Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION
Name: Doreen Kamwendo
Registration Number: B1027905
Programme: Master of Science in International Relations
(MIR)
Year: 2012
Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case
study of Epworth District.
1

RESEARCH PROPOSAL
1.1 Background of the Study
The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and
political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the
international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come
in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve.
Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have
necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention:
1.1.1 Social Realities
Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic
growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS
pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people
reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4th
biggest cause of death after heart
disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million
people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS
reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of
this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a
year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished
(Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all
people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15
SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV
prevalence rates in the world.
Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian
assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa,
south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development.
According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more
than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least
three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a
million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children.
2

Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the
continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 –
50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria
transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of
life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s
schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and
other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010).
Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg
(2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed
and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural
disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration
that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as
Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012
droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to
give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for
Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a
need for humanitarian intervention.
1.1.2 Economic Realities
African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a
colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the
developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains
widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports
have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have
made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth
rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995):
1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992
Sub Saharan
Africa
2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62%
South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26%
East Asia and
Pacific
4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75%
3

Latin America
and Caribbean
2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87%
Middle East and
North Africa
2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24%
In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still
remain poor.
Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason
behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there
are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP
equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less
than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16
countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%.
This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum,
there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive.
Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with
very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of
affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of
corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce
poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported
cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s
Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries.
(Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the
continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation.
In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty,
decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased
exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation.
((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others
4

due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices
increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In
addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they
were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash
crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led
to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from
structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power
of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point
in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from
the international community.
1.1.3 Political Realities
Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been
determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and
where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s
behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in
which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an
understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state
legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s,
bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The
serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for
effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was
also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state
presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still
fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human
dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and
economic/technological advancement.
Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more
significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of
fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance,
political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial
rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by
the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a
5

formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe
African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic
within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror
to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased
after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the
opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human
rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the
international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al
2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were
complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is
interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there
have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the
fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States
of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the
1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from
rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth
rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make
substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African
economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the
biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not
improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for
humanitarian intervention.
1.2 Epworth Profile
Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre.
Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a
Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely
Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta
Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada
and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in
Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members
are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names.
6

A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population
being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx
of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local
Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8841
. Currently, the total population of
Epworth district is at 123 250. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area,
and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water
supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been
tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the
long history of settlement by some of the residents2
. The government decided to upgrade
rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in
the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking
before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils
Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area
including the collection of rates and other levies3
. The suburb is poor and due to the harsh
economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been
need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community4
.
1.3 Statement of the Problem
This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the
context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in
order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district.
1.4 Research Objectives
The research seeks to:
 Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.
 Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
1
Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.
2
Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of
Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993).
3
Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading
programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe.
4
Relief Work continues (accessed 02/11/2008)
7

 Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of
humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.
 Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term
implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district.
1.5 Research Questions
1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid?
2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian
aid in Epworth community?
4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and
internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid?
5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have
for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district?
1.6 Significance of the Study
At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in
International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to
understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community
will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research
topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian
work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with
attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe.
1.7 Delimitation of the Study
The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the
period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already
found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the
upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so
the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the
bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period.
8

1.6. Limitations of the Study
The researcher might have the following limitations:
1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of
political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and NGO
representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key
informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are critical
in removing bias in the study.
2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other
eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher
made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make the
results more representative of all the wards.
1.7 Definition of Key Terms
2. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian
purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and
man-made disaster.
3. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue
4. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering,
promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social
services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal
with specific issues in many countries.
5. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the
interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or
undertake community development.
1.8 Literature Review
Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg
(2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of
humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance
which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of
relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex
9

rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to
aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision.
Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment
by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including
the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al
(2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the
existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more
people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who
postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies
and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The
study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of
high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case
of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food
aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a
role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme
in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy
makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security
issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is
not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the
poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited
evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been
extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic
development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for
African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation
which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research
seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian
aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss
the politicization of humanitarian aid.
1.9 Methodology
The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be
representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with
10

FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that
will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time.
1.10 Theoretical Framework
The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and
Realism so as to ascertain the research problem.
2.0 Assumptions
The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions:
a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the
community is ready to talk about it.
b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate
information in relation to the research.
c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic
purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge
2.1 Summary
The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research
objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study,
limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and
theoretical framework.
2.2 Budget
ITEM/DETAIL FREQUENCY UNIT
COST
TOTAL
COST
RECOMMENDED
SUPPLIER
Desk Research:
Researching on
the internet
30 $ 1.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet
Cafe
Use of
Computer:
Interview
questions and
FGD topics
1 $10.00 $ 10. 00
Chuweb Internet
Café.
Printing interview
questions and
50 $ 1. 00 $ 50.00 Chuweb Internet
Cafe
11

FGD topics
Use of Internet:
Researcher
Natural
Observation
(transport)
- $2.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet
Café.
Total $260.00
2.3 Work plan
ACTIVITY OUTPUTS TIME FRAME
1. Brainstorming
Interview Questions
 Both soft and hard
copies of interview
questions
Beginning of October 2012
2. Establishing contact
with the key
informants
 Contact established Mid of October 2012 –
January 2013
3. Interviews, FGDs and
observation
 Interviews made
 FGDs done
 Observation made
Beginning – End of
November 2012 – March
2013
4. Data compilation  Compilation done Mid April
REFERENCES
1. Dambisa Moyo (2010), Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better
way for Africa”. American Foreign Policy: The Journal of the National on American,
Volume 32 (4). New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
12

