1. Models of English used in state school
English language teaching in Morocco
Nick Cherkas
MA Applied Linguistics and TESOL
School of Languages and Area Studies,
Portsmouth University
September 2012

2. ABSTRACT
This study will better determine which models of English are used by state school
English teachers in Morocco. These teachers reach the largest amount of
students, with no clear direction of which model of English they should be using
in doing so: should they use a prestige variety such as RP or Standard American
English, or should they aim at teaching English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) or English
as an International Language (EIL) to their students? Around 110 state school
English teachers took part in the research, from a total number of around 4,000.
Research methods used were a questionnaire, classroom observations and
interviews with teachers.
I aim to determine whether Moroccan teachers are transmitting a particular
model to students, and to begin to examine what that model resembles.
• Is there a consistent model for all teachers?
• Is it an existing model of English?
• Is it a combination of models?
• Is it an accepted Global English model such as English as a Lingua Franca (ELF)?
• Is it a unique model of English based on an existing model?
Moroccan non-native English teachers working in the state sector are well
trained and highly qualified, in a unique position to shape the future of the
country as English gains more importance as an essential skill for Moroccans. In
determining the models of English used I hope to explore the confidence and
feelings, both positive and negative, English teachers in Morocco have in
themselves and the language model they are giving to their students.
Following the research I concluded that the main models used by teachers were
standard British English, standard North American English, and a Moroccan-
influenced variety similar to English as a Lingua Franca. Teachers do not use one
model exclusively, and their own personal circumstances determine which
prestige form they prefer. There is a slight preference for standard North
i

3. American English due to outside influences such as university scholarships and
the exposure to US popular culture.
ii

4. TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract
Preface and acknowledgement
i
iv
Chapter One: An introduction to ELT in Morocco 1
1.1 Moroccan Education Systems 5
1.1.1 Primary education 5
1.1.2 Secondary education 6
1.1.3 University education 7
1.1.4 Other education 8
1.1.5 Teachers 8
Chapter Two: The literature review 11
2.1 ELF and its speakers 11
2.1.1 Where is English and ELF spoken? 12
2.2 The role of first and target culture
The Native / Non-native teacher divide
Which model of English should be taught?
Literature review conclusion
13
2.3 14
2.4 18
2.5
22
Chapter Three: Research methods and Justifications 23
3.1 A questionnaire for teachers
Lesson observations
Interviews
24
3.2 25
3.3
27
Chapter Four: The results of the research 29
4.1 Questionnaire results: Table 1: Table 2
Observations
Interviews
29
4.2 32
4.3
35
4.3.1 Interview 1: Laila 35
4.3.2 Interview 2: Mohammed 37
Chapter Five: Overall analysis of the research 41
5.1 The self-esteem of Moroccan teachers
The influence of Standard American English
Moroccan English
A Moroccan variety of ELF
41
5.2 42
5.3 43
5.4
44
6 Chapter Six: Achievements of the research 46
6.1
Indication of continued research in the area of
Models of English used in ELT in Morocco
46
Conclusion
Bibliography
Appendices
47
49
53
iii

5. PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Carrying out this research has enabled me to meet many teachers and
educationalists in Morocco. I have been lucky enough to have observed teachers
and learners in the classroom, discuss the findings and topic of my research
informally and at length with teachers and gain an insight into teacher 2.0, the
21st
century Moroccan educator. There are 7.5 million students in full-time
education in Morocco, and 7,500 English teachers across all sectors. The teachers
I have met are, without exception, skilled, enthusiastic and passionate about
preparing this next generation of Moroccans to be able to use English to help
themselves, and their country, improve. Spending time with these teachers has
been an invigorating, humbling and hugely enjoyable experience and I would like
to thank each and every one for their help, contributions and encouragement.
Shokran bezzaf, tout le monde.
iv

6. v

7. CHAPTER ONE
1 AN INTRODUCTION TO ELT IN MOROCCO
Morocco is a Francophone country in North Africa, which has a growing
relationship with English as more graduates and employers increase their
awareness of the benefits of the language (Euromonitor International, 2011, p.
28). As exposure to English in the education system increases, students and
teachers will access and use English from a wide range of sources, with different
varieties being modelled by teachers.
Morocco is a linguistically rich country. Its official language, Arabic, is not actually
the most commonly spoken language; this is Moroccan Arabic, Darija, which is
markedly different from Standard Arabic. The majority of the population speak
French as a second language, a minority Spanish, Italian or German, either as a
colonial consequence or to help gain employment in tourism and other
industries. Many speak one of the three dialects of Tamazight (Berber) as their
mother tongue or an additional language, and a minority of communities in
isolated and rural locations speak only Tamazight. This has recently been made
an official language; there are calls to make the teaching of Tamazight
compulsory in some regions. In amongst this diglossia and convergence, English
tends to be learnt as a third or fourth language. The vast majority begin learning
English in the state education system at the age of 14, in the last year of middle
school (Bouziane, 2011, p. 13). By percentage of the population of 33 million, the
following languages are spoken in Morocco:
Arabic 98.0%
French 63.0%
Tamazigh
t
43.0%
English 14.0%
Spanish 10.0%
(Euromonitor International, 2012 from CIA World Factbook 2011)
Note: This is the number of English speakers to at least an intermediate level.
Arabic here refers to the local Arabic spoken in Morocco (Darija)
1

8. 85% of Moroccans view developing learners’ proficiency in English as vital for the
future of the country (Euromonitor International, 2012, p. 25). Morocco’s
growing tourism trade, in addition to its economic relationship with the US, all
point towards the fact that English will increase in importance politically and as
an asset for employability. There is a 12% salary gap between English speakers
and non-English speakers. (Euromonitor International, 2012, p. 24). The following
factors facilitate the spread of English in Morocco:
• English has little colonial baggage as a result of previous foreign occupation and
influence in Morocco, compared to French and Spanish
• Morocco has high internet penetration, with close to 50% of the population
being internet users (Bouziane, 2011, p. 7), meaning that:
 Learning and teaching resources are freely available online
 There is easy access to the English-speaking world online,
through social networking and English language websites
 As a result of the above, 72% of Moroccans questioned agree
that learning English allows access to more information and 70%
agree that learning English allows more effective use of the
internet and technology. (Euromonitor International, 2012, pp.
52-53)
• There is a wealthy middle class in Morocco keen for their children to learn
English
• There is a long established relationship between the United States and
Morocco in terms of trade and funding
• Morocco is a desirable location for teachers from outside the country to live
and work in.
English has no official status in Morocco, and is not institutionalized as French is.
This may however, be to its advantage as it does not suffer from the same
colonial associations as French. English in Morocco is a performance variety,
described by Kachru (1982, p. 75) as having a “highly restricted functional range
in specific contexts”. Foreign interest in North Africa has been accelerated after
2

9. the Arab Spring, with new governments in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, and these
specific contexts will widen through increased trade and a fresh relationship with
Europe and the West, with English a key language in this mutuality.
It is a hypothesis of this dissertation, albeit one which is beyond the limitations of
the research, that there is, in fact, a distinct variety of English used in Morocco
with its own lexical items, grammatical forms and phonological features. At the
moment this may be difficult to define due to the lack of research which has
been conducted into this area. Morocco is an Arabic-speaking Francophone
country in which, depending on individual circumstances, English is a third,
fourth or fifth language – and so the role of English is difficult to define, although
it is gaining in importance. Graddol (1997, p. 56) predicted “a larger number of
local varieties” of English as the language “shifts from foreign language to second
language status for a number of people”. English usage is rising in importance
and frequency. There are, therefore, more opportunities for young Moroccans to
engage in English, with greater exposure to Moroccan English through social
media, blogs, articles, research and broadcast media. Hyde (1993) argued that
the development of a “Moroccan English” is disadvantaged by the lack of a
“historical background”, in contrast to French or Spanish, “[which] is not in place
for English to develop, or develop in the future, as in ‘outer circle’ (Kachru 1985)
countries such as India”. English is, as it was at the time of Hyde writing, a tool to
be used outside Morocco; today, however, there are more opportunities for
young people to use English internally as an employment skill in the tourism
industry, and in other sectors as trade becomes less focussed on the traditional
markets of France and Spain. Major Moroccan trading partners and investors are
now governments and private companies from Gulf countries such as the UAE
and Qatar, and many of these representatives and employees use English; either
because they are nationals of English-speaking Inner and Outer circle countries
(the UK, the US, India) or because Standard Arabic and Moroccan Arabic are not
sufficiently mutually understandable. There is also significant, and increasing,
business interaction between Morocco and China, Taiwan and Turkey which
necessitates English. The lack of trained, qualified English speakers in some
sectors of the economy is a problem; companies in the Tangier Free Zone are
3

