 223). Sexual preoccupation is a major
predictor of sexual coercion (e.g., Clark et al. 2009). Kanin
found that date rapists were relatively more likely than
controls to attempt to intoxicate a female with drugs or
alcohol, frequently profess love, promise to further the
relationship, and threaten to terminate the relationship.
These sexual coercion techniques have been found by many
other researchers (e.g., Byers and O’Sullivan 1996) and
suggest that some individuals believe that it is acceptable to
coerce sex. Moreover, sexually aggressive men may seek
peer group support for their behavior (Schwartz and
DeKeseredy 1997) and they may obtain a degree of status
from coercing sex with an unwilling female (Kanin 1967).
Kanin found that sexually coercive men believed that
prestige was obtained for coercing sex from gold diggers
and teasers. In addition, a variety of verbal justifications were
offered that stigmatized the victim, especially her prior sexual
experience. Thus, several rape myths allowed for forceful sex
(or justifiable rape) scripts in sexually aggressive men. The

29. establishment of certain preconditions, the presence of certain
locations, and the assumption of certain roles produce a
sequence of events that can result in rape.
Sexual script research supports several of the myths
reviewed by Edwards and her colleagues (2011) and those
present in rape myth measures (e.g., Bohner et al. 2009; Burt
1980; Feild and Bienen 1980; Payne et al. 1999). For
example, the presence of the wrong accusation acquaintance
rape script in men, especially among students at a military
academy, may be reflective of the myth that women lie about
rape (Carroll and Clark 2006; Clark and Carroll 2008).
Embedded in this script is the presumption that the victim did
not show sufficient resistance to verbal coercion tactics and
eventually consented. This could reflect a myth related to the
real rape script (that rape must involve overt physical force
and physical resistance). This belies the nature of much date
rape, which is often less physically violent than stranger rape
and may involve verbal resistance (e.g., Koss et al. 1988;
Warshaw 1988). The real rape script might arise from and
contribute to the religious, historical, and legal injunctions
presented by Edwards and her colleagues.
The presence of a party acquaintance rape script
indicates the possibility that some may believe that alcohol
could be implicated in acquaintance rape and it might
reflect the myth that women ask to be raped, because of
778 Sex Roles (2011) 65:774–782
their own complicity or negligence. Edwards and her
colleagues noted research on the role of provocative dress
and excessive alcohol or drug use in perceived victim
culpability. Alcohol use may make the perpetrator appear to

30. be less responsible and the victim, more responsible for
rape (e.g., Richardson and Campbell 1982; Sims et al.
2007). It also may be used by acquaintance rapists to
minimize and deny their own rape. The belief that alcohol
use reduces rapist culpability is found in several measures
of rape myths (e.g., Burt 1980; Payne et al. 1999).
One rape myth not reviewed by Edwards and her
colleagues that is suggested by script research is the myth
that men cannot stop themselves once they have become
sexually aroused (blue balls). This is one of the four major
types of rape myths (called exonerating the perpetrator) cited
by Bohner and his colleagues (2009) and it is a subscale on
the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (Payne et al. 1999).
This myth holds that men are very sexual and they cannot
control their sexual behavior. As previously noted, it may be
a belief in some sexually aggressive men. It may also be
responsible for some victims eventually consenting to
unwanted sex (e.g., Gavey 2005).
A second rape myth not reviewed by Edwards and her
colleagues that is also present in rape scripts is the myth
that rapists are obviously different from other men (e.g.,
mentally sick, sexually frustrated, not normal) (Feild
1978; Payne et al. 1999). This belief is even stronger i n
real rape scripts, in which very negative descriptions of
rapists are common (e.g., “obviously psychologically
disoriented,” “a demented weirdo,” and “A sick person-
usually a druggie or heavy boozer or something (sic)
won’t be able to have a woman because he is so gross”)
(Ryan 1986). The socially skilled predator may be able to
con himself and potential victims because he does not
resemble the myth of the obviously different rapist. This
myth may also impact the legal and criminal justice
systems’ responses to an alleged rapist.