2. Thorsten Volberg 2003, “The Politicization of humanitarian aid and its effect on the
principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality.” Grin Publish and Find
Knowledge
3. Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey,
Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.
4. Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation
facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis
(unpublished), University of Zimbabwe
5. R. Lensink and H. White (2001) “Are there negative returns to aid”. Journal of
Development Studies, Volume 37 (6).
6. Rachael Mationesa Munyanyi (2005), “the political economy of food aid: A case of
Zimbabwe”. Thesis presented at the Institute of Western Cape.
7. S.K. B Asante (1985), “International assistance and international capitalism:
supportive or counterproductive? In Gwendolyn Carter and Patrick O’Meara (eds).
African Independence: the first twenty five years, Bloomington, Indiana, USA,
Indiana University Press, pages 249 – 265.
8. ADRA Danmark (http://www.adra.dk/HER-ARBEJDER-ADRA-
DANMARK/Zimbabwe), Promoting Sustainable Food production in Epworth and
Kuwadzana
9. Zimbabwe’s Homeless People’s Federation (2009), Epworth Profiling Report, May
2009.
10. SARPN, (2005), New Hope Zimbabwe: Update on Operation Murambatsvina
Epworth. (http://www.sarpn.org/documents/d0001377/index.php). July 2005.
11. Whiteside Alan, (2002). “Poverty and HIV and AIDS in Africa”. Third World
Quarterly Volume 23 (2).
12. Dixon Simon, (2002). “The Impact of HIV and AIDS on Africa’s economic
development”. BMJ, http//dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.
13. https://apps.who.int/inf - fs/en/1InformationSheet 03.pdf.
13

14. Stromberg David, (2007). “Natural Disasters, Economic Development and
Humanitarian Aid”. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 21 (3). American
Economic Association, pg 199 – 222.
15. Kritzinger van Nierkerk, Lelotte, Moreira Emmanuel Pinto, (1992). “Regional
Integration in Southern Africa: Overview of the Recent Developments”. The World
Bank, Africa Region.
16. Mbaku Mukum John, (2007). “Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and
Clean Ups”. Rowman and Littlefield Publisher Inc. United Kingdom.
17. Wafawarova Reason (2013). “Aid Fuelling inept governance and corruption”.
www.herald.co.zw
18. Kawewe M Saliwe, Debie Robert, (2000). “The impact of ESAPs on women and
children: Implications for Social Welfare in Zimbabwe”. Journal of Sociology and
Social Welfare, Volume XXVII (4).
19. Chattopadhyaya Rupak, (2000). “Zimbabwe: Structural Adjustment, destitution and
food insecurity”. Review of African Political Economy, Volume 27 (84), pg 307 –
316.
20. Young Crawford, (1986). “Africa’s colonial legacy: Strategies for African
Development”. A study for the Committee on African Development Strategies.
Council of Foreign Relations. California.
21. Ntalaja Nzongola Georges (2004). “Citizenship, Political Violence and
Democratization in Africa”. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and
International Organizations. Volume 10 (4), pg 403 – 409.
22. LeBas Adrienne, (2006). “Polarization as Craft: Party Formulation and State
Violence in Zimbabwe”. Comparative Politics, Volume 38 (4), pg 419 – 438, New
York.
23. Ferguson James, (2006). “Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order”.
Duke University Press, USA.
14

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To begin with my sincere gratitude goes to Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE)
for giving me the opportunity to study for my Masters in International Relations. My
15

gratitude also goes to my supervisor, Mr David Makwerere who worked closely with me to
come up with this research paper. I learnt a lot from his wisdom and sobriety during the
course of writing this paper. I would also want to appreciate my husband Pastor Samson
Kamwendo and my daughter Fiel Ruvarashe who supported and encouraged me to produce
this paper. Last but not least I would like to thank the Almighty God who provided for all that
I needed during the process of coming up with this research paper. I dedicate this thesis to all
the men and women I came across in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards who
are making strides towards making a better life for them and their children.
ABSTRACT
16

CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background to the Study
The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and
political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the
international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come
in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve.
17

Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have
necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention:
1.1.1 Social Realities
Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic
growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS
pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people
reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4th
biggest cause of death after heart
disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million
people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS
reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of
this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a
year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished
(Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all
people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15
SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV
prevalence rates in the world.
Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian
assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa,
south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development.
According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more
than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least
three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a
million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children.
Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the
continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 –
50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria
transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of
life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s
schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and
other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010).
18

Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg
(2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed
and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural
disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration
that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as
Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012
droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to
give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for
Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a
need for humanitarian intervention.
1.1.2 Economic Realities
African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a
colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the
developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains
widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports
have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have
made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth
rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995):
1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992
Sub Saharan
Africa
2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62%
South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26%
East Asia and
Pacific
4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75%
Latin America
and Caribbean
2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87%
Middle East and
North Africa
2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24%
In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still
remain poor.
19

Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason
behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there
are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP
equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less
than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16
countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%.
This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum,
there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive.
Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with
very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of
affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of
corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce
poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported
cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s
Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries.
(Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the
continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation.
In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty,
decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased
exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation.
((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others
due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices
increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In
addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they
were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash
crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led
to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from
structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power
of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point
20

in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from
the international community.
1.1.3 Political Realities
Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been
determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and
where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s
behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in
which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an
understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state
legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s,
bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The
serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for
effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was
also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state
presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still
fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human
dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and
economic/technological advancement.
Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more
significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of
fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance,
political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial
rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by
the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a
formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe
African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic
within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror
to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased
after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the
opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human
rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the
international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al
21

2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were
complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is
interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there
have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the
fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States
of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the
1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from
rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth
rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make
substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African
economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the
biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not
improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for
humanitarian intervention.
1.2 Epworth Profile
Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre.
Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a
Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely
Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta
Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada
and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in
Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members
are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names.
A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population
being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx
of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local
Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8845
. Currently, the total population of
Epworth district is at 161 840. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area,
and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water
supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been
tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the
5
Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.
22

long history of settlement by some of the residents6
. The government decided to upgrade
rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in
the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking
before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils
Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area
including the collection of rates and other levies7
. The suburb is poor and due to the harsh
economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been
need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community8
.
1.3 Statement of the Problem
This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the
context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in
order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district.
1.4 Research Objectives
The research seeks to:
 Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.
 Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
 Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of
humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.
 Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term
implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district.
1.5 Research Questions
1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid?
2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
6
Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of
Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993).
7
Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading
programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe.
8
Relief Work continues [2](accessed 02/11/2008)
23