10. importing labour from India to cope with the demand for English speakers and
the lack of these from Morocco. The demand for English is increasing; inevitably
the number of English speakers will rise, and the language they use to
communicate will develop and evolve to reflect the existing linguistic and cultural
influences on its speakers.
In this study I have focussed on spoken language for the following reasons:
• Differences in pronunciation between varieties of English are marked and more
noticeable than defined differences in grammar and written examples
• The majority of teacher to student interaction in the Moroccan classroom is
through speaking and listening
• There is not a codified model of Moroccan English and so it is mainly through
spoken interaction that discrete items of this model may be noticed.
• Morocco has a predominately oral culture, frequently noted by those from
Western backgrounds who spend time in the country and recognise the
importance of the spoken over the written word in a variety of contexts,
including business and education. Perhaps as a result of this, oral written
proficiency differs greatly in Arabic, French, Tamazight and English. It is not
uncommon to find a highly proficient speaker of one or more of these languages
who cannot write in it.
At this early point in the study it is necessary to outline some definitions used
throughout:
Native speaker (NS): one who has spoken English since childhood, most likely as
a first language
Non-native speaker (NNS): one who speaks English in addition to their first
language
Standard British English (SBE): “the dialect of educated people throughout the
British Isles…not limited to one accent” (Jenkins, 2009, p. 35). In the Moroccan
context, however, British English is synonymous with RP in terms of
pronunciation.
4

11. Standard American English (SAE): the variety of the English language which is
normally employed in writing and normally spoken by educated speakers of the
language [in the USA and Canada] (Jenkins, 2009, p. 35); also referred to as
General American by Kachru (1982, p. 34) as the variety spoken in the central
and western US and most of Canada.
English as a Lingua Franca (ELF): English used in communication between
speakers of a different first language (L1) (Jenkins, 2007, p. 3)
English as an International Language (EIL): English used in communication
between speakers of a different L1 when a native speaker is also present
(Jenkins, 2009, p. 144)
There is much debate in the field of World Englishes about what constitutes a
standard form, and depending on from where one is writing there are different
answers to this. From Morocco, the definitions above of the two standard forms
are accurate.
1.1. Moroccan Education Systems
In the section which follows, the primary, secondary and tertiary education
systems will be examined respectively in terms of their English language
provision.
1.1.1 Primary education
There is no formalised curriculum of English language teaching in state primary
schools. It is a long term aim of the government to introduce English at this age,
as announced in the 1999 Plan d’Urgence (emergency plan), but this has not yet
been achieved (Bouziane, 2011, p. 13). One problem is that there are not any
state-trained primary English teachers, and instigating such training would be
prohibitive for the government in terms of budget and resources; Morocco
already spends 27% of its annual state spending budget on education (EL
Gazette, p. 6, August 2012). Many observers see implementing a system of
teaching English from primary level as essential in order for Morocco to achieve
its long term aims and compete with European countries (Euromonitor
International, 2012, p. 56).
5

12. Only 6% of the total number of primary and secondary age students in Morocco
are educated privately (Bouziane, 2011, p. 30). Private primary schools tend to
start teaching English early, at 4 or 5 (Bouziane, 2011, p.29). This growing
demand for English in Morocco is unlikely to decrease. It is therefore likely that
at a point in the future the market will demand a standardised system of English
language teaching in private primary schools, more so if the government
introduces English into state primary education. At present it is difficult to
predict when this will happen, due to sporadic, often unexpected educational
reform and an unpredictable political climate.
1.1.2 Secondary education
Secondary schools are divided into middle school and high school. English classes
start in the final year of middle school at the age of 13 or 14; previous to the
1999 plan the starting age was 15. In middle school learners study for 1-2 hours a
week. Classes are typically larger than British standards, having from 35 – 50
students, and follow a textbook and a syllabus. Depending on the socio-
economic conditions of the surrounding area, learners may have had no previous
English experience or may study in a private language school. It is therefore
difficult to accurately express the level of English which is studied or aimed for in
middle school teaching. In addition, the syllabi, although predominantly
standards-based, is not aligned to the CEFR which makes expressing target levels
of English difficult. At the moment, it is hoped by teachers that learners will leave
middle school with a high A2 level of spoken English, although many either
exceed or fall short of this target.
Moroccan learners, by law, stay in school until the age of 16; however, many
leave before this, especially in rural areas due to cultural and family pressure.
High school students study English for their Baccalaureate exam, taken between
the end of high school and the start of university. Although state teachers are
trained in the communicative approach to ELT, there is huge social and academic
pressure on high school students to succeed in their baccalaureate exam, the
only assessment tool used in high school. As a result there is a risk of a negative
6

13. backwash effect emerging in class, and a further risk of teachers preparing the
most able students to succeed in the exam, with less able students finding
themselves marginalised.
1.1.3 University education
The rich linguistic tapestry of Morocco is shown in that students are keen to
learn English, seen as essential for their future: they communicate with friends
and family in Darija (an oral language); they are taught in Standard Arabic; and
their teaching continues in French when they are at university. An unfortunate
but serious consequence of the free public university is the large number of
unemployed graduates, many of whom have no English.
There is a growing number of private universities in Morocco. (Bouziane, 2011, p.
40) These tend to specialise in one area, frequently business, finance or
economics, and will include some compulsory element of English language study.
The most prestigious private university, Al Akhawayn in Ifrane, is “Morocco’s first
English language international university based on the American model”
(http://www.aui.ma/en/about-al-akhawayn/facts-figures.html). Other private
universities and higher education institutions, including
• the International Institute for Higher Education in Morocco (IIHEM)
• Institute for Leadership Communication Studies
• Private International Institute of Management and Technology
There are a number of partnerships and exchange programs between these
universities and institutions in the US and Canada, for example between IIHEM
and Texas A & M.
Students who are able to afford a private university education are therefore
given more opportunity to achieve high levels of English proficiency compared to
graduates of state universities (with the exception of graduates of an English
department). There are similar concerns with teaching in the private university
sector as there are in the private primary sector in terms of quality; there is no
7

14. standardised quality assurance system in Moroccan universities, and “the
teaching staff at the tertiary level are not asked to follow a quality control
system” (Bouziane, 2011, p. 38).
1.1.4 Other education
There are a number of private language schools in Moroccan cities offering EFL
tuition. The quality of the teaching range dramatically, but demand is high for
English teaching. Few Moroccan students chose, or can afford to, study in the UK
or other English speaking countries at private language schools or universities.
There are a number of NGOs who run English language education projects in
Morocco, both in cities and remoter areas. The British Council, for example, runs
annual summer camps for disadvantaged middle school students and hosts a
radio show in partnership with a national broadcaster to reach learners who
would otherwise be unable to access English education outside their classroom.
1.1.5 Teachers
Morocco has a well-established program of postgraduate teacher training
programs for middle and high school teachers. There are two training
organisations; CPR (Centre Pedagogique Regionale) for prospective middle
school teachers and ENS (Ecole Normale Superiere) for prospective high school
teachers. At the time of writing (personal correspondence, 2012) the Ministry of
National Education had plans to combine the two institutions into 8 regional
training centres, CRMEF, which will provide pre-service teacher training for all
subjects taught at primary and secondary level. There is no state provided
training for primary school English teachers.
Around 400 university graduates are trained each academic year to become
English teachers. Entrance to CPR and ENS is highly competitive and the
applicants' English language skills are evaluated; as a result, the majority of state
school English teachers in Morocco have a high level of English proficiency. This
is despite the status of English as a language behind Arabic, French and
Tamazight, and in contrast to the proficiency levels of teachers in “peripheral EFL
8

15. countries [which] would shock many of us” (Braine, 2010, p. 78). Many teachers
choose to join the national teachers' association, the Moroccan Association of
Teachers of English (MATE), which holds conferences and organises training for
teachers throughout the country. In addition to this, the British Council organises
teacher training and professional development projects in Morocco for English
teachers. Generally speaking, Moroccan teachers are well trained and well
informed about ELT methodology, as a result of their initial training and
continuous professional development.
There is a national English syllabus in middle and high schools, and a set
coursebook for each year. Teachers are encouraged to use materials outside of
the book, as long as the core syllabus items are covered. Due to their high level
of training and wide internet access in Morocco, many teachers learn about and
use new techniques in their classrooms. This results in widespread use of video
and audio downloaded from the internet, from learning sites such as
www.learnenglish.britishcouncil.org or from general interest sites such as
www.youtube.com. Teachers can therefore use a variety of native speaker
models in the classroom, which they see as being of great benefit to the
students.
Experienced English teachers can become regional supervisors. They are
responsible for the continuing professional development and quality assurance
of the middle and high school teachers in a defined area, which could number
between 75 -150 teachers. Inspectors organise and run teacher training for their
teachers and observe their lessons. Many of these inspectors benefited at an
early stage of their career from a scholarship from a British NGO or funding
organisation to study for a year or more at a British university. This is also true of
other experienced educational professionals, for example those working for the
Ministry of Education, a university or teacher training organisation. One result of
this experience is that it, amongst other factors, has helped to mould a number
of these individuals into Anglophiles, with a great love of and interest in British
culture, history and society. Some see this appreciation as essential for using the
language “correctly”: in order to speak a language one must understand the
9

16. culture which accompanies it. In recent years, especially in ELT thinking and
trends, this question of culture has become more blurred. We have seen a global
rise in awareness of the importance of English-speaking countries outside the
BANA context (Holliday, 2005). BANA countries are defined as those in the
regions of Britain, Australasia and North America, also identified as the Inner
circle countries (Kachru, 1992, p. 356).The distinction between these models of
English speaking countries and contexts and their relevance for Morocco will be
further examined in the literature review. As Moroccan ELT strives to keep up
with the latest developments in the field, there is a risk of this attachment to
British English, seen as archaic to some, might hold back developments and
progress for the country in ELT.
One emerging trend is seen in an American funding programme, the Fulbright
scholarship. There are between four and eight scholarships offered each year,
which allow Moroccan teachers to spend an academic year teaching Arabic and
studying at an American university, carrying out post-doctoral research or
studying full time at a US university. The funding opportunities for studying at a
British university have virtually disappeared. As US funding in Morocco and the
region increases and British scholarships plummet, we will see fewer new ELT
Anglophiles mentioned previously as the US becomes the favoured English
speaking country to look to for guidance and inspiration: “it could be inferred…
that North American English is more popular than British English, given the
English-speaking destination countries of most students” (EL Gazette, p. 6,
August 2012).
CHAPTER TWO
2 THE LITERATURE REVIEW
10