31. The Role of the Media in Rape Myths and Sexual Scripts
Edwards and her colleagues (2011) note the importance of
the media in promoting rape myths. Mass media may also
help to structure sexual scripts (McCormick 2010b). These
sexual scripts include the beliefs that sex defines masculinity,
heterosexual men objectify women, and heterosexual men are
sexually preoccupied (Kim et al. 2007). In contrast, women
are seen as sexual gatekeepers and negatively judged for
their sexual conduct. This is especially true in television
sitcoms. Do these media-induced sexual scripts feed upon
rape myths that endorse female culpability for sexual
aggression and forgive male sexual coercion? Edwards and
her colleagues (2011) believe that the media support rape
myths. The media may also foster rape through the sexual
scripts they provide.
One medium that provides sexual scripts is hardcore
pornography. Consuming pornography can influence
people’s sexual knowledge, attitudes, and behavior, as
well as their perceptions of the opposite sex (Hald and
Malamuth 2008). Although pornography consumption
may provide positive benefits, it might also have negative
consequences. Pornography consumption is associated
with sexual coercion in college men (e.g., Bouffard
2010; Carr and VanDeusen 2004). Research has shown
that the use of pornography (especially the use of violent
pornography) is correlated with sexual coercion and a
variety of related measures, including rape myth acceptance
(e.g., Hald et al. 2010; Malamuth et al. 2000). However,
recent research suggests that, “it may be that the effects of
pornography are important for some individuals but not
for others and that they may be relatively powerful only as
they interact with some other factors” (Malamuth et al.
2000; p 19).

32. Malamuth and his colleagues (e.g., Kingston et al. 2009;
Vega and Malamuth 2007) described a confluence model in
which sexual aggression was predicted by the interaction
between several factors. These factors include hostile
masculinity, the desire for impersonal sex, and general
hostility. Hostile masculinity includes several rape-
supportive beliefs such as rape myth acceptance, adversarial
sexual beliefs, hostility toward women, and dominance
motives for sex. Malamuth and his colleagues (e.g.,
Malamuth et al. 2000; Vega and Malamuth 2007) found
that pornography use was associated with sexual aggression
only for men who were at high risk as indicated by the
confluence model. In addition, bivariate correlations indicated
significant relationships between pornography use and rape
myth acceptance and between pornography use and sexual
aggression (Vega and Malamuth 2007).
Kingston and his colleagues (2009) suggest that pornog-
raphy may act two ways to increase sexual aggression. It
might provide models of behavior that are observed and
imitated. It might also prime rape myth attitudes and
negative beliefs about certain women (e.g., loose women,
whores). This could be especially likely for men at risk in the
confluence model: those who hold hostile attitudes toward
women and female sexuality, those who desire impersonal
sex, and those who have hostile and impulsive personalities.
Moreover, the influence may be bi-directional (Kingston et
al. 2009; Malamuth et al. 2000). Sexually aggressive men
may be more attracted to violent media. Thus, as suggested
by Edwards and her colleagues (2011), rape myths do not
have to be widely held to impact society negatively. Rape
myths in sexually aggressive individuals may allow them to
construct sexual scripts that result in rape.
Sex Roles (2011) 65:774–782 779

33. Questions for Future Research
& We need to learn more about the processes underlying
rape myths and sexual scripts. Why do rape myths
persevere in the face of their untruth? And, how do
culture, gender, and age influence rape myths and
sexual scripts?
& Are rape myths inevitable in a patriarchal society
because they allow for the construction of sexual scripts
that facilitate sexual aggression? Will new myths
replace old myths? Are some myths more intransigent
than others?
& Do acquaintance rapists hold different scripts than non-
aggressive individuals or convicted sex offenders?
Are there acknowledged and unacknowledged rapists
and do they differ in their rape myths and sexual
scripts? Moreover, exactly how do rape myths relate to
the sexual and rape scripts that allow for rape? Do rape
myths offer protection for sexually licentious people
because their behavior does not match their rape
scripts? Or, do some sexually aggressive individuals
enact rape scripts that are justified by rape myths?
& Can people be influenced by rape myths even if they
don’t believe them? Research on stereotype threat
shows that even disbelieved stereotypes can inhibit the
performance of stereotype targets (Steele et al. 2002).
Are the priming effects of rape myths and concomitant
sexual scripts limited to those who believe them or
might they influence non-believers? Can a few people
who believe rape myths have an impact greater than

34. their number? And, does the knowledge that others
believe rape myths influence the behavior of those who
do not hold these myths?
In conclusion, the current paper suggests that rape myths
may influence sexual scripts in some individuals. These
individuals may be those most vulnerable to victimization and
those who are sexually aggressive. It is suggested that future
research study rape and seduction scripts in non-aggressive
and sexually aggressive individuals, including convicted
offenders and those who are undetected acquaintance rapists
(both acknowledged and unacknowledged rapists). The study
of rape myths and sexual scripts could help to elucidate the
relationship between them and to further describe the social
construction of rape. Finally, this research must attend to the
influence of culture, gender, and age on rape myths and
sexual scripts.
Acknowledgement Thanks to M. Diane Clark for comments on
this
manuscript.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ab.20172The Relationship between
Rape Myths and Sexual Scripts: The Social Construction of
RapeAbstractIntroductionRape ScriptsRape Scripts and Sexual
PredationThe Role of the Media in Rape Myths and Sexual
ScriptsQuestions for Future ResearchReferences