3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian
aid in Epworth community?
4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and
internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid?
5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have
for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district?
1.6 Significance of the Study
At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in
International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to
understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community
will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research
topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian
work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with
attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe.
1.7 Delimitation of the Study
The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the
period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already
found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the
upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so
the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the
bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period.
1.8. Limitations of the Study
The researcher might have the following limitations:
1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of
political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and
NGO representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key
informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are
critical in removing bias in the study.
24

2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other
eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher
made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make
the results more representative of all the wards.
1.9 Definition of Key Terms
1. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian
purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and
man-made disaster.
2. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue
3. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering,
promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social
services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal
with specific issues in many countries.
4. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the
interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or
undertake community development.
2.0 Literature Review
Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg
(2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of
humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance
which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of
relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex
rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to
aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision.
Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment
by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including
the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al
(2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the
existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more
people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who
25

postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies
and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The
study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of
high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case
of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food
aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a
role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme
in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy
issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is
not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the
poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited
evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been
extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic
development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for
African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation
which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research
seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian
aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss
the politicization of humanitarian aid.
2.1 Methodology
The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be
representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with
FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that
will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time.
2.2 Theoretical Framework
The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and
Realism so as to ascertain the research problem.
2.3 Assumptions
The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions:
26

a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the
community is ready to talk about it.
b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate
information in relation to the research.
c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic
purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge
2.4 Summary
The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research
objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study,
limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and
theoretical framework.
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
In this section, the focus is on the conceptual framework that looks at what humanitarian aid
is and the different forms it comes in. This section will also discuss the theoretical framework
underpinning this study and these are Realism and the Dependency Theories. Under the
theoretical framework, the researcher will tackle what each theory is and its basic
assumptions. There will also be a discussion of empirical review where the researcher will
look at what other scholars and researchers have done in relation to humanitarian aid globally
so as to identify research gaps which this particular study of investigating politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities can then fill.
There will also be a summary of all that would have been covered in this chapter at the end.
2.2 Conceptual Framework
Humanitarian aid or emergency aid has been defined by Duffield (2007) as rapid assistance
given to people in immediate distress by individuals, organizations or governments to relief
27

suffering during and after man made emergencies like wars and natural disasters. It is
designed to save lives, alleviate suffering and maintain and protect human dignity during and
in the aftermath of emergencies. There are certain characteristics that mark it out from other
forms of foreign assistance and development aid that are; it is intended to be governed by the
principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and that it is intended to be
short term in nature and provide for activities in the immediate aftermath of a disaster. It
should be noted that in practice it is often difficult to say where “during and in the immediate
aftermath of emergencies” ends and other types of assistance begin especially in situations of
prolonged vulnerability.9
In addition to this, humanitarian aid can be distinguished from
development aid by it being focused on relieving suffering caused by natural disaster or
conflict rather than removing the root causes of poverty or vulnerability.
Furthermore, traditional responses to humanitarian crisis and the easiest to categorise as such
are those that fall under the aegis of “emergency response” which encompass material relief
assistance and services such as water, medicines and shelter. In addition under emergency
response there is also emergency food aid which entails short term distribution and at times
supplementary feeding programmes for children so as to reduce child mortality rates and
morbidity. Humanitarian aid can also include reconstruction and rehabilitation which entail
repairing pre – existing infrastructure as opposed to longer term activities designed to
improve the level of infrastructure. To add on, humanitarian aid can be also disaster
prevention and preparedness which means that states will have knowledge on early warning
systems, contingency stocks and planning. According to the Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC)
reporting criteria, humanitarian aid has very clear cut of points for example, disaster
preparedness excludes longer term work such as prevention of floods or conflicts. In addition,
reconstruction and relief and rehabilitation include repairing pre – existing infrastructure but
excludes longer term activities designed to improve the level of infrastructure.10
Minear (2002) points out that humanitarian aid can be distinguished from humanitarian
intervention which involves armed forces protecting non – combatants from violent conflicts
or genocide by state supported actors. He further notes that it is critical to distinguish the two
9
Global Assistance: A Development Initiative (www.globalassistance.org/data-guides/humanitarian-aid-net).
10
Ibid.
28

because though they are under the banner of “humanitarianism” they are not the same. In
addition, for the purposes of this study it is important to also bring out that international
humanitarian response to natural disaster or complex emergency is coordinated by the United
Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) acting on the basis of
the UN General Assembly Resolution 46/182. This is because as humanitarian aid will be
administered, OCHA provides principles and parameters for operation.
Perrin (1998) argues that humanitarian aid can take very different forms and these are;
complex rehabilitation programmes, relief operations for people whose lives are directly
threatened, operations combining immediate relief work and medium term rehabilitation,
operations for the purpose of preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law and
limited one time operation in some cases. The term complex emergency was coined in
Mozambique in the latter half of the 1980s and its usage was necessitated by the need for
international aid agencies to acknowledge that the ‘emergency aid’ or humanitarian
assistance needs were being generated by armed conflict as well as by periodic ‘natural
disaster’ events, such as cyclones and droughts. It is also a way of differentiating those
situations where armed conflict and political instability are the principal causes of
humanitarian needs from those where natural hazards are the principal cause of such needs.
In such instances, there is need for humanitarian aid to take the form of complex long term
rehabilitation programmes which are not adhoc but rather planned as well coordinated so as
to alleviate suffering and distress to the beneficiaries. A good example of this is that of the
work that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is doing in Afghanistan
where it assists five hospitals, the aim being to improve the quality of surgical treatment of
water causalities and to provide regular supplies of medicines and medical related services. In
addition to this, there are also food production programmes meant to ensure that there is food
security through community initiatives and ownership.
To add on, another form of humanitarian aid is that there are relief operations for people
whose lives are directly threatened.11
Some cases that can be pointed to are that of Somalia
and Albania; where the former was given about 12 000 tons of food aid to the people who
were directly affected by the 1992 Somali crisis. This was done so as to save lives, alleviate
suffering and maintain human dignity. The latter is given chlorine by humanitarian agencies
so as to improve its water quality during its summer months. The rationale behind this form
11
ibid
29