17. 2.1 ELF and its speakers
Jenkins (2009, p. 144) defines English used throughout the world by native and
non-native speakers as English as a Lingua Franca (ELF), used as a contact
language among speakers of different first languages. English as an international
language (EIL) is a term previously used to refer to English used in
communication where native speakers were also present. However, Jenkins
(2009, p. 144) argues that as the majority of ELF communication does not involve
native speakers it would be “ridiculous” for communication to change from ELF
to EIL when a native speaker enters the conversation. She also points out that
researchers have used the terms interchangeably, but implies that it makes more
sense to use one term (ELF) when referring to English used for international
communication.
ELF is difficult to codify as it is “not a single all-purpose English but depends, like
any natural language use, on who is speaking with whom, where, about what,
and so on” (Jenkins 2009, pp. 144-145). Smith (1983, p.3) saw EIL as differing
from ESOL in that the model used was that of “any educated English speaker:
native speaker, local or regional”, and for him EIL was used by both native and
non-native speakers. The parameters, however, have changed: at his time of
writing there were 266 million native speakers and 115 million non-native
speakers of English (Kachru 1982, p.36). Today, although figures are difficult to
estimate, it is clear that the number of L2 users of English vastly exceeds that of
L1 speakers (Crystal, 2003, p. 68). Crystal estimates that there are around 1.5
billion users of English worldwide, first, second and additional language speakers.
This is backed up by British Council research
(www.britishcouncil.org/english/engfaqs.htm - no longer available online)
quoted by Braine (2010, p. 2) that they are 375 million speakers of English as a
second language and 750 million speakers of English as a foreign language.
11

18. 2.1.1 Where is English and ELF spoken?
Kachru (1992, p. 356) devised a model of the worldwide spread of English,
dividing countries in which English is used into three groups:
1. The Inner Circle: This comprises the UK and countries to which English
spread in the first diaspora: the USA, Australia, New Zealand and Canada.
2. The Outer Circle: This consists of countries to which English spread in
the second, colonial diaspora, also known as ESL countries where English exists
as a second or widely used language, such as India, Pakistan and Nigeria.
3. The Expanding Circle: Also known as EFL countries, in which English is
used for communication or taught despite not being an official language, such as
China, Russia, Indonesia, Brazil.
It should be noted that the number of English users rises dramatically from the
Inner to the Expanding Circles, and Kachru’s model has been questioned. Jenkins
(2009, p. 20) points out that many countries are changing their status from
belonging to the Expanding Circle and moving to the Outer Circle, namely
Scandinavian countries. The model does also not take into account countries
such as Singapore which are seeing English grow as a native language alongside
other languages. However, it could be argued that the Circles are flexible and
movement between them is possible. Graddol (2006) redeveloped the model to
take language proficiency into account. However, Kachru’s model remains as a
standard for demonstrating the spread of English. Morocco would traditionally
be seen as an Expanding Circle country (an Outer Circle country in terms of the
use of the French language); but the country has the potential to enter the Outer
Circle. This would be the result of a number of factors, including but not limited
to:
• educational reform resulting in English being more widely used as a language of
instruction in primary, secondary and tertiary education.
• The growing importance of English as a skill for employability
12

19. • The opportunities for learning English, both face to face and through distance
media (online training, learning through radio and television) increase in range
and density
2.2 The role of first and target culture
A well-known debate took place between Quirk (1990) and Kachru (1991), in
which Quirk argued that non-native varieties of English were not models of
English to be taught given that they were, in fact, poorly learned versions of
standard and correct native English forms. Although English was certainly “the
best candidate at present” for an international language, Quirk argued that it
should be taught according to ‘standard’, universally accepted models. Kachru
answered Quirk’s article by arguing that English is learnt in Outer and Expanding
Circle countries as a tool to communicate with other non-native speakers, not
native speakers; it is a tool in many multilingual and multicultural countries to
express knowledge and understanding of local cultural values; and national
varieties of English are becoming varieties in their own right, rather than striving
to imitate a prestige variety of English. Today, Outer Circle varieties are well
known, codified and accepted, such as Singlish (Singapore English) and Hinglish
(Hindi English).
Holliday (2005, p. 1) found English language teaching to be built on an ideology in
which non-native speakers are seen as “culturally deficient”. English teaching is a
form of cultural transfer in which ideas and values are taught alongside language.
In a later paper (2009) he argues that the descriptions of non-native speaking
cultures in TESOL are underpinned by cultural prejudice analogous with racism in
Western ideology. Graddol (2006, p. 114) suggests that native teachers “may be
seen as bringing with them cultural baggage in which learners wanting to use
English primarily as an international language are not interested.” Jenkins (2009)
diffuses these arguments by pointing out that the distinction between native and
non-native speakers is more relevant in a context of English being taught as a
foreign language, in which much of the communication will involve L1 speakers,
and less relevant in communication in English between L2 speakers in which
native speakers will less likely be present. There remains a school of thought in
13

20. Moroccan ELT that the native speaker is the model which all English speakers
should aim to replicate. It is also, perhaps, a reflection of the importance
Moroccans place on their own culture, that teaching about British and North
American cultural norms is also seen as essential in order to reach proficiency in
the language. There is a common understanding that one cannot claim to be
proficient in English unless one has spent a significant amount of time living in an
Inner circle country, specifically the UK or the USA. This can also be seen in
Ministry of Education coursebooks, which feature content based on Moroccan,
British and North American culture. Teachers and supervisors tend to take the
view that visiting Inner Circle countries for tourism of professional development
purposes will improve their English language proficiency and their awareness of
the cultures of these countries; this will then cascade to their students, helping
them to improve as well. This demonstrates the perceived importance of the
target culture in ELT in Morocco. British and American culture tends to be used in
Moroccan classrooms as a topic of discussion, to be compared to Moroccan
culture, “a reflection on one’s own culture as well as the target culture”
(Kramsch, 1993, in McKay, 2002 p. 82). As the majority of communication in
English involves non-native speakers, the role of inner circle culture in ELT is
likely to become less of a priority when compared to the role of comparing one’s
own culture to others English learners are likely to come into contact with – in
the case of Morocco, cultures from the Arabian Gulf, South Asia, Africa, China
and Europe. These are all countries and areas which Moroccans will encounter
through their work in tourism, trade or industry. (Euromonitor International,
2012, pp. 29 -35)
2.3 The Native / Non-native teacher divide
Holliday (1994) divided English language professionals into two groups, known as
the BANA-TESEP distinction. English language teaching is found in private
language institutions and universities in Britain, Australasia and North America
(BANA), regarded by Holliday (2005, p. 3) as “innovative [yet] predatory”. These
educators:
• Come from the English-speaking west
• Have a notion that the English language is theirs
14

21. • Frequently work outside state education institutions
• Teach students from outside their country of origin
The suggestion that these educators believe the English language to be theirs is a
contentious and controversial one. There are a number of prominent NS
researchers and authors writing in the field of World Englishes and ELF, with a
positive outlook on the role of NNS English teachers. It is a reflection on how far
this field has come since Halliday’s initial thoughts were published that this
seems, today, a contentious and unimaginable viewpoint.
TESEP constitutes ELT in tertiary, secondary and primary institutions throughout
the rest of the world. These educators:
oDo similar work and share a similar status with teachers of other subjects
oFrequently teach their compatriots
oEncounter the “foreign Other” through the language, materials and
methodology.
Moroccan teachers, as described in the introduction, match Holliday's
description of TESEP educators. There are limitations to these labels (Holliday
[2005]), mainly through the increasing number of teachers in BANA contexts
working in ESOL in the state sector who may share similarities with the TESEP
group. Holliday does not mention whether non-native teachers in BANA contexts
or non-native teachers in private education in Outer and Expanding circle
countries will limit the descriptions further.
Jenkins (2009, p. 88) elaborates on the question of whether being native or non-
native is in fact relevant when considering English as a lingua franca. She cites
the following examples as key points:
• The term “native speaker” implies that monolingualism is the norm
whereas, especially in Outer and Expanding circle countries, multilingualism is
common. If multilingualism exists then with it multiculturalism must co-exist.
Furthermore, in multilingual environments speakers will frequently have more
than one first language and the question of which language they speak as a
15

22. native becomes blurred. This is true of many areas of Morocco, for example
around the cities of Agadir, in the south of the country, and Fes, in the east,
where a high percentage of the population speak both Darija and a dialect of
Tamazight (Berber) as a native language, French as a second language and
English as a third language.
• It is implied that non-native speaking communities are affected in a power
relationship by native speaker communities, which would mean that language
developments in Outer and Expanding circle countries would have to be
sanctioned by native speakers before being accepted and / or replicated. This, in
turn, suggests that native English speakers in a BANA context have little
relevance from a linguistic perspective on English speakers in Outer and
Expanding circle contexts.
Jenkins (2009, p. 88) does, however, cite examples which suggest that the
attempt by non-native teachers in the Expanding circle to replicate native
speaker standards is synonymous with academic and linguistic achievement.
According to her previous point (2009, p. 87) this suggests that English is taught
is these settings to improve communication with L1 speakers. This is the attitude
of Moroccan educators outlined in the paragraph above, who believe that
learning about and immersing oneself in the target culture will improve language
proficiency and will be of use to teachers and learners using English in Morocco.
Thornbury (2005, p. 31) rejects the idea that teaching sociocultural knowledge is
valuable as many learners “will be learning English as an International Language
(EIL), rather than the English used in … Birmingham or Baltimore.” The exact
countries being referred to by Jenkins are unclear. As McKay (2002, p. 38)
shows, European countries in the Expanding circle such as Sweden and the
Netherlands might be considered as Outer circle countries, such is the
prevalence of English use.
Jenkins then moves on to suggest the terms monolingual English speaker (MES)
and bilingual English speaker (BES) to replace native and non-native speaker,
with the additional term non-bilingual English speaker (NBES) to describe
someone who, although not bilingual in English, is still able to speak it to a “level
16

23. of reasonable competence”. This does not, as Jenkins herself acknowledges,
define sufficiently the role of the NBES and the definition of reasonable
competence. In the Moroccan context, BES is a useful term as it highlights that
the vast majority of Moroccans who use English will have learnt it as a third or
fourth language. This goes along with Jenkins’ (2009, p. 90) definition of BES and
NBES as “proficient speakers of English and at least one other language”. The
terms also demonstrate that monolingualism is unusual in much of the world,
and that it is not an equation for linguistic excellence. Braine (2010, p. 6)
suggests that the term “non-native” English teacher could be pejorative. BES
allows non-native teachers to take pride in their role.
Mckay (2002, pp. 41-45) argues that comparing native and non-native English
teachers can be counterproductive, even damaging, as it assumes a degree of
linguistic excellence present in all native teachers which cannot be guaranteed.
She goes on to cite research which shows non-native teachers in Outer and
Expanding circle countries expressing insecurity in their role compared to native
teachers in terms of their language proficiency across skills. Meydges (1992)
attempts to compare non-native and native teachers, arguing that non-native
teachers:
1. Can teach learning strategies more effectively
2. Are more able to anticipate language difficulties
3. Can be more empathetic to the needs and problems of their learners
McKay, however, believes these comparisons to be “problematic” as they
continue to portray native teachers as an automatic benchmark, a position which
native teachers have reached despite there being little guarantee that they are at
a high level of teaching proficiency. McKay prefers Seidlhofer’s (1999) assertions
about non-native teachers, that they are “uniquely suited to be agents
facilitating by mediating between the different languages and cultures through
appropriate pedagogy”. Seidlhofer lists the strengths of non-native teachers,
rather than comparing them against a native teacher base taken to be a standard
for pedagogic excellence. What McKay does not consider is that the skills
referred to by Seidlhofer can be learnt and practised by native teachers, in the
17

24. same way that non-native teachers can attain such a high level of English
proficiency that their students cannot distinguish between their language and
that of a native teacher.
Braine (2010) examines the intrinsic and extrinsic challenges faced by NNS
teachers and looks in detail at case studies of teachers in Outer Circle and
Expanding Circle contexts. He strongly advocates the role of international
teaching associations, particularly IATEFL and TESOL, in empowering NNS to
maximise their professional development and minimise any sense of isolation
they might feel. He also sees collaboration between NS teachers and NNS
teachers as mutually beneficial. In the Moroccan context there are no NS
teachers working in the public education system, although there are volunteers
and US State department-sponsored teachers (English Language Fellows) at
public universities delivering specific areas of the syllabus for English students.
There are professional development activities organised by the British Council
and the Moroccan Association of Teachers of English (MATE) which create
opportunities for collaboration and between Moroccan teachers and NS teachers
who work at private language schools in Morocco or are visiting.
2.4 Which model of English should be taught?
Jenkins (2007) cites research by Decke-Cornhill (2003) which found that teachers
expressed doubts about teaching ELF as opposed to English as modelled in the
BANA context. Teachers were unsure as to which “standards and models could
be used for guidance” (Jenkins 2007, p. 97). Jenkins (2007) also cites Sifakis and
Sugari’s research amongst Greek teachers, the results of which showed little
awareness of the international use and importance of English. The research also
further confirmed the findings of Hannam’s (2004) research that Greek teachers,
compared to their British counterparts, used Received Pronunciation (RP) as a
valid model for their learners’ pronunciation, perhaps in the absence of an
standardised and codified ELF variety. Murray (2003) conducted a survey
amongst native and non-native teachers in Switzerland which revealed NS
teachers showed “less attachment to native speaker norms…than did her NNS
respondents” (Jenkins 2007, p. 97). The suggestion that native models of English
18

25. are preferred by NNS teachers come out of these research studies, although one
more study cited by Jenkins (2009) suggests a need to reduce bias towards native
cultural aspects in teaching. Zacharias (2005) found that of 100 Indonesian
teachers responding to a questionnaire, 86-87% regarded materials produced in
native countries as more suitable for their learners, favouring their face validity
in terms of quality and content compared to locally-produced materials.
However, classroom observations and interviews with 13 of the teachers
questioned revealed that teachers frequently modified materials to fit the local
context. Despite teachers’ beliefs that learning about native culture helped
students learn English, the cultural context was often too far removed from their
own culture and would hinder understanding and progress. This suggests a
model where the students’ own culture could be studied in English, or at least
compared to BANA culture in order to further cultural and language awareness.
One important text about Global English is Crystal (2003), which does not
examine the role of non-native teachers. Crystal (2004, pp. 110-113)
acknowledges that English has a role to play in education, as a medium for
teaching other subjects and as a subject in itself. Research indicates that
educators overwhelmingly (96%) agree with the statement that English is “the
world’s language for international communication”, but Crystal comes to no
conclusion about the role of non-native teachers in this context or the models
which they might follow and use in teaching English.
Kirkpatrick (2006) suggests that Indonesian English speakers could use a local
variety of English instead of a BANA variety: “There are many different varieties
of English. Why can’t Indonesians choose a culturally appropriate local variety,
Malaysian, for example, instead of a native speaker variety?” He proposed
students use English to discuss their culture and issues which are important to
them. A model of ELF for countries to follow could be based on a standard
model and adapted to fit the context of each country, particularly in terms of
ensuring that the student’s culture or cultures are represented in the materials,
contexts and perhaps even the language which is taught. For example, Jenkins
(2009, p. 143) argues that “just because a language item differs from the way it is
produced by Inner Circle speakers, it is not automatically an error. In the case of
19

26. ELF, it may, instead, be an example of an emerging ELF variety”. This mirrors
Kachru’s (1991) previously reported view. Jenkins (2009, pp. 143-150) shows
how local vocabulary, and grammatical and pronunciation forms distinct from
English in BANA contexts will often enter a national standard of English, and can
therefore be taught as a standard national form of English in that context:
Grammar: ‘failing’ to use correct forms in tag questions, e.g. “isn’t it?” or “no?”
instead of “shouldn’t they?”
Vocabulary: inserting ‘redundant’ prepositions, such as “We have to study
about…”
Pronunciation: Expanding Circle ELF speakers should have the same rights as
Inner and Outer Circle speakers in terms of their regional accents being
accepted, rather than having their local pronunciation features described as
‘errors’.
Jenkins and Kirkpatrick imply that models of national varieties of English,
especially in the Expanding Circle, will be distinct from one another in terms of
cultural appropriateness (with the teaching materials and methods) and
accepted models used. Although countries may share similarities with their
varieties, there will be subtle differences in the same way that there will be
existing linguistic and cultural differences between these countries, even if they
ostensibly use the same cultural rules and language. In Morocco this could see
the emergence of a form of Moroccan English influenced linguistically by Arabic
and French, with Moroccan cultural guidelines in terms of how to address
people. This will be examined in more detail in section 5.3.
Graddol (2006, pp. 114-115) cites corpus research which has revealed the
“complexity – and grammatical untidiness” of native speaker authentic usage of
English. He points out that contemporary control of a standard form of a
language is unattainable, as the systems which were previously used to do so no
longer exist, or have been made readily available through technological advances
in the transfer of information. Previously, only people of a certain class and,
therefore, users of an accepted standard form of a language had access to
20

27. publication and broadcasting, with editors committed to ensuring that accepted
standard forms of the language were unchallenged in publication. The effect that
this had on the standing of RP as an internationally recognised standard for
English was seen in the attitudes of the Greek teachers in Hannam’s (2004)
research previously referred to in this proposal.
Kirkpatrick (2006a) identifies a potential problem in generalising about which
model should be taught, pointing out that it would be difficult to persuade
Indonesian teachers that Malaysian English is a more useful model for their
classroom than a BANA variety, in the same way that it would be difficult to
persuade Australian EFL teachers that New Zealand English is a more useful
standard for their learners. The implication is that policy makers who assess the
models of English taught in their countries must plan carefully to avoid culturally
alienating or degrading certain cultures whilst ensuring that the models of
English provided for their learners are relevant to their needs.
Amongst Moroccan teachers there is an understanding that English taught in
state education must be relevant to the Moroccan context and empower
students to be able to express their own culture and ideas, as outlined by Ennaji
(1988). Ennaji does, however, share an idea of native speakers as a benchmark
for linguistic quality, advocating the importance of English teachers visiting “an
English-speaking country, namely Britain or America, to be in contact with
English as used for communicative purposes by its native speakers”. This mirrors
the views of Greek teachers outlined in Hannam’s (2004) research, suggesting
that non-native teachers are aware of the importance of enabling their students
to express themselves in a way which is relevant to their culture and context. The
reliance on native speakers as an appropriate model for doing this suggests that
teachers are reluctant to consider their variety of English as a variety in itself,
being non-codified. Although what is seen as “Standard English” (generally RP,
according to Hannam [2004]) is itself not officially codified, there is the
precedent of a history of publication and broadcasting exclusively in this form,
implying that RP is the gold standard of English which must be replicated by
users worldwide.
21

28. 2.5 Literature review conclusion
From the literature reviewed here, it is clear that there is some agreement that
countries in the Expanding Circle need to and will develop their own variety of
English, which needs to be considered in education policy. Teachers are aware of
the importance of enabling their students to express their own ideas and discuss
their culture in English, but teachers still look to native speakers as a source of
linguistic quality and are reluctant to use their variety of English as a model.
22

29. CHAPTER THREE
3 RESEARCH METHODS AND JUSTIFICATIONS
In carrying out the research I aimed to answer, to some extent, the following
questions:
1. Which model(s) of English are widely used by Moroccan English teachers?
2. Do teachers have a preference towards SBE or SAE?
3. Do teachers have a preference towards a model of ELF?
4. Do teachers have a preference towards Moroccan English?
In answering these questions three methods of research were used: a
questionnaire for teachers followed up by interviews of selected participants, as
well as lesson observations focussing on the teachers’ language and students’
responses and reactions. This takes into account Denzin’s (1997, p. 319)
statement that “interpretation which are built upon triangulation are certain to
be stronger than those which rest on the more constricted framework of a single
method”. I was therefore able to examine data from the questionnaire in greater
detail through interviews and observe lessons to see the models used by
teachers in the natural setting of the classroom. The research data will be
obtained through the following methods: an online questionnaire, lesson
observations and interviews.
I assume that secondary teachers of English will have a suitable level of English
proficiency (at least B2 on the CEFR) as a result of their training; all middle and
high school English teachers are required to pass a written and oral English exam.
They will have a good awareness of the lexical and phonological differences
between SAE and SBE. I assume that there is some awareness of the global
nature of English and its use as a second language in the Inner and Outer circles,
although I predict that there is little awareness of ELF itself and its potential
place in the Moroccan context.
23

30. 3.1 A questionnaire for teachers
Teachers were asked questions to better determine which model of English they
aim to teach and reflect in their teaching. The empirical data collected allows for
closer, more objective analysis. The total number of secondary state school
English teachers in Morocco is around 4,000 (Bouziane, 2011, p. 26). Surveying 2
% is an achievable target and will provide a representative sample of the teacher
population. This will be distributed electronically to make sure that a wide
geographical range of teachers is covered. Internet penetration is high in
Morocco (Bouziane, 2011, p. 7) and as a result teachers were able to complete
the survey in their own time. Those working in rural locations and less affluent
cities than the main urban centres of Rabat, Casablanca and Marrakech teach in
more challenging conditions, to a different socio-economic group, and this
should be reflected in the make-up of the respondents. To better ensure there
was a mixed demographic, I asked teachers to complete the survey after meeting
them when carrying out teacher training work in rural locations, better ensuring
a range of teachers from urban and rural areas were questioned. Collecting the
answers to the survey questions online also ensured that the results were stored
in the cloud, making the data easy to access, secure and simpler to compare
results. The data results could also be shared easily with the respondents.
The questionnaire focuses on the language used by teachers and encountered in
the materials they use in their classroom. The results of the questionnaire will
demonstrate to what extent the following hypotheses are proven:
• Moroccan ELT teachers prefer a particular native speaker model of English
which will depend on their individual circumstances, for example teachers who
have studied in the US are likely to use a US English accent.
• Many teachers will believe that the majority of their students’ communication
in English will be with native English speakers. This reflects the fact that tourism
is a major industry in which many school students will work. It is arguable, and
more likely, that many current school students will use English in their future
careers to communicate with non-native English speakers.
24

31. • There is little awareness amongst Moroccan English teachers of ELF.
• There is little recognition of “Moroccan English” as an accepted variety of
English.
The questionnaire is divided into two parts: the first ten questions are closed-
ended items which respondents answer using a 5 - point Likert scale (Dornyei,
2007, p. 105). This system allows a more effective assessment of the extent to
which the respondents’ opinions match the hypotheses, and where any
differences can be seen. The results of the questionnaire will show the opinions
of the teachers relating to the models of English used in ELT in Morocco.
The research can be repeated at a later date to demonstrate trends in the
opinions of Moroccan English teachers on the same topic. The last four questions
are close-ended as the answers they seek are specific: it is the teachers’ practice,
not their opinion, with which these questions are concerned.
The respondents are asked for their age range between periods of ten years. This
will make more in-depth analysis, based on the age of the respondents, possible
demonstrating trends in opinions across age ranges.
3.2 Lesson observations
These observations better determine which model of English teachers’
pronunciation, grammar and lexis points towards. This will not, however, be a
definitive, in-depth study, as this would constitute another dissertation in itself. I
will use examples modelled by the teacher and also observe their reaction to the
students, answering the following:
• When correcting errors, will the teachers model a particular variety of English?
• Will this be consistently applied in the lesson, or will there be ‘model-mixing’,
reflecting the linguistic variety and inherent code-switching and code-mixing in
Morocco?
• How aware will teachers be of the model(s) they use?
25

32. Bell (1999, pp. 44 – 47) shows the importance of ensuring ethical guidelines are
followed while carrying our research. For all my observations I aimed to make
sure that strict ethical standards are followed at all times during the research.
Although recording sections of the lessons would be useful, as I will be observing
students under the age of 18 I believe that this might be problematic – as well as
ethically questionable. It might also limit the authenticity of the lesson, which
will already be seen as an unusual lesson by the students and the teacher due to
my presence. Not recording the lesson will also mean that I do not need to seek
permission from all the students’ parents; in the event that one parent did not
want their child to be recorded, even if the recording is only audio, I would have
to find a solution in which that student could contribute to the lesson but not be
on the recording. As the exponents I am concerned with will come mainly from
the teacher, it will be sufficient for me to note those which are relevant and
annotate relevant pronunciation examples phonetically where necessary.
6 teachers were observed, 3 in high schools and 3 in middle schools. All schools
chosen in which to conduct the observations were in different socio-economic
backgrounds in Rabat, Kenitra and Agadir. I had contacted the Ministry of
Education but unfortunately received no response. I therefore asked teaching
supervisors for their help in enabling me to observe classes, who accompanied
me to the schools, with the permission of the headmaster. Supervisors had
explained the nature of the research to teachers and asked for volunteers. I
asked the supervisor not to be present during the observation as I did not want
the teacher to feel under pressure. The aim of the observations was to see a
normal lesson and to determine the models of English used by the teacher and
the students. Students were also informed beforehand of the nature of the
observation, although I did not feel it necessary to get permission from their
parents as the students’ identities were not being recorded.
Each teacher had completed the survey before the observation and we allowed
for some time to discuss the lesson afterwards. This tended to be a fifteen
minute informal conversation during which I asked teachers of the validity of
using a particular model, and their awareness of particular aspects of their or the
26

33. students’ language, particularly with regard to pronunciation and lexis which was
markedly a feature of a particular model of English.
3.3 Interviews
These allowed me to delve deeper into the research, asking teachers to expand
on their answers from the original questionnaire and to give examples
supporting their views and opinions. Braine (2010, p. 29) points out that
questionnaires may not be taken seriously and that there is a limited range of
prompts available in the answers, and the interviews ask more specific questions
based on the questionnaire. My target was to interview five teachers; 10
teachers and Ministry of Education employees were contacted requesting an
interview and four replied that they were unable to do so due to time constraints
or work commitments. Six agreed to be interviewed, although three teachers
could not fit the interview into their schedule and were not able to take part. I
was told informally that teachers may have been reluctant to be interviewed,
even under anonymity, despite filling out the online questionnaire, due to a
perception that taking part in such research could have ramifications from the
Ministry of Education. I received oral permission from the Ministry of Education
to interview teachers, although an official document I requested which I could
use to reassure teachers never appeared. As a result there were fewer interview
candidates than I had originally planned for, although I was able to talk
informally to the teachers I observed after the classes about the models of
English they used. The two remaining interviewees showed a range of teachers in
terms of age, experience and the locations in which they worked, allowing the
interview pool, although small, to show a representative sample.
Bell (1999, p. 139) warns of “the danger of bias creeping into interviews, largely
because, as Selltiz et al. (1962, p. 583) point out, ‘interviewers are human beings
and not machines’ and their manner may have an effect on the respondents”.
These human factors which affect interviews are the response effect of an
interview (Borg 1981, p. 87). In order to reduce the risk of this bias having an
adverse effect on the interviews and the responses, a script will be used to
ensure that the wording of the questions does not differ dramatically between
27

34. interviews (Appendix 1). It is important that my questioning be not seen as
implying any sort of hierarchy of language or model of English.
The teachers interviewed were told of the purpose of the research before the
interview, and had completed the survey prior to the interview. Answers given in
the survey could be expanded upon, leading to more clarification about the
opinions and feelings of the teachers.
28

35. CHAPTER FOUR
4 THE RESULTS OF THE RESEARCH
4.1 Questionnaire results
Table 1
Items 1a (%) 2(%) 3(%) 4(%) 5(%)
1 We should teach our students an accepted model
of English, such as British English or American
English
33b 40 18 9 0
2 Our coursebooks should include listening materials
featuring native English speakers
68 25 3 3 1
3 Our coursebooks should include listening materials
featuring Moroccan English speakers
3 38 15 27 17
4 Our coursebooks should include listening materials
featuring non-native English speakers from
countries outside Morocco
21 30 20 38 1
5 When I speak English, I want to sound like a native
speaker
21 48 14 14 3
6 When I speak English, I want to be identified clearly
as Moroccan
8 15 28 37 12
7 Our students should aim to sound like a native
speaker
18 39 17 24 2
8 Our students can only be considered fluent in
English when they have a native speaker accent.
5 8 8 59 20
9 Most Moroccans learn English in order to
communicate with native English speakers
8 22 18 45 7
10 I speak Moroccan English 3 21 27 30 19
1: strongly agree
2: agree
3: Neither agree nor disagree
4: disagree
5: strongly disagree
Table 2
Items Yes
(%)
No
(%)
Other
(%)
11 I use British English when I teach 63 37
12 I use American English when I teach 71 29
13 I use another variety of English when I teach (e.g. Australian
English, Indian English)
6 88 7
14 I try to teach English as a lingua franca (ELF) or English as an
international language (EIL)
88 12
29

36. As shown in table 1, 62 participants decided that they used British English in their
classroom, with 71 participants using American English. As seen in the lesson
observations this is evinced by particular pronunciation forms distinct to each
model, such as the rhotic emphasis in teacher or the distinctive / əʊ/ vowel
sound in home.
88% of participants rejected the notion that they used another model of English
such as Australian or Indian English, suggesting that American English is the
prestige variety of the language for the majority of teachers.
88% of teachers questioned agreed that they taught ELF – although 73% agreed
that students should be taught SBE or SAE. There is a risk with question 14 that
participants answered “Yes” without having any knowledge of ELF. The reason
for making this a closed question without a “Don’t know” option was to
encourage participants to make a solid decision. The results of the rest of the
survey suggest that American and British English are still the most desirable
models for teachers, although ELF is gaining interest if not influence. This is
further confirmed in teacher interviews. In item 13, I asked participants to give
examples of other varieties they taught:
• “My own English: mixture of everything my ear is used to be it (sic) American,
British or what ever accent.”
• “a combination of all the above which results in my own variety of English ;-)”
• “Moroccan English”
The first two respondents are alluding towards their use of Moroccan English;
the third respondent gives the variety they use a name.
93% believe that coursebooks should use listening texts featuring native
speakers of English, with 41% agreeing that listening materials should include
Moroccans speaking English and 51% agreeing that listening materials should
feature non-native English speakers from outside Morocco. The use of non-
native models in coursebooks is advocated by Thorn (2012) as being particularly
30

37. beneficial to learners, and its absence in learning materials is described by Thorn
as a “reality gap”.
These results suggest that Moroccan teachers continue to regard native speakers
as the elite users of English, although there is significant awareness of the role
and influence of non-native speakers. In answering item 9, “Most Moroccans
learn English in order to communicate with native speakers”, 30% strongly
agreed or agreed and 52% disagreed or strongly disagreed, showing that
teachers are realistic about how their students will use English in the future:
working with tourists or investors from outside Morocco, non-native English
speakers from the Outer or Expanding Circle (Kachru, 1992, p. 356). Further
pragmatism from the participants is shown in the answers to item 8, in which
79% disagreed with the notion that students can only be considered fluent when
they have a native speaker accent. The answers to this question went against
anecdotal evidence I have heard from teachers in Morocco who place great
emphasis on modelling and encouraging a native speaker accent with students.
However, 57% agreed that students should aim to sound like a native speaker –
although teachers recognise that this is an aim students will not achieve in full,
despite achieving their notion of fluency in the language.
There is further support of the hypothesis that Moroccan teachers view native
speakers and native speaker models as elite in that 69% agreed that they want to
sound like a native speaker when using English, and only 23% wanted to be
identified as Moroccan when speaking English (49% disagreed). This suggests
that there is little link between the Moroccan identity and using English,
Moroccans, as has previously been seen, may speak Arabic, Darija, French ad
Tamazight in different situations before they learn English. When asked whether
they spoke Moroccan English, 24% of participants agreed, with 49% disagreeing.
The questionnaire highlighted the following:
• Moroccan English teachers have a high regard for British and American models
of English and try to use these in their teaching
31

38. • There is some awareness of EIL, especially in the realisation that students will
use EIL to communicate more with non-native speakers.
• There is a significant number of teachers who want to sound like a native
speaker when using English
• There is some awareness of Moroccan English, with teachers suggesting it is a
mixture of linguistic influences.
4.2 Observations
During the observations I wanted to find links to the answers given by teachers in
the survey; was there a tendency to use a particular model of English by the
teacher or in materials? I looked at the language used by the teachers in the
classroom and was able to ask some questions to teachers after the lesson. I was
particularly interested in the choice of listening materials. Although these were
largely decided for the teacher by the coursebook they were using, teachers
showed their willingness to use extra materials using native speakers, particularly
through videos and podcasts. There was a common belief that using listening
texts spoken by native speakers was of great benefit to the students, even if their
own pronunciation or that of the teacher did not mark itself as sounding like
British or American English.
Two of the teachers used listening materials from the internet; a cookery video
from YouTube and a podcast from http://www.learnenglish.britishcouncil.org .
The first listening text was a monologue by an American English speaker, the
second a conversation in Estuary English (Rosewarne, 1996), a more modern
variety of British English than the RP favoured by some Moroccan teachers.
Teachers chose the text for their content rather than the model; the context and
the target language was more important for them to achieve their lesson aims
than the model. One teacher noted that, as the students were in middle school
and approximately A2 level, they would be unable to distinguish between
different accents in English and the teacher did not see the benefit of the
learners being able to do so at this level. Teachers agreed that a listening text
using a native speaker was of great benefit for the students, and did not see this
as undermining their own speaking as non-native teachers; they saw this as an
32

39. opportunity to introduce more variety into their classroom and make the lesson
more motivating for learners. This contrasts slightly with the findings of a study
conducted by Jenkins (2005) which highlighted some NNS English teachers’
negative views towards their own, and other, NNS accents, and their extremely
positive view of NS accents. In the observations, interviews and questionnaire
results of this dissertation’s research there was no suggestion that teachers feel
insecure about their own English level and their ability to teach English as a result
of this. It is important to remember that Moroccan state school English teachers
have a full year of post graduate pre-service teacher training, which adds to their
professional confidence. Rajagopalan’s (2005) research into NNS English teachers
in Brazil found that there is a “widespread… inferiority complex” (Braine, 2010)
amongst this group of teachers. Again, this was not evinced by the results of this
dissertation’s research.
Three teachers suggested an affiliation with SBE or SAE. Many have cited this as
the reason why they decided to study English in the first place. Some teachers
favour one variety over the other, and enjoy peppering their speech with
idiomatic and colloquial phrases learnt from TV, films and the internet.
The pronunciation modelled by the teachers varied; there were marked uses
of /əʊ/, indicating a preference for British English by the teacher, but also many
examples of rhotic /r/, especially as an alternative to /ə/. When drilling teachers
tended to focus on individual phonemes in words, with an equal preference to
British and American features of pronunciation. One phoneme which was
pronounced differently by three teachers was the vowel sound in home,
pronounced as:
• /əʊ/ - diphthong usually associated with British English
• /ow/ - diphthong usually associated with American English
• / ɒ/ - vowel sound used by Moroccan English speakers in place of one or both
of the above
33

40. It is unclear which of these phonemes represent that which will be used by the
majority of English speakers in Morocco. If students model their pronunciation
on that of their teacher, then it can be assumed that English pronunciation in
Morocco will depend on one’s teacher. However this does not take into account
external factors such as popular music, television and film, as well as contact
with native and non-native English speakers. If there are a range of
pronunciations of phonemes in Moroccan English, it is because the model is not
yet developed enough for observers to state categorically what the standardised
pronunciation is. The teachers who used the RP phoneme /əʊ/ had both visited
the UK and identified closely with the country and the accent, and were proud to
use this as part of their pronunciation. Those who used elements of US English
pronunciation in rhoticising word endings had studied or visited the USA or
Canada and felt a similar affiliation to this English variety.
Students and teachers tended to pronounce the fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ in /three/
and /mother/ with a more muted /t/ or /d/ respectively, which was not
corrected by the teacher. However, these pronunciations did not impede
understanding on either side, nor to me. Jenkins (in Thornbury, 2005, p. 31)
identifies certain “core” consonant sounds as being vital in mutual understanding
of ELF, as well as consonant clusters at the beginnings of words. Teachers did
not feel the need to focus much attention on students’ usage of these
phonemes; indeed, they may not have even noticed the alternate pronunciation.
This suggests that these features, which differ from native varieties of English,
are accepted in English used in Morocco. This could either be an emerging
feature of Moroccan English, or ELF being taught for the benefit of the students,
recognising their and the teachers’ L1 and L2. Moroccan English combines
certain elements of British and American pronunciation while replacing English
phonemes with sounds also used in French and Darija. After the lessons,
teachers told me that their aim was to enable the students to communicate, and
as a result they did not want to restrict fluency through over-correction.
Practically speaking, teachers need to teach a class of over forty students and so
need to prioritise what errors need to be corrected. This applied for
34

41. pronunciation, lexis ands grammar. There was evidence of some on-the-spot
correction in the classes:
• “Is it / dɔ:wn/ or / daʊwn/?
• “I’ve been there or I went there?”
There were also examples of post-task correction conducted with a whole class
interaction, with some focus on pronunciation of similar individual sounds using
phonetic symbols ( /ʃ/ and /tʃ/; there was some work on minimal pairs featuring
these sounds, such as “mash” and “match”) and drilling of functional phrases
(“Really?”, “I couldn’t agree more”)
4.3 Interviews
4.3.1 Laila
Laila is in her first year of teaching in a high school in a village outside the
popular tourist resort of Essaouira, around 150 km from Marrakech. She
graduated from ENS in Rabat in 2011. She was taught English by her father, who
spoke English as a result of working at Marrakech airport, and was visited
frequently by her cousins who live in the US. She is among a relatively small
number of Moroccans who speak English as a second language, rather than a
third behind French; she does not consider her French to be strong and has
problems communicating in French in administrative and official matters, for
example at banks.
As a school student, she felt that her communicative skills in English surpassed
her teachers’ and felt frustrated by the teachers adapting and simplifying their
English in class. She felt this was not a true reflection of the language as
elements such as connected speech and lexical chunks common in
communication were not used by the teachers, and by extension the students. In
her own teaching she does not feel that she uses one particular model of English,
instead concentrating on providing what she calls a “native model” for the
35

42. students. For her, this means speaking “naturally” in class, which helps the
students; this is in line with Krashen’s (1982, p. 21) theory of comprehensible
input, which advises teaching language containing structures slightly more
complex than the students are currently comfortable with, challenging the
students in order to help them acquire language and exposing them to unknown
language. She believes that this approach is of great benefit to her students and
that they have developed in communication quicker than students in other
classes in her school taught by her colleagues. She does, however, concede that
“it also depends on how much the learner is interested, if they listen carefully to
how different people pronounce words while watching movies or listening to
music”. The model she provides in class is difficult for her to define; her accent
has been identified by native English speakers as Irish, Australian, North
American and English. She feels that her English is an amalgamation of linguistic
influences from her English-speaking family based in the US, media influences,
especially music and film, and her own desire to create an identity for herself
when she uses English. This identity is based on the English language, and not
one particular country which uses it.
She finds that listening materials and coursebooks she uses in school concentrate
on RP as a prestige form of English, but she emphasises to students that this is
just one accent of which there are many in the UK and globally. She is aware that
English “is not just one model, it’s not just one accent” and so does not feel the
need to impart one particular model on all her students:
Later on and throughout the year, my students pronounced
'better' differently. I heard the full 'better' and the American
'better' and the British one that lost the final R and that was an
achievement for me, because they have started realizing the
different English modals (sic) and that made it easier for me with
the listening courses because I usually would get materials not
considering what kind of English modal (sic) the speaker was
using.
(e-mail communication, 2012)
36

43. She feels that teaching ELF is something that occurs naturally within her
classroom; although she is unaware of the exact definition of ELF, she believes
that she teaches English which is not restricted to one particular model, but
merges a number of influences and models, resulting in a “kind of international
English”. The example above shows her students using ELF; the pronunciation of
“better” differs but is mutually understandable.
Laila is happy for any errors she makes in English to be corrected, and expects
there to be mistakes and slight gaps in her vocabulary. She tolerates some errors
in pronunciation from her students, concentrating on ensuring that “individual
words can be distinguished and understood”, even if the pronunciations of
phonemes differ. She feels this approach is more realistic and of greater benefit
to her students than imparting one particular model. She believes that there is a
distinct form of Moroccan English, which is difficult to codify, although she
noticed how tonal stress is placed on the last word of a passage of discourse in
Moroccan English.
The main points to come out of this interview are that:
• Laila does not think she imparts a particular model of English on her students
• She strives to give as close a native speaker model as possible, without defining
to herself or her students what this model is
• Laila believes that there is a distinct model of Moroccan English, influenced by
Darija and English encountered by students in the media, particularly in music.
4.3.2 Mohammed
Mohammed is an English supervisor and became an English teacher after
graduating from ENS in 1985. He did not study French at school and so speaks
English as his second language which is unusual for a Moroccan. He enjoyed
studying and using English and wanted to continue his studies in English after
graduating, which is the main reason why he decided to train to be an English
teacher. For Mohammed the best thing and the biggest challenge about teaching
37

44. and being a supervisor is “challenging people…to try different methods and
approaches and try something new. You can’t impose change but you can guide
people towards it”. Having been a supervisor for over 7 year, he has observed a
great deal of lessons (he estimates around 250 separate teachers). He is also an
active member of the Moroccan Association of Teachers of English (MATE) and
has come into contact with teachers throughout the country.
Mohammed has been involved in the textbook writing process for middle school
and high school English curricula. The first English coursebook written for and
published by the Ministry of Education, English for Life, is described by
Mohammed as being “very culture specific” to the UK. The writers of the
coursebook and those involved in its production were of a generation of
Anglophile EFL teachers, who had studied in the UK and had been funded to
attend many training courses and exchange visits to the UK. When he worked on
a new coursebook, Gateway, he decided to included audio materials featuring
accents from a variety of NS and NNS models. His reasons for this included:
“English is not one. There are many Englishes. Not just
British and American.”
“We wanted students to get used to various accents,
pronunciation and intonation.”
“You can speak correct English but with a Moroccan
accent.”
At the turn of the twenty-first century the Moroccan Ministry of Education
decided to change to basing the syllabus on an American-influenced standards-
based approach, which needed to be reflected in new coursebooks. Although the
materials were modelled on an approach which originated in the US, the
language retained British English spelling and lexis. This was not prescribed
directly by the Ministry but seems to have simply remained the convention in
Moroccan textbooks.
38

45. Mohammed believes that he uses British English when he speaks. He was taught
in British English, and was exposed more to it when growing up. As a young
teacher he felt more connected to the UK and participated in m any events and
activities organised by the British Council, British universities and other cultural
organisations from the UK. He notes that these organisations have scaled down
such activities as a result of funding cuts, and that new teachers now take part in
similar activities organised by the US State department, including trips to US
universities and institutions. After September 11 2001, US State funding of
educational projects in North Africa increased and Mohammed identified a
possible effect of this in teachers nowadays viewing the US as the centre (or
center) of English, as opposed to the previous generation of Moroccan teachers
who had an Anglocentric viewpoint. He also noted how teachers who had
participated in training courses, activities and exchanges with American and
Canadian universities and institutions returned with noticeable features of US
English pronunciation and lexical features, which were maintained in their model
of English.
Mohammed does not believe that there is a distinct variety of Moroccan English,
but that learners copy US or UK English, depending on the model used by their
teacher. He regards the teacher as the biggest influence on learners, and the
model used by the teacher is retained and repeated by the students, with varying
degrees of success. This may mean that students are using features of US or UK
English even if their own proficiency is relatively low. He believe that the various
linguistic influences in Morocco (Tamazight, Moroccan Arabic, French) have
resulted not in one distinct form of Moroccan English, but in students’ ability to
start to replicate the English modelled by their teacher.
The main points to come out of this interview are that:
39

46. • Mohammed believes that it is important for students to be exposed to a wide
variety of forms of English, and through his involvement in coursebook writing he
has ensured that teachers have these resources available.
• Mohammed recognises that the US State department funding of activities and
exchange programs has an effect on the models of English used by students,
resulting in a noticeable rise in the number of teachers modelling US English
pronunciation and vocabulary.
40

47. CHAPTER FIVE
5 OVERALL ANALYSIS OF THE RESEARCH
5.1 The self-esteem of Moroccan teachers
The results of the research did not highlight a significant inferiority complex
amongst Moroccan teachers in terms of their language proficiency or their role
as NNS English teachers. In contrast to studies specific to NNS’ views of their own
and other NNS’ accents by Jenkins (2005), Sifakis & Sougari (2005), there was
little evidence from the data, observation feedback or the interviews that the
Moroccan teachers felt inferior to native speaker teachers. Teachers recognised
that they had an advantage over native speakers due to:
• Their understanding of the “Moroccan context”, i.e. an intrinsic awareness of
the importance that family, religion, community and culture play in everyday life
• Their awareness of the complex linguistic tapestry of the learners, where many
are learning English as a third language, and some as a fourth or fifth.
This echoes Meydges’ (1992) comparison between NS and NNS English teachers,
with NNS teacher being more empathetic to their learners’ needs. This is not to
say that Moroccan state school teachers suffer absolutely no doubts about their
English proficiency and role as a NNS English teacher. The results of the
questionnaire strongly suggest that teachers want to replicate a NS accent
without being specifically identified as Moroccan. This would mean that when
using English, their Moroccan identity becomes less important than their identity
as an English speaker. For them, English is not yet part of the Moroccan cultural
or linguistic make-up; this may be a factor in the popularity of learning English, as
it is seen as more exotic and foreign than French and Spanish, which both have
historical and cultural ties to Morocco.
The model used by a teacher, according to the research resulted from a number
of key influences on the teacher in question. Laila, when interviewed, expressed
a preference for the sound of the SBE accent, but recognised the role that SAE
41

48. had played in her formative years of English through family ties and media
influences.
5.2 The influence of Standard American English
8% more teachers questioned believed that they use American English rather
than British English as a model when they teach. There are several factors which
point towards the US being more prestigious and desirable for Moroccans than
the UK:
• The Moroccan diaspora in the US (100,000) and Canada (120,000) is four times
that of in the UK (50,000). This number is likely to increase, especially in
emigration to Canada.
(http://www.marocainsdumonde.gov.ma/conna%C3%AEtre-votre-pays/d
%C3%A9mographie.aspx accessed 03/072012)
• The US invests in infrastructure and military assistance in the country; Morocco
receives more US aid than any other Arab country save Egypt.
(http://moroccoonthemove.wordpress.com/2012/07/13/global-insider-
morocco-us-stay-close-as-war-on-terror-evolves-world-politics-review/ accessed
03/07/2012)
• There is a decline in the number of students visiting the UK for study purposes.
There were 597 UK study visas granted for Moroccans in 2000, 204 in 2004, 178
in 2006 and 116 in 2011. There are more scholarships available for US and
Canadian universities and 6% of Moroccans studying abroad choose US and
Canadian universities, as opposed to less than 1% at UK universities
(Euromonitor International, 2011, p. 44).
Although the total number of students studying at English speaking universities is
comparatively small compared to the total population of Morocco, it should not
be underestimated. The graduates of English speaking universities in Morocco
and overseas are likely to occupy positions of influence in a variety of sectors,
both private and public, and if the majority of these graduates have a preference
to US English or use a model influenced by US English there is likely to be a
corresponding result on Moroccan English, for example in rhotic pronunciation
42

49. influenced by US English being favoured over the use of the schwa in word
endings.
All Moroccan state school English teachers are university graduates. Higher
education remains free in Morocco, and many teachers have an MA, and there
are more opportunities for undergraduates and postgraduates to win
scholarships to US and Canadian universities than universities in the UK. As
English is not a common skill amongst university students, who are taught in
French, these scholarships tend to be taken by students of English, who
frequently enter ENS or CPR to train as state school teachers. Exact data on the
numbers of North American scholarship alumni who entered ENS and CPR was
unavailable, but trainers at the centres have confirmed that around 30 - 40% of
all trainees have studied in an American high school or university. This is a high
number of teachers who have been directly influenced by US English and are
likely to have positive associations with this model and will therefore use this in
classroom interaction with students.
5.3 Moroccan English
There are of course teachers who do not believe that they demonstrably favour
one model over another in their pronunciation as shown in the questionnaire
results:
I use another variety of English when I teach:
“My own English: mixture of everything my ear is used to be it (sic) American,
British or what ever accent.”
“a combination of all the above which results in my own variety of English ;-)”
“Moroccan English”
There is no codified record of Moroccan English, and no corpus data available. It
is therefore difficult to state definitively what the model is in terms of
pronunciation, lexical and grammatical usage. Further research on developing a
corpus of Moroccan English and noting recurring patterns would clarify features
43

50. of Moroccan English. The following examples, taken from anecdotal evidence
and the classroom observations, are notable features.
• Would for expressing future time. In order to analyse this further there is a
need for research based on corpus results of spoken and written examples of
English in Morocco. It is possible that this is linked to the similarity in French
between the conditional and future forms, and anecdotal recognition of the form
amongst ELT professionals suggests that it may be a less certain alternative
future form to will, which may find itself as a feature of Moroccan English.
• inchallah (God willing) when referring to future plans, another future form
which is commonly used across the Islamic world, both in native languages and
code mixing and switching, is the use of It is used as an afterthought, an
adverbial with the syntactic (but not literal) translation of hopefully. Moroccan
English speakers also frequently use Mr/Miss/Mrs + first name as a respectful
title, a direct translation of the Darija sidi (Mr) and lalla (Mrs). Whilst charming to
listeners, it is important for Moroccan English speakers to be aware that in many
English speaking cultures it is acceptable to be on first name terms with
superiors, and Sir / Madam will be more appropriate in a school setting. Lloyd
(2009) argues that non native speakers’ lexical priming, or linking of lexis as a
group of associated words, can aversely affect communication if the L1 primings
are used in ways which are not consistent with L2 primings. While true for lexical
chunks and other lexical items, the usage of L1 functions in Moroccan English is
more likely to merely sound out of place than to have a negative effect on the
listener.
5.4 A Moroccan variety of ELF
For many, Moroccan English and ELF are the same concept described in different
terms. Moroccan students frequently learn English as a fourth or fifth language,
studying two hours a week in middle school and three to five hours in high
school. Teachers agree that students will mainly communicate in English with
non-native speakers, and that they can be considered fluent if they have a
Moroccan accent in English. In the interviews and classroom observations it was
44

51. noted that not all errors were corrected, and some elements of pronunciation
consistent with ELF recurring patterns were tolerated, and even modelled by the
teacher: an example of this is in the fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ being replaced with /t/
and /d/. Interviewed and observed teachers believed that they mix elements of
British and US English. This, in addition to the influences on their English from
Darija, Classical Arabic, French and Tamazight results in a form of English which
has evolved to be used to communicate with non-native speakers and native
speakers. It allows some flexibility for its speakers in terms of pronunciation and
can be used while modelling US and British English. As more Moroccans use
English in the future with other non-native speakers who use ELF, the forms
shared by Moroccan English and ELF will help Moroccan English become more
standardised across the country: those who use and recognise these features will
be better able to communicate with non-native speakers. Bamgbose (1998, pp.
3-5) describes codification and acceptability as the two most important factors in
determining whether a language innovation has become standard. These two
factors will increase alongside English exposure and usage in Morocco which will
strengthen the status of English in Morocco, be it known as ELF or Moroccan
English.
45

52. CHAPTER SIX
6 ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE RESEARCH
The research has provided an insight into the way Moroccan teachers use
English. It has examined how these teachers will begin to shape the future of
English in Morocco by helping their learners develop not just their language but
also the model which they use to express it. Mohammed, one of the
interviewees, who has observed countless lessons in Morocco, is convinced of
the fact that teachers are the greatest single influence on their learners. As the
role of English increases in importance in education, industry and employment in
Morocco, this responsibility become even more important. Teachers will have an
active role in developing Moroccan English, as the language “shifts from foreign
language to second language status for a number of people” (Graddol 1997, p.
56). The government and Ministry of Education will need to allow teachers to
continue to have an excellent foundation of their initial teacher training, as well
as an effective support network throughout their career. This will ensure that,
regardless of the model provided by the teacher, the learners are being taught
by a well-trained, skilled and motivated professional. Any attempt to prescribe a
particular model would be almost impossible to police and would undermine the
external factors from the internet and other media influencing learners’ English.
6.1 Indication of continued research in the area of Models of
English used in ELT in Morocco
In order to analyse the role of Moroccan English in ELT in Morocco, this research
would need to be expanded to answer the following questions:
• What are the grammatical, lexical and phonological features of
Moroccan English, based on a spoken and written corpus?
• To what extent do learners use Moroccan English, and to what extent
do they attempt to replicate British or American English?
• To what extent is the model of English used by learners in Morocco
influenced by their teacher? To what extent is it influenced by the media, the
internet and other external forces?
46

53. CONCLUSION
It is clear that Moroccan English teachers expose their students to three main
models: SBE, SAE and a model which they see as a combination of Englishes
suitable to their students and their context. This is the model which is likely to
become known as Moroccan English, which combines elements of British and
American English with other grammatical, phonological and lexical influences
from French, Moroccan Arabic and Tamazight. As students use their teacher’s
English, they add to and mould the features of this model of English. Further
examination and codification of Moroccan English based on samples and a
corpus will reveal and confirm tendencies and patterns in the model.
Although both SBE and SAE influence Moroccan English, evidence suggests that
North American English will have slightly more influence on teachers and
students, due to the number of both these groups who will study at US and
Canadian universities. There will also be a great influence from North American
music, as well as more political influence from the US State department and
other funding organisations. The effect of these educational projects is harder to
predict but the influence of direct interaction with North American universities
and the continuing popularity of North American popular culture suggest that
the US and Canada will remain as desirable locations for Moroccans, and that
North American models of English will remain as prestige forms of the language.
Whilst the same is true of SBE, it will be seen as more inaccessible, which will
have a strong effect in such a direct and face to face culture. The difference
between the influence of SBE and SAE is slight. When applied to approximately
7.5 million students in Morocco by 7,500 English teachers, however, it is clear
that teachers have a great influence over their students and that the model used
by teachers will be copied, adapted and moulded into a suitable form by
Moroccan students.
Teachers, and increasingly students, will tend to identify with English and take
ownership of their variety of it, allowing it to be used in Morocco as a fluid and
flexible variety of ELF. This will have some differences from ELF, as outlined in
5.3, but will share features as outlined in 5.4. There will be more opportunities to
47

54. use English in Morocco and the amount of interaction with other non-native
speakers will rise as investment trade and industry from abroad increases. An
awareness of ELF will be an advantage to English speakers in this context, and as
Moroccan English shares features with ELF it will be a functional variety of
English, which will add weight and prestige as a variety.
Wordcount: 14,508
48

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