of aid is to ensure that people who are directly affected by a natural or man-made crisis are
not overwhelmed.
Furthermore, humanitarian aid can be in the form of operations that combine immediate relief
work and medium term rehabilitation. An example is that of the Swiss Development
Cooperation (SDC) programme in Kosovo. It is imperative to note that there have been
severe long term ethnic tensions between Kosovo’s Albanian and Serb populations and this
has left the state ethically divided resulting in inter – ethnic violence. The SDC programme
began with its participation in the OSCE verification mission and during the 1998 – 1999
armed conflict the SDC set up intensive humanitarian aid programmes. Since 2008 the
humanitarian aid programmes and actions to assist the return of persons displaced by the war
which was immediate relief work was soon complemented by reconstruction assistance
measures and also by projects to foster livelihoods which is medium term rehabilitation. The
need for combining the two stems from the argument that humanitarian aid agencies have
been criticised for what is known as a “knee jerk” reaction to aid which simply means that
they give aid emotionally without having analysed the root causes. In essence they
disempower communities since they do not focus on preparing communities to prevent and
deal with disasters and conflict situations before they strike, rather they rely mainly on short-
term emergency relief. (Lawrence, 2009)12
.
To add on, humanitarian aid can also take the form of operations for the purpose of
preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law. Prevention work will be all the
more effective if the humanitarian aid agencies are present on an on - going basis, as is the
case with aid operations. This presence constitutes a mode of protection for the victims and
thus helps lessen violence in conflicts. The following excerpt from a weekly bulletin of
ICRC-related news, serves as an illustration: “After territories previously controlled by Fikret
Abdic were taken over by Bosnian troops from Bihac on 7 August more than 20,000 Muslims
fled Velika Kladusa heading for Vojnic in Croatia. They are clustered along seven kilometres
of road and are surviving thanks to an ICRC emergency operation”. In this regard, assistance
and protection are closely linked although it is difficult to define the overall impact of the
former on the latter, there is no doubt that the very act of furnishing assistance contributes
directly to the beneficiaries’ protection and that it thereby helps reduce violence.13
12
Penny Lawrence (2009) – International Director of Oxfam
13
ICRC, 1996, Annual Report, page 56 - 57
30

Lastly, another form of humanitarian aid is when it is limited to a one time operation or adhoc
humanitarian assistance. According to UNICEF, hunger is a silent killer and a person dies of
hunger every 3.6 seconds and that victim is often a child under the age of 5. Hunger can
strike both suddenly, in the case of swift-moving disasters, or slowly, such as withered crops
and barren soils following long uninterrupted droughts. Climate change, in fact, is one of the
great emerging trends in humanitarian aid. Oftentimes, aid to areas affected by famine comes
in the form of direct supplies, led by quick-response organizations such as UNICEF, Oxfam
the World Food Programme and the International Red Cross. In addition there is also adhoc
humanitarian aid done by Sustainable Harvest International which has partnered with more
than 2,000 families and helped plant almost 3 million trees in Belize, Honduras, Panama and
Nicaragua while overseeing the conversion of almost 14,000 acres for diversified land use,
primarily for farming purposes. (O’Connor 2010). It is against this background that
humanitarian aid should be conceptualised for the purposes of this study.
2.3. Theoretical Framework
For the purposes of this study, two theories Realism and Dependency will be used to explain
the politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards in Epworth
district. Realism is an international relations theory that seeks to explain how states are in a
constant pursuit of power thereby furthering their self-interests. In addition to this, Realism
has been defined also as a descriptive paradigm and methodological framework aimed at
describing, explaining and eventually predicting events in the international relations domain.
(Robertson, 2004). Among the founding fathers of political realism is Thucydides who wrote
on the History of the Peloponnosian War and the Melian dialogue. Thucydides held the view
that a relationship of states in the international system is based on might rather than right. In
addition, another leading theorist of realism is Niccolo Machiavelli who held that the sole
aim of a politician was to seek power, regardless of religious or ethical considerations. In
addition to this, Thomas Hobbes is also one of the founding fathers of realism who argues
that human nature is not inherently benevolent but is selfish and endeavours to pursue self-
interests.14
There are four basic assumptions that govern realism as a theory and the first one is that
states are the most important actors. In this light, the state is over and above the individuals
within that state. In relation to the provision of humanitarian aid, it is critical to contextualise
and to realise that each state is in pursuit of personal gain and its actions on the international
14
Robertson David, (2004). “The Routledge Dictionary of Politics”. Routledge. Page 420.
31

arena depend on it individual interests. In this regard, when humanitarian aid is being
administered in a recipient nation, it should be borne in mind that it becomes a highly
political activity mainly because the political considerations of the donor government will
supersede the needs and the aspirations of the people and the government which will receive
this aid. (Curtis, 2001). This then serves to show that humanitarian aid is seldom given from
motives of pure altruism but that it may be given with the intention of serving the whims of
the giving state.
Secondly, another assumption governing realism is that all states within the international
system are unitary and rational actors which entails that states pursue self-interests and that
they amass material wealth so that they can be in a position to threaten those that do not have.
Neo – realists such as Kenneth Waltz (1979) argue that states pursue national interests mainly
because in the international arena there are constantly fearful and suspicious of the other. In
light of this, relating it to humanitarian aid, one can tell that NGOs and international aid
organizations can fall victims to individualistic behaviour and self-interests of powerful states
and they too end up being selective in their choice of crisis in order to secure public interest
and support which makes them deviate from being impartial, neutral and independent.
Furthermore, another assumption under realism is that the primary concern of all states is
survival. This stems from the general belief that the international system in anarchical such
that the law of the jungle operates. In this light, power becomes central in understanding the
relations among states. Cogniscent of this, pursuit of power makes states to build up their
arsenal, boost up their economies, develop science and society and in doing all this; the
stronger the state, the less vulnerable it is on the international system.15
It is against this
background that the stronger states will use their power be it economic or political to
determine what happens in the international system. In addition to this, they use their power
to coerce, smaller and weaker states into complying. In relation to humanitarian aid Atmar
(2001) sums it up by saying, “politicization of humanitarian aid is the pursuit of domestic and
foreign policies of donor states by humanitarian means”. Interesting to note is that the
stronger states use their power to further their domestic and foreign policies in the weaker
nations through humanitarianism as a convenient avenue.
In addition another key assumption in realism is that the international system is anarchic and
this is exacerbated by the fact that there is no single actor that can regulate and dictate what
15
Ibid
32

states can and cannot do. This means that states are almost always in constant antagonism
with each other. However, realism also points out that states come to a point where they
relate with each other on their own without having an authority or actor telling them to do so.
In such instances there is cooperation within states for a common good, an example that can
be drawn is how in humanitarian aid is that of OCHA which brings together the right tools
and people to save lives. OCHA manages humanitarian funding contributions more than 140
Member States rely on it to help manage humanitarian donations, coordinating appeals and
common plans to ensure the greatest impact possible. In 2010 OCHA coordinated US$ 11
billion worth of humanitarian programming in response to 19 crises in 32 countries affecting
71 million people.16
In light of this, in many donor countries, there has been an important
redefinition of national self-interest which is no longer narrowly defined in terms of
immediate commercial interests and security threats but in terms of good international
citizenship. As a result, it has facilitated a more interventionist and integrated approach to
humanitarianism in many recipient countries.
From the onset, it is prudent to note that, it is a mistake to assume that there is only one
unified theory of dependency. This is because dependency theory is viewed as a possible way
of explaining the persistent poverty of poorer countries. According to Marxist theorists, they
view persistent poverty as a consequence of capitalist exploitation. To the world system
approach by Wallerstein, poverty is a direct consequence of the evolution of the international
political economy into a fairly rigid division of labour which favoured the rich and penalized
the poor. (Ferraro, 1997). Sunkel (1969) defines dependency as an explanation of the
economic development of a state in terms of the external influences which can be political,
economic or cultural on national development policies. In addition, dependency is also seen
as a historical condition which shapes a certain structure of the world’s economy such that it
favours some countries to the detriment of others and limits the development possibilities of
the subordinate economies. Dos Santos (1971) views dependency as a situation in which the
economy of a certain group of countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of
another economy to which their own is subjected.
Furthermore, dependency characterises the international system as comprised of two sets of
states variously described as dominant/dependent, centre/periphery or metropolitan/satellite.
The dominant states are the advanced industrial nations in the Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) whilst the dependent states are those which have low
16
www.un.org
33

per capita GNPs and which heavily rely on the export of a single commodity for foreign
exchange earnings. In this light, the definitions of dependency indicate that the relations
between dominant and dependent states are dynamic because the interactions between the
two sets of states tend to not only reinforce but also intensify unequal patterns. To sum up,
dependency theory attempts to explain the present underdeveloped state of many nations in
the world by examining the patterns of interactions among nations and by arguing that
inequality among nations is an intrinsic part of those interactions. Adding on, historical
research demonstrates that contemporary underdevelopment is in large part the historical
product of past and continuing economic and other relations between the satellite
underdeveloped and the now developed metropolitan countries. These relations are an
essential part of the capitalist system on the world scale as a whole. (Frank, 1972).17
To add on, according to this view, the capitalist system is seen to have enforced a rigid
international division of labour which is responsible for the underdevelopment of many areas
of the world. This is because at the centre there are skilled workers whilst in the periphery
there are unskilled workers. Cogniscent of this, the economies of the dependent states are
oriented toward the outside but the allocation of these resources is determined by the
economic interests of the dominant states and not by the interests of the dependent states. In
light of this underdevelopment is a negative condition which offers no possibility of sustained
and autonomous economic activity in dependent states. In addition, the central characteristic
of the global economy is the persistence of poverty throughout the modern period in virtually
the same areas of the world, regardless of what state was in control. (Ferraro, 1997).
Dependency theory has several assumptions central to it being that the more developed
countries are responsible for impoverishing of the low developed countries so capitalism is
seen as being responsible for breaking the development of these countries. This is because the
dependent states supply cheap labour, minerals, and agricultural commodities and also serve
as repositories of surplus capital, obsolesant technologies and manufactured goods. In light of
this, in any relationship where one party is dependent and the other is stronger there is
generation of a degree of control or influence. Relating this to humanitarian aid, it may be
used to control the dependent state by the dominant state. It can also create a relationship of
unreciprocated reliance where the dominant state or donor can cut off the provision of aid
17
Andre Gunder Frank, “The Development of Underdevelopment” in James D, Cockcroft, Andre Gunder Frank and Dale Johnson eds,
Dependence and Underdevelopment. Garden City, New York. Anchor Books.
34

with little or no costs whilst the recipient on the other hand incurs considerable costs which
may entail having to look for other sources of livelihood. (Nyatoro, 2012).
Coupled with this, another assumption of the dependency theory is that wealthy nations
perpetuate the state of dependency through various tactics which can be through the use of
media, sport, culture, economics, and politics among other means. Cogniscent of this, when
one considers how rich countries have provided the poor countries with aid one realizes that
foreign aid be it humanitarian or developmental is never free it always has strings attached
which creates a debt trap to the developing countries. Due to the debt trap, dependency
theorists’ argue that external forces are of singular importance to the economic activities
within the dependent states. This is because they end up dictating indirectly how the state
should be governed thereby furthering their own foreign and domestic policies within the
weaker state.18
Another assumption of is that wealthy nations actively counter attempts by dependent nations
to resist their influences by means of economic sanctions and/or the use of military force.
This brings to light that economic and political power are heavily concentrated and
centralised in the industrialised countries such that governments will take whatever steps
necessary to protect private economic interests. Relating this to the provision of humanitarian
aid in less developed countries such as Zimbabwe, there is a tendency of then heavily relying
on the wealthy nation thus creating a special umbilical cord that ties it to it. In such instances,
there will be heavy reliance of what the dominant state can offer thereby robbing this
dependent state on self – sustenance and self – sufficiency. Harvey et al (2005) rejects this
view as he argues that there is little evidence that humanitarian aid undermines initiative or
that its delivery is reliable for people to depend on it.
Furthermore, according to Caporaso (1980), a central proposition of the dependency theory is
that the peripheral countries are poor not because they lagged behind but because they are
coercively integrated into the European economic system only as producers of raw materials
and or to serve as repositories of cheap labour and were denied the opportunity to market
their resources in any way that competed with the dominant states. In other words, the
poverty of the countries in the periphery is not because they are not integrated into the world
system, or not 'fully' integrated as is often argued by free market economists, but because
of how they are integrated into the system. A paradox is brought out where although both the
18
Ibid
35

first and third-world countries are benefitting, the poorer side is being locked into a
detrimental economic position. The poor economies rely on the rich for the little work that is
available to them, yet this causes a barrier from the nation growing independently. In a future
perspective, such nations have no opportunity to improve their quality of life.
Dependency theorists argue that the diversion of resources over time is maintained not only
by the power of the dominant states but also through the power of the elites in the dependent
states. These elites maintain dependent relationships because of their own private interests
that coincide with the interests of the dominant state. In light of this, dependency is
perpetuated because of a few who are the elite who have the same interests with the dominant
states. In the provision of humanitarian aid which in most cases is supposed to be short term,
it could be that the people receiving it be it governments, individuals or NGOs have created
dependency in Africa in general because they have made it a long term fact of life. This is
because they benefit from the continued state on dependency as it entails societies that have
people who have lost their capacity to think for themselves and thus have relinquished control
over their own economic, social and political governance. (Brautigam et al, 1999).
To add on, dependency theory assume that under development is a stage but a process
through which countries reach to development. They add on to argue that underdevelopment
is a condition fundamentally different from undevelopment. Underdevelopment refers to a
situation in which resources are being actively used but in a way which benefits dominant
states and not the poorer countries in which the resources are found. Undevelopment means
that it is a condition where resources are not being used. Furthermore, underdeveloped
countries are not merely primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features
and structures of their own; and, importantly, are in the situation of being the weaker
members in a world market economy. In light of this, they should not be prescribed to follow
the modernization path mainly because their realities and context and conditions are different
from the time that Europe underwent the stages of development. It is against this background
that under developed countries actually requires genuine support in order for them to fully
realise their full potential. (Ferraro, 1997).
Proponents of the dependency theory such as Walter Rodney are of the view that in order for
the peripheral countries to have economic growth and development, there is need for them to
detach themselves from the dominant countries so that they make it. They call for South to
36

South cooperation which will entail equal power relations as well as states that understand
each other in terms of history and contextual realities. Moreover, they cite successful
examples of delinking with Tanzania’s Ujamaa and the China’s Great Leap Forward. If this is
to be put in the context of provision of humanitarian aid especially to poor resource contexts
such as that of Zimbabwe, there is need for government to make efforts to ensure that the
needs of its people are met such that if there is to be any assistance, it comes from
cooperation with likeminded institutions that understand Zimbabwe’s situation such as the
African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This will
ensure that as Zimbabwe integrates into the region, it does so with concerted efforts by other
African players as well. (Nyatoro, 2012).
2.4 Empirical Review.
This section focuses on the studies that have been done around the world in relation to
humanitarian and it will also bring to light research gaps which the study investigating
politicization of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe will bridge. Cogniscence of this, it is critical
to note that several studies have been done on the politicization of humanitarian aid in
developing countries. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its
effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that
humanitarian assistance which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried
out by a small group of relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much
more complex rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid
which leads to aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given
on its provision. Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic
humanitarian environment by addressing all the complex legal and political issues
surrounding an emergency, including the impact of external actors like donors, host
governments and armed forces. In light of this, the gap which the researcher investigating the
politicization of humanitarian aid in the case of Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba
communities is that if the provision of humanitarian aid has become a political activity, what
are the motives behind its politicization so that answers to that question will assist
government as it engages on a policy level with the donor countries so that the humanitarian
aid that comes to Zimbabwe’s communities have pure motives of upholding humanity,
impartiality and neutrality.
37

In addition to this, Lensink et al (2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid”
revealed that the re – allocation of the existing aid flows to poor countries with sound
management would lift 18 million more people per year out of poverty. They base their
argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who postulate that aid becomes more effective when it
is given to countries with sound policies and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to
have negative effects on growth. The study overall examined whether empirical evidence
supports the notion of negative effects of high aid inflows. To add on a similar arguments by
Moyo D (2010), in “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for
Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante
(1985) also asserted that the limited evidence that is available suggests that the forms in
which foreign resources have been extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they
are concerned with economic development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this
light, these authors call for African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of
South to South cooperation which usually has a win - win situation. In light of these
arguments put forward by these scholars, it is evident that aid in whatever forms it is coming
in, has not improved the economic and political situations of the recipient countries. In actual
fact, it has excluded communities in planning and delivering services which has pushed
recipients into a dependent state and also negatively impacted on community confidence to
further develop and enhance their capacities thus their interventions lack sustainability. In
light of this, the researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid, noticed a gap
that though scholars have discussed how humanitarian aid has brought with it negative
retains, they have excluded the aspect of analysing the implications of external and internal
factors of politicization of humanitarian aid in relation to policy development for recipient
governments. The study on investigating politicization of humanitarian aid will analyse the
implications of the perception of humanitarian aid externally and internally and how these
affect humanitarian work in Zimbabwe. An interrogation of these perceptions will determine
how the state will interact together with the other actors in provision of humanitarian aid in
communities so that there is no suspicion and there is harmony as they work together in
improving lives and providing human dignity.
Furthermore, Bavard (1986), in his study which focuses on the failure of the United States of
America (USA)’s humanitarian aid to achieve its goals was initiated so as to examine its
Food for Peace19
programme. Although this alleviates hunger in the short term, the
19
The Food For Peace Programme saw the USA giving over two billion worth of surplus agricultural commodities a year to the Third
World Countries.
38

programme disrupts local agricultural markets and makes it harder for the poor countries to
feed themselves in the long run. Bavard further argues that, in the 1950s and 1960s, massive
wheat given to India disrupted that country’s agricultural market and helped bankrupt
thousands of Indian farmers. In addition to this, food aid in Tanzania discouraged people
from feeding themselves and that has had a crippling effect on the development it seeks to
encourage. In the Democratic republic of Congo (DRC), the food for work donations were
sold actually taken and sold to a small arms factory in Italy. In addition to this, the study also
shows that in Ethiopia in 1984, the food aid that was given by the USA was sold to buy more
Soviet weaponry. Mauritius also insisted on receiving only the highest quality rice which it
would later on use in hotels catering for foreign tourists. Cape Verde is said to have used its
emergency relief aid to export it to other countries. In light of this study by Bavard (1986),
humanitarian aid given to most of these countries did not save lives and it was used for
politicized by the recipient governments to further domestic and foreign needs so as to remain
in power. It is also from this study that the researcher investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities seek to examine
the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community. This comes against the
realization that by understanding the motives behind politicization of humanitarian aid, policy
makers are able to come up with laws that ensure that humanitarian work becomes a neutral
and impartial field so that it empowers communities and responds to their basic needs for
survival. It will also ensure that those countries, individuals or NGOs that provide
humanitarian aid in recipient countries also come up with accountability structures and
systems so that the humanitarian aid is used for its intended purposes and it reaches to the
grassroots that are genuinely in need.
A thesis by Lotspeich (2007)20
focuses on two types of humanitarian aid; government based
and religious based in the area of education in Valparaiso in Chile. The study sought to see
which type of humanitarian aid is more effective in the fight to eradicate extreme poverty.
The study reviewed humanitarian aid programmes in Casa Acogida Rayen, a house run by
Hogar de Cristo (HDC) in Valparaiso Chile and the English Open Doors Programme (EODP)
by the Ministry of Education. The former is a religious based programme based and the latter
is government based and the purpose of the research was to compare the two types of the
programmes. The points of comparison between the two programmes included the history,
objectives, budget, organization, resources and teachers. The study revealed that the EODP
20
A thesis entitled, “Humanitarian Aid: A Comparative Study” submitted to the Miami University Honours Programme in partial fulfilment
for the University Honours with Distinction by Felisha Lotspeich, 2007, Oxford, Ohio.
39

and the HDC have different goals yet they are all critical in that they both serve
underprivileged populations though the HDC serves them in a more holistic and immediate
way. From this study one can tell that the HDC which is a religious based institution provides
holistic and comprehensive humanitarian aid than the government based aid maybe because
for the government based it will be working under a low budget whilst with the other one,
several international donor agencies can donate thus making it more responsive to the needs
of the people. The research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s
Domboramwari and Chiremba will also take into account the various actors in the provision
of humanitarian aid so as to bring out how each actor facilitates the politicization of aid. This
will assist government as well as other actors in the provision of humanitarian aid to know
their different yet complementary roles so that they are able to work together in improving
livelihoods and empowering communities that will have been affected by a natural or man-
made disaster.
Furthermore, Smit (2002) undertook a study which was commissioned by the Netherlands
government in 1997 on humanitarian aid in conflict situations looking at the dilemmas
confronting donors and implementing agencies when executing humanitarian programmes
and projects. The findings for this research were published in October 1998 and it was
revealed that the Netherlands government advocated for more flexible, wide ranging and
integrated approach to humanitarian aid to include elements of structural rehabilitation as
well as conflict prevention, reconciliation and reconstruction. This was against the
background that the restrictive interpretation of humanitarian aid makes it difficult for
governments and other actors to execute provision of humanitarian aid. The Netherlands
Parliament also argued that post conflict areas such as Kosovo and Rwanda where they were
providing traditional humanitarian aid, there was need to transfer humanitarian aid budget
from others so as to also aim at more structural forms of cooperation. From the study, the
Netherlands government argued that humanitarian aid should not be limited to a set of basic
needs aimed at mere physical survival of beneficiaries but there is need to transition from
emergency aid to a more structured form of development cooperation. It is interesting to note
that, though the call by the Netherlands government is noble to broaden humanitarian aid to
include elements of structural rehabilitation among others, one from a realist perspective, the
issue of “real politiks’ comes to play. In light of this, a gap that has been identified that the
research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district will be to look at
the possible types of conditions of that this humanitarian aid is coming with. This is from the
40

realization that aid is seldom given for purely altruistic reasons. In addition to assessing the
different types of conditions, the research will also bring to light the consequences these
conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth
district. This will also benefit recipient governments in the long term as they will be receiving
this comprehensive humanitarian assistance. They will be able to assess whether they agree to
the conditions such that the accept the humanitarian aid or they do not. It will also assist
decision making on the long term implementation of humanitarian aid in vulnerable
communities in Zimbabwe.
Moreover, Alex (2011) in her study on the role of humanitarian and development aid in the
economy of war she sought to explain why developmental and humanitarian aid can impact
negatively on conflicts. Her argument is that humanitarian aid can be used indirectly as an
instrument of war; it can also be indirectly integrated into the dynamics of conflict thereby
exacerbating the underlying causes of conflict increasing the level of insecurity. In her study
she cites that in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the principles of neutrality and impartiality
made it impossible for relief workers to make any judgement or disregard legal and moral
equality between victims and perpetrators. Thus they ended up assisting victims and
perpetrators alike thereby perpetuating the conflict. In Afghanistan, during the occupation of
the Soviet in it, humanitarian assistance programmes became integrated into the Cold War
context. The Super power rivalry made it very difficult for humanitarian aid agencies to work
legitimately in Mujahidiri controlled areas. In 1988, NGOs were forced through the principle
of providing assistance to both sides of conflict (impartiality and neutrality) fuelled the
conflict because the Afghan refugee camps based in Pakistan served to legitimize the
resistance movement. It also provided a safe haven for Mujahidin and they regrouped, and
recuperated with their families. In this regard, humanitarian aid can be seen as a fueler of
conflicts as in the Rwandan and the Afghanistan case studies. However, a research gap that
the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari
and Chiremba communities has identified and will fill is that after having identified that
humanitarian aid can impact negatively on conflict situations.
In addition to this a similar example is a study done by Perrin (1998), which focused on the
effects of humanitarian aid on violence in conflicts. He noted that humanitarian aid can help
increase violence in conflicts especially if the reources are to be diverted, the beficiaries of
the humanitarian aid become targets of arms groups trying to get their hands on relief
41

supplies. The cases highlighted include how in the DRC, food for work programme donations
were sold to buy a small arms factory from Italy. The Zimbabwean case study of Epworth is
unique in that there is no open conflict as it was with the Rwandan and Afghanistan cases. It
would be interesting to examine how the same dynamics of negative impact to conflicts will
also be seen in the Epworth case study and how the results will differ as Epworth is not an
open conflict zone as has been indicated below.
In addition to this, a research by Stoddard et al (2009)21
provides the global incident data for
the last three years identifying new trends and highlights issues in the three most violent
contexts for aid workers at present which are Sudan (Darfur), Afghanistan and Somalia. The
results from this study show that the number of attacks in which aid workers were killed,
kidnapped or injured has risen significantly since 1997 with a particular sharp increase over
the past three years. The study also revealed that three quarters of aid worker attacks over the
past three years took place in six countries all with on- going armed conflicts such as Sudan,
Afghanistan, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Chad, Iraq and Pakistan. In Sudan (Darfur) in 2006 – 2008,
the annual average attack rate was 27/10 000, in Somalia in 2008, it was 40, 9/1 000 and in
Afghanistan, the increasing number of incidents and victims suggest rates likewise higher for
an average. In light of this research, one can deduce that humanitarian work in insecure
environments poses a major threat to the humanitarian aid workers who become victims of
the on – going conflicts. In view of this study, the research investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth is seeing an opportunity to complement this research on aid
workers in insecure environments by focusing on the different types of conditions that exist
in the humanitarian aid that is provided to Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. The
research will also examine the motives behind the provision of humanitarian. The research
shall also assess the implications of the internal and external perceptions of this politicized
aim with the aim of interrogating the consequences to future implementation of humanitarian
aid in Zimbabwe.
To add on, Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of
Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food aid
was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a role
in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme in
Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy
21
Humanitarian Policy Group Brief 34, April 2009; providing aid in insecure environments: trends in violence against aid workers and the
operational response. Abby Stoddard, Adele Harmer and Victoria DiDomenics, United Kingdom.
42

issues in Zimbabwe. In view of the study above, a research gap that has been identified is that
Munyanyi’ s focus in her thesis was the actors in the distribution of food aid so as the give
recommendations to policy makers. The research investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid will dwell more on the issue of conditionalities attached to aid and how
these have created a perception by state actors such that this affected future implementation
of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe. Coupled with this, the research will also assess the how the
communities Domboramwari and Chiremba are affected by the politicization of humanitarian
aid in their communities. In this regard, this research will bring to light the societal as well as
the political dimensions governing humanitarian aid work in Zimbabwe.
Furthermore, Paul Harvey (2007)22
in his study on tackling corruption in humanitarian aid, he
notes that corruption allegations have until recently hit the news headlines and this has
brought a lot of attention of the challenges of relief management and governance. The cases
he studied include Somalia, Liberia and Ethiopia. In Somalia, a UN monitoring group report
made assertions about corruption diversion of food aid. In addition to this, in Liberia, World
Vision uncovered substantial corruption in food aid operations. Coupled with this, the British
Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) report highlighted corruption in aid operations in Ethiopia
in the 1980s. The findings from this study assisted Transparency International to develop a
Handbook of Good Practices in Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations. Other
cases similar to this of corruption are that of Cape Verde that exported all its emergency relief
aid to other countries.
To add on, a thesis by Coke (2009)23
examines the relationship between food aid and
agricultural production in Sub Saharan Africa where most of the world’s food aid is directed.
From the policy implications for this research it suggests a shift in foreign assistance and an
increase in agricultural development programmes that focus on achieving food security and
food self-sufficiency in developing countries. In light of this research, one can tell that Coke
(2009) is borrowing from the dependency theory that assumes that the poverty of developing
nations is a direct consequence of those that are providing “knee jack” reaction in the form of
food aid. This however is not sustainable as communities may rely heavily on the food aid
which in an instant can cease. In view of this, a research gap that has been identified is that
22
In Anti – Corruption Research Network: Tackling Corruption in Humanitarian aid. (2007).
23
Does Food Aid Influence Agricultural Development in Recipient Countries: A study on the relationship between food aid and agricultural
production in Sub Saharan Africa” Thesis submitted to Georgetown University by Coke Lorraine, L 2009
43

Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

Recommandé

Recommandé

Contenu connexe

Tendances

Tendances (20)

En vedette

En vedette (11)

Similaire à Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

Similaire à Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards (20)

Dernier

Dernier (20)

Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards