Berlin ISP 2005

That’s What She Said:
A Closer look at What Attracts “Latinas” to Berlin, Germany
Priscila Espinosa, Student
Richard Mann, Academic Director
Christina Limbird, Advisor
School for International Training
Berlin, Germany: Central European Studies
December 2005

Preface
I am a student in Sociology at Worcester State College and at present am studying abroad with
the School for International Training (SIT) based in Berlin, Germany. My areas of interest in the
discipline are Cultural Studies: Race, Gender, and Class Stratification. My major in Sociology and
my concentration in Cultural Studies, in conjunction with the training I have received from SIT’s
Berlin Program has been instrumental in my academic pursuits since they have focused on ethnic
tensions, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, as well as the effects of (im)migration, in Germany and
Eastern Europe. This training in Berlin has been the fundamental stepping stone to my present
Independent Study Project (ISP).
As I am interested in cultural and racial-ethnic experiences in Europe—especially those involving
(im)migration and (im)migration policies—these studies in Berlin have broadened my
understanding of marginalized European racial-ethnic groups as well as contemporary policies
and their impact on these groups.
Moreover, because I am a woman from the U.S.A. with a multicultural background and biracial
origins, I bring a unique perspective and set of experiences to this research. The research I will
conduct through the SIT Program will be fresh and informative since it will come from a racial
and gendered lens.
2

TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. Preface
II. Introduction
III. Statistics in Berlin (and Germany) …………………………………………….…….6
IV. Who is Latina? ………………………………………………………………………..7
V. What are e.V. Organizations? …………………………………………………….….7
VI. Women Leaders and e.V.s ……………………………………………………….…..7
VII. Motives of Emigration from Latin America and Caribbean: Past 40 years ……….8
1. 1960s…………………………………………………………………………...9
2. 1970s…………………………………………………………………………...9
3. 1980s…………………………………………………………………………..10
4. 1990s…………………………………………………………………………..10
5. 2000-Present ……………………………………………………………...….11
VIII. Prejudice, Racism, Discrimination, and Xenophobia ………………………….....12
IX. Overlapping Concepts ………………………………………………………………13
X. Types of Residence Titles …………………………………………………………..14
1. Tourist Visas ………………………………………………………………...14
2. Student Visas ………………………………………………………………...14
3. Visas for Those Married to Germans ………………………………………14
4. Permits for “Humanitarian” Purposes …………………………………….15
5. “Tolerance” Visas …………………………………………………………..15
6. Unlimited Residence Permits ………………………………………………15
XI. Legalization through Marriage ……………………………………………………..16
XII. Labor Market & Exploitation Faced by (Il)legal Latinas …………………………17
XIII. Prostitution …………………………………………………………………………..18
XIV. Conclusions ………………………………………………………...………………..18
1. Challenges……………………………………………………………………19
2. Suggestions……..……………………………………………………………20
XV. Appendixes ……………………………………………………………………….21-31
XVI. References ………………………………………………………………………..32-34
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Introduction
Before my research began, I believed that all “Latinas” had similar perceptions and fundamental
experiences as a result of immigration. I began finding that women from my generation (ages
20-30) tended to make “I do not care…” or “…that is their life” claims on certain questions I
asked in my questionnaire (e.g. What can you share with me concerning Latina prostitutes?) and
followed-up on in informal interviews. I noticed that the women in my mother’s generation (ages
40-50) were reluctant to make definitive claims, and then I found that in my grandmother’s
generation (ages 60-70+) that women tended to make very unabashed and brash claims about the
“Latinas” in their community (in other words, they “labelled” freely and could tell me hour-long
stories on why “such and such” was taking place) 1
.
As a Hispanic woman, colloquially known as “Latina,” I would like to inform my readers that
this research is exclusive in personal insight. This personal insight derives from the fact that I am
also American by acculturation and assimilation. Being a product of immigration myself, as both
my parents emigrated from the Dominican Republic, has always allowed me to identify with the
immigrant experience. In addition to my parent’s nationality, their racial components have set a
unique basis for differing experiences that I have encountered as a travelling woman. My parents’
diverse racial components have also enhanced my interests in racial-ethnic studies (i.e. as my
mother’s racial origins are Spanish and Italian and my father’s African and Taíno). Before I was
born, most of my maternal family had emigrated from the Dominican Republic to Puerto Rico,
where my siblings and I were born. We lived in Puerto Rico until I was 5 years old and then
moved to Massachusetts, where we reside today.
Since my arrival to Berlin, Germany I have befriended many Latinas from all over Latin America
and the Caribbean. Most I met at my German language school. Over time we developed a
relationship based sharing a common language, “Latina-ness,” and a similar educational
background. All my Latina friends look different (geno/phenotypes), come from different
countries, are from varying class statuses, dress/behave differently, and speak with different
accents. We all have different reasons for coming to Berlin and have achieved legal entrance in
different ways. Despite all these differences I later found that we all exclusively shared similar
identities. We shared a sense of “comm(unity)” 2
and the same mother-tongue: Spanish language,
therefore being Hispanics—colloquially referring to ourselves as “Latinas.”
Most, if not all, of my Latina friends have felt some level of prejudice or even discrimination
toward them while living in Berlin. All my Latina friends, with the exception of myself and a
couple others, are married to Germans. Yet, all are part of the same community—that is to say,
their comm(unity)—despite their obvious differences in class, ethnicity, and race 3
.
There are numerous underlying reasons a Latina leaves her country of birth and origin, but I
want to focus on the pivotal and most widely accepted instances, stated by the Latinas
themselves 4
. These reasons will be explored in this paper.
1 “Anonymous Hispanics.” Personal interviews/conversations. 7 Sept.-10 Oct. 2005.
2 I cannot say that they have “gender” in common because they all have their respective social lives which involve both genders which overlap with “their
[gendered] comm(unity).”
3 Though prejudice, racism, and discrimination—primarily against those of African and Indigenous origins—still is a grave concern in Latin America and
the Caribbean, it could be said, when measured against these Latinas’ personal experiences in their home countries that their abroad experiences are worst.
The new faces of prejudice, racism, and discrimination are heightened with xenophobia; fear that they are the reasons for Germany’s economic woes
(because they are all supposedly on social welfare); moreover, their inability to communicate freely and easily due to language and cultural differences create
further obstacles for them (Yañez, Susana. Personal interview. 15 Nov. 2005.).
4

This paper will not only focus on Latin American and Caribbean women, more commonly called,
“Latinas,” but also on the non-profit organizations (i.e. e.V.s) that provide services to Latinas in
present day Berlin.
You will now continue reading about a realm all on its own where all stakes are equally high,
equally challenging, and equally intriguing. Where no one is right and no one is wrong. Where life
dictates and calls the cards and the individual follows... or where the individual dictates and calls
the cards and life follows. Nevertheless, I will address the reasons/motives that attract Latinas to
Berlin in 1 month’s time (a huge constraint). I will gladly and more than willingly take multiple
stances, informed by my perspective of course, to shed some light and understanding on the
underlying stories of today’s Latinas in Berlin as well as trying to understand their personal
outlook(s) on the matter. Feel free to refer to the glossary of terms, appendixes, charts, statistics,
etc provided for further understanding. Also, please note that I do not wish to make final
judgements, interpretations, and/or conclusions on the matter. I will, however, try to inform my
readers of the different circumstances that prompt Latinas to immigrate to Berlin and will
express how I personally feel their problems may be meliorated. Your only task, as a reader, is to
develop a connection with the varying experiences of uprooted-ness and non-belonging all
Latinas face in Berlin. I promise that more careful, methodical, theoretical, and empirical research
will be conducted in future studies on Latinas in Berlin or for that matter in Western Europe. As
further studies and research will be needed to fully grasp and understand the matter at hand.
Until that day, pleasant reading and insight to all!
Garay, Natascha. Personal interview. 9 Nov. 2005.
Gonzalez-Cabesa, Maria Antonia. Personal interview. 7 Nov. 2005.
Hernandez, Berenice. Personal interview. 9 Nov. 2005.
---. , coordinator. “Lateinamerikanische Migrantinnen in Deutschland: Präsenz und Unsichtbarkeit [Las Mujeres Inmigrantes Latinoamericanas en Alemania:
Presencia e Invisibilidad].” Berlin: Bildungswerk Berlin der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, 2000: 9.
Yañez, Susana. Personal interview. 15 Nov. 2005.
.
5

That’s What She Said:
A Closer look at What Attracts “Latinas” to Berlin, Germany
I. Statistics in Berlin (and Germany)
Statistics and charts will reflect an important immigration trend taking place over a 40 year period involving
Latin American and Caribbean women immigrating to Berlin (and Germany) 5
.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, data on the stock of international migrants is
abundant and the trend toward the increasing feminization of international migration is
well established. It is particularly noteworthy that Latin America was the first region of
the developing world to record parity in the number of female and male migrants: in
1990, three million of the region’s six million international migrants were women. The
number of migrants in the region is estimated to have declined during the 1990s, but by
2000 women still constituted slightly more than half of the five million migrants in the
region 6
.
Statistics reflecting the trends of Latin American and Caribbean emigration to Germany indicate
there was not much immigration taking place during the 1960s. Slowly but steadily, this trend has
increased over a 30 year period and today it has dramatically escalated 7
, especially when
comparing the gender of those immigrating. In all the interviews I have conducted, both at the
professional and personal level, 8
I have learned of the distinct trends taking place during a 40
year period (i.e. since the 1960s). I was told that the earliest wave of Latin American and
Caribbean (“Latino/a”) immigrants were students who were coming to the German Democratic
Republic (GDR) around the 1960s. These students tended to come from communist countries
and so came to participate in cultural and educational exchanges (much like today’s Erasmus
Program in Europe) 9
in other communist countries. These Latina/o students would, most of the
time, return back home after their cultural-educational period, but some students did relocate
and stay in their new country.
The second most important wave of Latinos came as political refugees and asylum seekers
fleeing from war-torn countries where the political dictatorships escalated already grave
circumstances in the 1970s (and continued into the 1980s). The third wave of Latinos came due
to the immense socio-economic problems their countries were facing around the 1980s. This
immigration steadily progressed to drastically enlarging numbers at the fall of the Soviet Union,
which was represented symbolically by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. German Re-
Unification took place immediately after the fall of the Berlin Wall, which to many Latina/os
represented new hope. Germany now seemed like the ideal setting for prospering, much like
what the “American Dream” represented to immigrants in the 1930s into the United States of
America from Western Europe. Today’s Latina/os are escaping bleak political, social, economical
5 APPENDIX D: 26-30
6 Zlotnik, Hania. “The Global Dimensions of Female Migration.” Social Science Centre Berlin. Online Version: Migration Information Source
(migrationinformation.org) 1 March 2003. 4 Dec. 2005 <http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=109>.
7 German statistics and charts do not demonstrate such present escalation because records are not maintained of “tourists” entering Germany; if the Latinas
choose to remain in Germany, they do so with expired tourist visas, thus illegally. Since they entered as tourists then they were never documented as
“immigrants.” In order to be documented as an immigrant they would have obtained some type of German Permit of Residence which, in turn, would have
been recorded. Remaining in Germany illegally means that they must somehow remain under the radar—otherwise they risk exposure and immediate
deportation. Obviously they opt for informal labor or jobs that are “under the table” and involve some level of exploitation as they are vulnerable persons.
8 In this sentence I am specifically making a difference between professional and personal interviews though both are cited as “personal” interviews. In
“professional” interviews I am referring to those conducted with administrative personnel at e.V. organizations and with “personal” interview I am referring
to those conducted with persons not affiliated with e.V. organizations.
9 An Erasmus Program loosely is a study abroad/exchange period that most, if not all, European States offer to their students.
6

realities in their countries. These Latina/os are also faced with trying to make ends meet both in
their countries of origin as in their new country of residence.
II. Who is Latina?
A Latina would be a woman originating from Latin America (i.e. Central and South America as
well as the Caribbean). She would speak Spanish as her mother-tongue, hence be Hispanic.
Furthermore, being Latina would be inclusive of belonging to any number of racial and/or
ethnic groups as a result of colonization, migration, emigration, etc. These racial and/or ethnic
groups broadly include “white” European, “black” African, “native” Indigenous, Mulatta (i.e.
both “white” European and “black” African) and/or Mestiza (i.e. both “white” European and
“native” Indigenous). It is also possible for a Latina to be part of multiple racial-ethnic groups or
even all of the aforementioned.
III. What are e.V. Organizations?
“Eingetragener Verein” (abbr. “e.V.”) organizations are registered societies that typically start off
as small groups which later organize themselves with determined aims and goals and which
usually submit to non-profit standards and procedures. In English, a close equivalent would be
“voluntary associations.” Voluntary associations (sometimes simply called “associations”) are a
group of individuals who voluntarily enter into an agreement to form a body (or organization) to
accomplish a purpose (e.V., Wikipedia 2005).
IV. Women Leaders and e.V.s
Before conducting my research I expected to find extreme unity in the complex, dynamic,
vibrant, and growing Latina community in Berlin. What I found, instead, was a fractured
community. This Latina community is made up of many small niches. I found that a marginal
group of women are the very lifeline of the e.V. organizations that support the rest of the Latina
community. A significant percentage of these marginal women were once political refugees who
sought asylum in Germany during the 1970-80s. Among them were professionals, highly skilled
workers, working class women, and housewives (Yañez 15 Nov. 2005). Those who were
housewives had also been college graduates who volunteered their free-time in social, cultural, or
political activities in their native countries. Today these women are the directors, coordinators,
psychiatrists, psychologists, and volunteer staff that provide social services to a vast majority of
women who have prompted the organizations to change their priorities.
The previous aims and goals that brought these activist women to lobby together were
combating double-discrimination, sexism, racism, and classism in their new country of residence
and to cripple the fascist regimes plaguing their countries of origin (i.e. military dictatorships) 10
.
They provided each other moral support, they felt a shared common goal, and they were
politically active with issues affecting their native countries as well as in their present country of
residence. As Susana Yañez put it:
The idea of e.V.s for Latinas took rise around the time the Berlin Wall fell. Before then,
there were many women groups in Berlin, including [the German Democratic Republic
(GDR)], but they were not organizations—they were just support groups. We met to
support each other and hold discussions that dealt with propaganda, women roles,
organizing “hoyas comunes” in our countries of origin (i.e. community potlucks that fed
whole villages), and issues concerning how to cripple the military dictatorships in Latin
America. … We were politically active and it did not matter which class we belonged to
—working class, intellectual, housewives—we all joined together to fight for human
10 Yañez, Susana. Personal interview. 15 Nov. 2005.
7

rights, to fundraise for our causes… and to celebrate national festivals. … The women
of this time were pillars for their husbands. Our husbands lost everything when they
came to Germany. They could not practice their professions, they could not attain jobs
in the positions they last had, and they did not know the language. They also refused to
take just any job. They were too proud. It was a much more difficult transition for our
husbands. Coming to a new country where one did not know the language and
everything was foreign was extremely difficult for us.
We [the women] were the first to learn the language; we were also more realistic of our
present situation and accepted whatever job, even jobs that were below our previous
positions—something our husbands would dare not do because of “machismo.” We
also assumed more active roles than our husbands both in the home and outside the
home. You know, we have double the work: we are mothers, wives, lovers and
breadwinners. Our roles at home did not change; we still had to care for our children
and husbands, clean the house, and cook. That’s why these women support groups were
so important to us. They allowed us a chance to remain political and socially active and
to vent. We were all very close and yes, we were a ‘comm(unity).’ When the Wall fell, we
had to organize ourselves—especially the Latinas from GDR. Those from the West
were organizing themselves to fight the double discrimination faced—as immigrants and
as women. SUSI [e.V.] was born at this time as a result. It’s an organization started by
feminist German and Latina women who joined forces. Then Xochicuicatl [e.V.] surged
because we wanted to do something just for ‘us.’ We were an international group of
Hispanic women; all sharing a common goal. We fought against fascism, capitalism, and
discrimination. … We held workshops, lectures, poetry readings, concerts… (7 Dec.
2005).
At present the aims and goals of yesterday’s e.V.s have changed dramatically. Present-day Latina
immigrants are not just escaping unstable political and socio-economical countries, they are also
fleeing from political corruption and vast poverty. The Latinas coming to Germany with this
distressful background and who seek help from the e.V.s tend to have a poor educational level.
Some are illiterate while those whose are not illiterate have achieved, at most, a high school
diploma 11
. Not surprisingly, the once combated sexism, racism, and classism 12
agenda has been
dropped to address analphabetism (i.e. in Spanish, which creates further problems when faced
with a new language), domestic violence, and legal status issues, as well as sexism and racism.
“Today’s immigrant Latinas are not interested in [global] politics,” but rather are more concerned
with politics affecting or threatening their livelihood in Germany (Yañez 15 Nov. 2005). Their
daily lives are consumed with making ends meet, being able to send money to family members in
their home country (oftentimes ignoring their immediate needs), and finding or maintaining
employment 13
. Unlike the previous Latina immigrants, today’s have to be urged to participate in
informative workshops and lectures that help them understand that domestic violence is physical,
psychological, emotional, and spiritual abuse 14
.
V. Motives of Emigration from Latin America and Caribbean: Past 40 years
11 Those who have earned vocational or college degrees and do take advantage of the services offered at the e.V.s are very few. Usually going because they
are new to the country and need to orientate themselves with their new environment, culture, language, etc, but as soon as they are settled-in very little is
known of them thereafter (Garay, Natascha. Personal interview. 9 Nov. 2005., & Yañez 2005).
12 When the e.V.s serving Latinas in Berlin were first organized, sexism was equated to feminism and racism to “otherness,” that is to say, the
discrimination and stigmatization experienced as a foreigner in Germany. Today, however, sexism is equated to “machismo” and racism has come to also
include the divisive-differences between Latin American and Caribbean women based on ethnic-racial backgrounds in their community (Yañez 2005).
13 Yañez, Susana. Personal interview. 15 Nov. 2005.
14
“Anonymous Hispanics.” Personal interviews/conversations. 7 Sept.-10 Oct. 2005.
8

The numerous underlying reasons that bring a Latina to leave her country of birth and origin and
also the most widely accepted instances, as stated by the Latinas themselves 15
, are motives
including, but are not limited to:
1. a desire to study abroad to learn a foreign language and another culture;
2. a desire to learn more about their colonial past and history;
3. a reunification with a loved one or with family overseas and/or a marriage with a
foreigner;
4. a result of political, social, and/or economic hardships in their countries of birth and
origin.
Overall, the Latinas who emigrated in the 1960s to GDR were students who had a different
perspective than those coming as political refugees or asylum seekers in the 1970s, or those
escaping from socio-economic hardships in the 1980s, those coming as “opportunists” and/or
“idealists” after the fall of the Berlin Wall in the 1990s, or the current emigrating Latinas, in the
2000s to present. In the end, “the principle motives that drive [Latinas] to leave their country [of
origin] are to find better living opportunities for themselves and their family” (Yañez 7 Dec.
2005).
 1960s
The Latinas immigrating during the 1960s were typically students from socialist and communist
countries who had ties with the communist state of GDR. It was highly attractive to be a student
in GDR as they were given full scholarships to earn a higher education. For the most part they
were in East Germany for the time of their education and then went back to their countries of
origin. Some did stay, but it was not common. Another important event in the 60s was the arrival
of Cubans to work in the factory as contract workers, “Vertragsarbeiter,” to GDR 16
. “It was a
serious problem when the Berlin Wall fell because guest workers lost their employment and with
it lost their right to remain in Germany [at the time GDR]. …The jobs they took were difficult
and strenuous. They lived in dormitories isolated from Germans. …Overall the circumstances
were not bad in [GDR], like those entering as refugees and asylum seekers, they received the
essentials—jobs, housing, and sometimes a credit line” (Garay 9 Dec. 2005).
 1970s
The Latinas who immigrated during the 1970s were predominantly political refugees and asylum
seekers. They were primarily coming from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. It was a
difficult historical period where many Latin American countries were mobilizing military
dictatorships. “They were difficult times of great solidarity on the part of the country; the
refugees that would come [to Germany] were fleeing the Latin American dictatorships,” Yañez
informs me with visible concern ridden in her facial expressions (15 Nov. 2005).
In the case of Natascha Garay’s family, they were non-wanted (original trans. persona no grata)
persons in Chile at the rise of the Pinochet government. Fortunately the Chilean government
issued them passports and visas for Germany, which was not the rule. Some people lost their
nationality. “…even Allende’s wife lost her Chilean nationality! She was declared no longer
Chilean. Can you imagine [Chuckle]?!” They entered as political refugees who were granted
16 “Current estimates of the total number of international migrant workers stand at about 25 million, with a comparable number of dependents
accompanying them. About 10 million of these, including 4 or 5 million illegal immigrants are working in the United States, which draws most of its
immigrants from Mexico. Northwestern Europe has about 5 million migrant workers” (Foreign workers, Wikipedia 2005).
9

asylum in GDR. Garay recounted that at the time of the military dictatorship a black-list was
created with the names of the people who were not allowed to return to Chile. The letter “L”
was placed besides their names and even she was placed on the black-list. She shared this story
with humor as at the time she was only 14 years old and this decision by the government made
no logical sense, “…to ban a 14 year old from re-entering Chile…under what motives?! It was
absurd [Sigh].” But she was not given an explanation at time. Today, the current Chilean
government recognized her and her family as political refugees and the ban has been lifted, they
are now free to return to Chile. However, Garay who is now in her early 40s and has remade her
life in Germany (she is a naturalized German, is married, and is permanently settled) says that she
will remain (Garay 9 Dec. 2005).
Another case under the same circumstances was that of Maria Antonia Gonzalez-Cabesa who I
met at the Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut in Berlin 17
. She shared with me that she had come to
Germany with her young daughter. “I was a political prisoner—number 10,128—you can look
me up in the archives, if you want…” she told me with a serious tone in her voice. She is
probably in her late 60s early 70s and incredibly active for her age. Gonzalez-Cabesa mentioned
that a typical day for her included spending the day researching at the Ibero-Amerikanisches
Institut, drinking a cup of coffee at Staats-Bibliotheque’s café, and going to many of the e.V.s
that are aiding Latinas in Berlin 18
. She enthusiastically shared with me the many Latin American
cultural events and festivals she attends… “I still do shows where I dance with my folkloric
costume,” she proudly added. I asked her to tell me more about the Latina community in Berlin,
and for what motives Latinas come. She had so much to say, but the stories that made an impact
were sad accounts of two Latinas in Berlin.
I knew a Dominican woman who worked like a dog to support her son in the
Dominican Republic. He was already a young man and could support himself, but she
wanted him to have no worries so accepted all sorts of jobs [here]. She worked all hours
of the day. It was depressing, because her son could have worked to maintain himself.
Well, this woman eventually met an older German and they married. It was an ideal
situation, because they provided each other much needed company and they learned to
love each other. He was also very wealthy so she did not have to continue working as
hard as before. In the end, her husband passed away and his children, from a previous
marriage, accused her of having caused the heart attack that killed him. She was left
penniless, without a husband, and eventually imprisoned for causing the death of their
father.
… There was this Peruvian lady I knew who came in as a mail-order bride. But her
husband was not German as is the typical case, he also was Peruvian. He abused her.
She was not even allowed to leave the house. Can you imagine leaving your country
thinking that you’re finally free and then once in your new dream country that your own
husband—your own people, for that matter—imprisons you?! She finally was able to get
out of apartment, yelling in the streets to all who would hear her “Help me! Help me!”
because she did not know where to go. …well, there is also a much happier ending story
I can tell you. It is of Jenni de la Torre who studied in GDR to become a doctor and
then went to back to her native country of Peru to work, but she never found work. She
then went to Cuba, Nicaragua, and Mexico looking for work, but nobody hired her there
also. In the end she had no choice but to return to Germany, but even here she could
not find work. So she decided to open her own practice and offer her services for free
or for very low prices—affordable to poor women who had little to no resources in
Berlin. This earned her much recognition and she’s received several humanitarian prizes
to date.
17 “The Ibero-American Institute is an information and documentation center focused on Latin America, Spain, and Portugal. It houses Europe‘s largest
library specialized in Ibero-American culture. 800,000 volumes deal predominantly with earth sciences, economics, social sciences, ethnology, pre-Columbus
American studies, and history, as well as linguistics and literature. Additionally, the Ibero-American Institute has a special collection titled ‘Law in Latin
America’, which contains the most important collection of statute books and documentation on law, including commentaries and periodicals. The library
acquires around 16,000 new volumes annually” (Facts and Concepts 2005).
18 She was an amazing source for me and helped me understand the Latina community better, along with its history, and told me of practically all the e.V.s
including the services that they each provided.
10

Like Garay and her family, the Chilean government has recognized Gonzalez-Cabesa’s status as a
political prisoner and her ban to Chile has been lifted, allowing her to return to her native
country.
 1980s
The Latinas immigrating during the 1980s were escaping bleak futures in their countries of
origin. The immense socio-economic problems their countries were facing prompted these
women to believe that immigrating to Germany would offer them better lives and better pay.
Major sending countries during the 80s were Peru and Cuba.
 1990s
By the 1990s the Latinas immigrating to Germany were still part of the socio-ecomonic wave of
immigrating Latinas that started in the 80s. This immigration steadily progressed to drastically
enlarging numbers at the fall of the Soviet Union, which was represented symbolically by the fall
of the Berlin Wall in 1989. “Many Latinas thought that with the fall of the Berlin Wall and a re-
unified Germany on its way, that it represented utopia…” it was no longer the ‘American
Dream’, but the ‘German Dream’ (Yañez 15 Nov. 2005). Many believed that with the fall of the
Berlin Wall that more opportunities would be created, thus facilitating their integration in a
foreign culture and country.
In 1996 Maria Altagracia Medina∗
, a beautician who works from her home or travels to the
homes of her Latina clients in Berlin, emigrated from Cuba to Berlin. “I can tell you my story in
less than 5 minutes, if you want…” she quickly offered when she found out about my ‘Latinas in
Berlin’ research. We met at Xochicuicatl’s (e.V.) Christmas Fair while she was giving a Peruvian
lady, married to a German Swiss, a manicure. The lady she was giving the manicure to was less
enthusiastic about my questions even though she had also recently immigrated (10 years ago, to
be precise) to Germany. Nevertheless, Medina stayed true to her promise and briskly proceeded
with her story:
I am 49 years. I have 2 sons in Cuba—one is a doctor and the other is studying
Psychology—I met my husband in Cuba since he frequently traveled to Cuba and we
were married in Cuba. I married him because I wanted to remake my life. I wanted a
partner and it happened with my German husband. In the beginning, adjusting to my
new life was difficult but it’s all about will-power. Don’t let other Latinas tell you
otherwise. They’re just lazy. Presently I speak German, have my own business, and have
[completely] remade my life. I’m also teaching myself English now. You know, because
it’s important to know English today. It’s all about disposition and will-power.
When I further probed about prostitution in the Caribbean countries, focusing my question on
the Dominican Republic and Cuba, she did not hesitate to correct what she presumed was
naiveté on my part.
The problem with those Latinas is that they’re lazy (original trans. son bagas). They prefer
to take-up jobs that come easy to them. And they are jobs they had been doing in their
own countries as well. It has nothing to do with the government or [sexual tourism]—
that’s all wrong. It’s just that they prefer easy money. I preferred to work hard for my
money—great money, great pay; more than I can ever imagine in Cuba—but the things
I had to put up with were humiliating. I was treated like shit. As if I were a nobody who
had never studied a day in their life. These people, even if they had superior positions
than me, probably had attained a lower education than me. And, yes, I started scrubbing
toilets and doing all the jobs Germans did not want to do. I was even looked down
upon for it, but I didn’t care. And now look at me, all that hard work has paid off. I
speak German, have my own business, and am happy. You know, I’ll tell you
 Name has been changed for anonymity purposes. “Anonymous Hispanics.” Personal interviews/conversations. 10 Dec. 2005.
11

something… I mean, it’s too late now, but I think that if one wants to immigrate, it’s
best to do it when one is still young. Integration and assimilation is too difficult once
you have established habits, different cultural backgrounds, and plus it’s difficult to learn
a foreign language at an older age.
 2000-Present
The Latinas entering Germany today come from all backgrounds. Unlike those in the previous
30 years, it is difficult to pin-point a specific or particular immigration trend affecting the
feminization of migration to Germany from Latin America and the Caribbean at present. There
are many reasons why Latinas choose to come to Germany, starting with higher education,
(sexual) tourism, family re-unification or visits, marriage with a German, as ethnic Germans, etc.
What is noted by the e.V.s is that there seems to be a strong migration from poorer Latin
American and Caribbean countries to Germany. Major sending countries include Colombia,
Cuba, Brazil, Dominican Republic, and Peru. The Latinas emigrate because they are faced with
extreme poverty as well as countless socio-economic problems and they believe that immigrating
to Germany is their best alternative. “The sad reality is that [life in Germany] is not always better
than in their [native] countries” (Yañez 7 Dec. 2005).
On the bright side, the Latinas that I had befriended during my sojourn in Berlin came from all
over Latin America and the Caribbean. These Latina friends had come to Berlin to study, and
most I had met at my German language school. Over time we developed a relationship based on
sharing a common language, “Latina-ness,” and a similar educational background as we had all
completed some level of, or graduated from, college or were attending college at the time. All my
Latina friends looked different (geno/phenotypes), came from different countries, were from
varying class statuses, dressed/behaved differently, and spoke with different accents. For the
most part, we all entered Germany with tourist or student visas. For those of us who entered
with tourist visas, our time in Berlin was within the legal three months timeframe 19
. Despite all
these differences, I later found that we all exclusively shared similar identities. We shared a sense
of “comm(unity)” 20
and the same mother-tongue: Spanish language, therefore being Hispanics
who colloquially referred to ourselves as “Latinas.” We truly felt a sense of unity and community
in our small niche of newly made friendships. Not considering class, ethnicity, and race
differences we were quite a homogeneous group, unlike the Latinas interacting at the e.V.s. We
were in the same age group—mid 20s—had all graduated high school, were either college
graduates or still college students, had the opportunity to travel while growing up, learned and
spoke English 21
, politically-informed, quite cosmopolitan, and familiar with American and
European pop culture.
VI. Prejudice, Racism, Discrimination, and Xenophobia
Though prejudice, racism, and discrimination—primarily against those of African and
Indigenous origins—still is a grave concern in Latin America and the Caribbean, it could be said,
when measured against these Latinas’ personal experiences in their home countries that their
abroad experiences were worst. The new faces of prejudice, racism, and discrimination were
heightened with xenophobia—the fear that these Hispanic immigrants were the reasons for
Germany’s economic woes (ie because they are all supposedly on social welfare). Moreover, their
inability to communicate freely and easily due to language and cultural differences created further
obstacles for these new immigrants (Yañez 15 Nov. 2005).
19 I included myself in this last statement as I did not need to apply for a student visa to enter Germany since I left the Schengen States for a 2 week
academic excursion with my SIT Central Europe Program to Greece, Serbia, Kosovo, and Hungary.
20 I cannot say that they have “gender” in common because they all have their respective social lives which involve both genders which overlap with “their
[gendered] comm(unity).”
21 For the most part, the Latinas that I came across and who were part of my generation came from a well-off backgrounds and had either studied in
Catholic schools or at American Academies and had also participated in high school exchanges with the USA, which explained why they spoke English.
12

Much like the Latinas interacting at the e.V.s, all of my Latina friends experienced some level of
prejudice or even discrimination while living in Berlin. We openly discussed these personal
experiences at a café near our language school during our pauses, sometimes with humor and
sometimes out of frustration.
An example of a funny account would be a language teacher’s surprise when they learned that
their Latina student spoke another foreign language (as we all spoke some level of English or that
they spoke another Romance language), usually finishing the anecdote with, “You should have
seen how her jaw dropped [Laughter]!”
Beatriz Elvira de Torrez∗
, a timid, respectful, and short Indigenous Peruvian constantly faced
frustrating experiences. Her close friend Francisca Calderona-Gregorio*, who was a much taller
Peruvian of European (white) descent tended to speak for de Torrez. Calderona-Gregorio
would often inform the group of how she could not stand the way Germans, especially the
German language teachers, treated her friend Torrez. One day at our pause Calderona-Gregorio
had had enough and complained about their new teacher’s audacity. She explained that since the
teacher was substituting and new to the class, she had asked all students to introduce themselves
with their name, country of origin, and purpose of study or living in Germany to her. When it
was Torrez’ turn she blurted out, “Let me guess, you are an au-pair…” Torrez quietly added that
it happened all the time and that it was not a big deal. But Calderona-Gregorio who feels
prejudiced against her less frequently, continued to explain that as soon as she senses any “racist”
assumptions that she stops the discriminator cold by nonchalantly telling them that she had just
finished her Master’s in Spain, where she met her now German husband, and so now wanted to
finish the integration process in Germany by learning the language. It was obvious that she was
deeply angered by the constant discrimination her friend faced.
I vividly remember another occasion when we were altogether at Isabel Velasquez-Ackerman’s*
apartment. Velasquez-Ackerman like many of my Latina friends was married to a German. She
met her now-husband in Guatemala and had recently moved to Berlin to be with her husband.
She was also a student at the language school but since her husband’s Spanish was not that great,
she often spoke with him in German. When flattered of how well she spoke German, she would
shrug it off and tell us that her German had improved a lot since arriving to Berlin because she
had to use it all the time. At this house party, Calderona-Gregorio was very talkative and in no
time an explosive conversation erupted. In it all the married Latinas (about 5 altogether) started
sharing how much they hated the labels put on Latinas and the long list of stereotypes they had
confronted while living in Berlin. Such as being poor, just because they came from less
developed countries, or that they were marrying Germans for money and to escape the poverty
in their countries, or that they had no education—without considering that their education may
have been higher than the German person casting their erroneous judgment.
When I asked Natascha Garay about present-day discrimination in Berlin, in my second
interview with her, she informed me that lately with the rise of unemployment that there has
been a resurgence of racist ideology. Garay continued, “It is most evident in former-GDR, where
racism and xenophobia is increasing because they believe that the recent immigrants are taking
[the Germans’] jobs and are to blame for their [i.e. Germans’] socio-economic woes.” The irony
is that the jobs being taken are those that Germans refuse to take.
There is also no budging in terms of support for the current immigrants from the
German population. On the contrary, the attacks against foreigners have escalated. The
situation of legal instability that the women live under caters to high-risk behaviors (i.e.
risky relationships) in regards with their health; I am referring to contagious diseases
[like] HIV/AIDS (Yañez 7 Dec. 2005).
 Name has been changed for anonymity purposes. “Anonymous Hispanics.” Personal interviews/conversations. 7 Sept.-10 Oct. 2005.
13

VII. Overlapping Concepts
It is difficult to separate all the concepts dealing with Latinas in Berlin as they are all interwoven.
The continuing concepts in my research are “Types of Residence Titles,” “Legalization through
Marriage,” “Labor Market & Exploitation Faced by (Il)legal Latinas” and though they are
separated one must bear in mind that they overlap with one another.
Despite the fact that immigration legislation in itself seems to be gender neutral, the
practice of these laws often [favors] men over women. The flow of [labor] from the so
called Third World has been dominated by male migrant workers, although recently
women have also entered the [labor] markets in Europe as domestic workers, in health
and social services or as sex workers. However, women have usually come via family
reunification. Resident permits therefore depend on their husbands, and they have to be
married three years in order to obtain an independent legal status. During this period the
husband has to provide for her, he must not die, no divorce is possible etc., because
otherwise she can risk being sent back to her home country. Immigrant women’s human
rights as individuals are violated from the day they arrive in the country. They are
defined as dependents. Such legal [practices] indirectly allow the [continuation] of
violence against women in the families. … [T]he actual definition of the word “violence”
is itself a violation of human rights: “The abuse can be physical by use of violence or
mental by threats of violence or other [behavior] that intend to create fear. The
husband’s [behavior] either physical or mental has to have caused damage, either
physical or mental, or as a combination of both”. What is to count as violence? 22
VIII. Types of Residence Titles
There are several ways a Latina may obtain legal entry to Germany as well as meet residency
requirements. These ways depend on the varying visas that exist for them that they have to
obtain before leaving their country of origin and then upon entering Germany. In order to enter
Germany they would need either a Schengen transit visa, a Schengen visitor’s (i.e. tourist) visa, or
a national (i.e. German) visa for stays longer than 3 months 23
. If they want to remain in
Germany, they must obtain an Aufenthaltstitel, which literally means a ‘residence title.’ A resident
title corresponds to the type or rather the name of a particular residence permit. Examples of
residence titles are student visa, limited residence permit, humanitarian permit, unlimited residence permit,
and tolerance permit. The residence title the immigrant receives in Germany depends on their
qualifications for said residence permit. Other than entering Germany as a “tourist,” obtaining a
national visa or a residence permit for Germany is difficult and may take up to several years to
qualify for. Most Latinas enter Germany as tourists, some as students, few with limited residence
permits, much fewer are granted humanitarian permits, yet less with unlimited residence permits, and
lastly only a handful qualify for tolerance permits 24
. Since the new Residence and Immigration Act,
Zuwanderungsgesetz, of January 2005, Germany has dropped the types of residence permits from
five to just two: Temporary and Permanent residence permits. As most Latinas traveling to
Germany come from less developed countries (i.e. third world countries), they are usually
22 “Immigration & Refugee Policies In Europe.” An Open Europe for The New Century (Conference 24 February 2000 - Antiracist Centre).
Online Version: Antirasistisk Senter i Oslo (antirasistisk-senter.no). 24 Feb. 2000. 4 Dec. 2005 <http://www.antirasistisk-
senter.no/infobanken/dokumenter/artikler/open-europe.html#immigration>.
23 I am not including ethnic German Latinas (“Spätaussiedler,” ie repatriates), entering Germany in the past 5 years mainly from Chile and Argentina. They
do not consider themselves “Latinas,” but rather German. They do not participate in cultural events and want nothing to do with the e.V. organizations, not
even at the administrative level (Yañez & Garay 2005).
24 Garay, Natascha. Personal interview. 9 Nov. 2005.
Hernandez, Berenice, coordinator. “Lateinamerikanische Migrantinnen in Deutschland: Präsenz und Unsichtbarkeit [Las Mujeres Inmigrantes
Latinoamericanas en Alemania: Presencia e Invisibilidad].” Berlin: Bildungswerk Berlin der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, 2000: 22.
14

subjected to limited residence titles (i.e. temporary); however, in such a case where they are
married to a German citizen then they would receive an unlimited residence title (i.e. permanent) 25
.
1. Tourist Visas
With the exception of Colombia, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Peru almost all other
Latin American countries including remaining Caribbean countries do not impose their
citizens to apply for tourist visas before traveling to Germany (e.g. same case as an American
citizen traveling to Europe) 26
.
2. Student Visas
Most all nationals from Latin America and the Caribbean, as long as they can afford their
cost of education, living, insurance(s), etc for their education in Germany, qualify for an
Aufenhaltsbewilligung. Loosely Aufenhaltsbewilligung translates to “permission to reside” in
English. It is initially approved for 1-2 years and then prolonged depending on the individual
case and the length of studies. This permit may also apply to persons who have determined
reasons for coming to Germany. With the new German immigration law (January 2005)
foreign students are allowed to stay in Germany an additional year upon their graduation in
Germany to search for employment.
3. Permits for Humanitarian Purposes
Latin American and Caribbean women who seek asylum or who are refugees and who are
not able to return and/or not allowed to return to their country of origin are granted an
Aufenhaltsbefugnis visa. This loosely translates to “someone who is vested authority and/or
permission to reside [in Germany].” Typically, a person who does not want to be deported,
expulsed, returned involuntarily will do many things, including ridding themselves of their
identity or usurping someone else’s, to prevent themselves from being sent back to their
country of origin. Furthermore, many Latin American and Caribbean countries refuse to re-
issue passports or temporary identities—some reasons for this include their inability to trace
the individual’s true identity back due to out-dated archives, the time-consuming work which
may take years, and the national’s lack of desire of returning to their country of origin (since
there must be an established cooperation between national and embassy).
4. Tolerance Visas
A Duldung visa, though not a visa per se, is still a residence permit granted by the German
government to foreigners who for legal reasons are not able to return or cannot be forced to
return to their country of origin. These reasons just like those of an Aufenhaltsbefugnis visa are
applied towards “humanitarian purposes” where the person falling under this category is
incapable of returning to their country because they are not able to receive necessary
treatment for an illness (e.g. HIV/AIDS) there or if their country is considered a persecution
country, as Cuba is.
5. Visas for Those Married to Germans
Before the new German immigration law (January 2005) was in place Latin American and
Caribbean women who married German citizens qualified for an Aufenthaltserlaubnis which
allowed them to remain in Germany for an initial amount of 3-5 years. Aufenthaltserlaubnis is a
limited residence permit which is extendable, depending on the German husband’s final say.
The second time around, a determined and/or undetermined amount of years would be
selected (e.g. either an additional 3-5 years or an unlimited amount of years may be granted),
again depending on the German husband’s final say. This visa, like Aufenhaltsbewilligung
25 The only other ways an “unlimited” residence title may be acquired is by having lived in Germany at least 5 years and/or by upgrading a “limited”
residence title.
26 Hernandez 2000: 21.
15

translates to “permission to reside” in English but it is more consistent to the actual process
of, whereas the latter was just granted permission of residence. At present, the Latinas who
marry German citizens receive a Niederlassungserlaubnis permit.
6. Unlimited Residence Permits
Lastly, there is the Niederlassungserlaubnis permit which as of January 2005 allows Latin
American and Caribbean women who have it to stay in Germany permanently. This type
of permit is granted to Latinas who are married to Germans or those who have maintained
long-term residence with an Aufenhaltsbewilligung visa. The Niederlassungserlaubnis is the most
lucrative type of residence permit as it is for unlimited residence in Germany. The
Niederlassungserlaubnis permit is also granted to people who are highly skilled professionals
or non-Germans residing in Germany who qualify for it.
The Latinas that manage to stay in Germany legally are those with any of the aforementioned
visas and/or residency papers. For the most part, the Latinas that immigrated to Germany during
the 1960s-1970s for their studies or as political refugees have become naturalized German
citizens either through long-term residency or through marriage to a German.
Germany only passed its first immigration law in 2003, a sequel to a new nationality law
(2000) that finally gave automatic German citizenship to anyone born in Germany to
long-term resident foreign parents. (Prior to this, nationality was defined by blood.)
Approximately 180,000 ‘foreigners’ have been naturali[z]ed each year since… 27
In the case of Susana Yañez, she was in her 30s when she emigrated from Chile to Germany
(West Berlin). Yañez was married and had a 1 year and 10 months old daughter. She recounts,
I left Chile for political reasons but I did not want to seek political asylum instead I
enrolled myself in the Hochschule der Künste (She had been an art professor at a high
school in Chile). I entered Germany with a tourist visa that I then changed to a student
visa. At the time I was interested in returning back to Chile, which was why I did not
seek asylum. At present, the Chilean government has recognized my status as a political
prisoner under the dictatorship. … In that time, [and] in some cases one received rapid
asylum depending, of course, being able to prove that one was persecuted. But there
were also other cases that took many years, [like those] with Duldung. It was not always
possible to prove one’s imprisonment because the military did not certify that you had
been imprisoned [by them].
When I asked her about the legality issues today in Germany, she responded, “[a]t present I
believe that the situation in Germany is much more rigid in regards to the [new]
Zuwanderungsgesetz; I am referring to being able to change a tourist visa into a student visa…
nowadays [it] is impossible.”
IX. Legalization through Marriage
Today the situation is much more difficult, many marry Germans who [Latinas]
generally meet in their country of origin. And in many cases they have to withstand 2
years of violence, just as much physical as psychological so not to be expulsed [from
Germany]. It is very difficult for us, [i.e. Xochicuicatl e.V.], to counsel them to remain in
the marriage knowing that they endanger their lives. In addition, the women themselves
do not perceive the danger they run [against]. Of course, these are [only] exceptions
(Yañez. 7 Dec. 2005.)
The Latinas in Germany who are not single tend to be married to Germans. Some have met their
husbands in their country of origin (e.g. via sexual tourism) and others marry Germans before
their tourist visa expires. Once they achieve legal status, a typical resultant (but not necessary)
27 Schulte-Peevers, Andrea, Sarah Johnstone, etain O’Carroll, Jeanne Oliver, Tom Parkinson, and Nicola Williams. Lonely Planet: Gemany. Hong
Kong: Colorcraft Ltd, 2004.
16

would be to re-unify with family members. In other words, they claim their dependants and other
immediate family members to join them in their present country of residence. The catch is that
re-unification can only take place when the Latina has either an unlimited permit residence or is a
German citizen. Furthermore, the dependants can only be claimed as long as they are under the
age of 18 at the time of entry in Germany. The family re-unification process may take as little as
3 months to as long as several years or not take place at all. Another instance where family re-
unification takes place is when a Latina marries a German citizen. “She has to return to her
country of origin, present herself at the embassy, fill-out the re-unification paperwork, prove that
she is married to a German citizen and that her husband wants to be re-unified with her… it may
take up to 3 months” (Yañez 15 Nov. 2005).
On average, single Latinas in Germany—if not studying abroad—tend to have illegal status as
most travel to Germany with tourist visas. These tourist visas expire within 3 months and if the
Latinas decide to remain in Germany, they do so illegally.
Ideally, the Latinas traveling for socio-economic reasons to Germany would prefer to be in
Germany legally, most easily attained through marriage to a German citizen. Some Latinas,
though entering the country as “tourists,” were actually purchased through mail-order services 28
.
If their purchasing husbands become dissatisfied with the “product” they purchased, they are
able to freely rid themselves of them and the expense of return falls on their product, i.e. the
Latinas. It is risky business. No where in the transaction does the Latina earn anything unless her
purchasing husband remains satisfied with the product he purchased and chooses to keep her in
his country. The stakes are incredibly high for the Latinas as they are able to lose everything if
their purchasing husband becomes dissatisfied with them. Moreover, even upon marriage and
continued residence in Germany, the newly wed Latinas are not guaranteed haven. They are still
subject to their husband’s whim as laws of residency conform to the objections imposed by the
husband and not the wife. At any time in the marriage the husband may choose for whatever
reason to annul the marriage. Not only that, but their marriage is subject to surprise visits by
immigration officials that question the spouses’ separately with menial questions such as the
color of their spouse’s toothbrush, last gift presented, favorite things, etc. If the suspicions are
confirmed, the marriage is annulled and the wife is expulsed immediately 29
.
Today it is almost impossible to accurately know how many Latinas are in Germany as many
become naturalized citizens who often take up the last names of their husbands and completely
disappear from the Latin American and Caribbean census. “They take up the last names of their
husbands to avoid discrimination and to assist their integration and assimilation process in
Germany” (Garay 2005).
X. Labor Market & Exploitation Faced by (Il)legal Latinas
The recent wave of Latinas to Germany, i.e. from low socio-economic backgrounds, are
primarily emigrating from Peru and Colombia (Garay 9 Nov. 2005 and Yañez 15 Nov. 2005).
These Latinas are willing to do whatever it takes to relieve economic distress in their countries of
origins. They accept jobs at all levels, but are typically only offered low-level jobs that Germans
will not take. These low-level jobs tend to be service jobs (e.g. maintenance, factory work, or in
Hernandez, Berenice, coordinator. “Lateinamerikanische Migrantinnen in Deutschland: Präsenz und Unsichtbarkeit [Las Mujeres Inmigrantes
29 Hernandez, Berenice, coordinator. “Lateinamerikanische Migrantinnen in Deutschland: Präsenz und Unsichtbarkeit [Las Mujeres Inmigrantes
17

fast-food restaurants) as well as jobs that include being a: servant/maid, nanny/au pair, and last
but not least important, a prostitute. Even married legal status Latinas are subjected to
drawbacks. As Berenice Hernandez put it, “…these women are being exploited economically as
‘spouses’ by providing cheap-to-free domestic, gastronomic, as well as sex work” 30
. “They are
second class citizens who not only have to work in the home but also outside the home” (Yañez
15 Nov. 2005). The recent migrants accept these demeaning circumstances because they have
families to feed in their countries of origin. Sometimes they also leave children behind in hopes
of finding better pay to better support their families back home (i.e. remission money) 31
. Not
only are they sending money back, but they are also trying to make ends meet in Berlin. The
Latinas who remain illegally form a closely knit group and often live together to cut down on
rent costs and/or to afford their housing (Garay 9 Nov. 2005 and Yañez 15 Nov. 2005).
Because there are Latinas that are willing to take whatever job is offered to them and willing to
remain subject to pressing circumstances outside and inside the home, then they are put in
extremely vulnerable positions. The existing circumstances outside the home would include the
labor market. Those inside the home would include cheap-to-free domestic, gastronomic, and
sex work. Though they are subject to meager positions, they reassure themselves that these jobs
are, “better than nothing and at least I am able to help my family at home.” These Latinas though poor by
socio-economic standards tend to be immensely rich by religious standards and use self-
therapeutic sayings such as the optimistic outlook, “my situation will better in the future” or the
acceptance outlook, “my life rests in God’s hands 32
. ”
Since the single illegal immigrants are in a state of vulnerability, they have no choice but to work
in jobs that exploit them, which in turn allows them to remain under-the-radar (i.e. they earn
“under the table” salaries). Their employers find them to be ideal workers because they provide
cheap labor for them and can be exploited easily by threatening to denounce them to the
immigration police—which leads to immediate deportation and harsh penalties, etc. 33
Despite
the pressing drawbacks, these Latinas are still willing to take whatever job that is offered to them.
These jobs require little to no job skills and are considered by society as low-level jobs.
XI. Prostitution
Sadly, many of the Latinas that do become prostitutes in Germany 34
come from less developed
countries where sexual tourism is one of their country’s leading economic factors (apart from
remission money). As a consequence the women in these countries (feel that they) are in “high
demand.” The women that participate in sexual tourism are aware of this high demand in their
countries of origins, as those fueling these demands tend to be “businessmen” of all ages
30 Ibid., 8 and 12.
31 I was informed that the Colombian Embassy in Berlin is astonished to find that the majority of their country’s economy is virtually fuelled by their
Diasporas’ remission money. “This remission money is feeding 1/3 of the population in Colombia.” Garay, Natascha. Personal interview. 9 Nov. 2005.
Doña Carmen. Telephone conversation. 21 Nov. 2005.
34 The Latinas who do become prostitutes makeup 20% of total prostitutes in Germany. They typically originate from the Dominican Republic, Brazil,
[Cuba], Colombian and lastly Ecuador. They are primarily concentrated in Hamburg and Frankfurt. (Hernandez 2000: 22)
18

disguised as tourists, who are traveling and/coming from more developed countries (e.g. North
America and Western Europe) and are pumping money into money-starved countries. Due to
the conditions laid out before them, many Latinas become subjected in their country of residence
to exploit a readily available sex-market and to fulfill the demands imposed upon them by those
who are demanding. Natascha Garay said this present reality is inflicting a great toll on the
morale as well as the psychological, emotional, and spiritual aspects of the women coming from
less developed countries. Garay points out that this is most obviously seen among the Caribbean
women who—more readily than their Latin America counterparts—tend to become prostitutes.
She continues, “… these [mulattas] are coveted (original trans. codiciadas).” And continued to
explain that these mulattas know that they are wanted because they face these blatant sexual
demands in their countries of origin from sexual tourists who travel to their countries specifically
to be with a “mulatta;” not only that, but that when these mulattas leave their countries of origin
they face the same reality in their present country of residence. It is a reality they cannot escape
because of their socially-prescribed “sexual” nature.
Though I have not spoken to prostitutes, I have been aware of their presence. Not only have I
personally known of their presence but all of the e.V.’s I have visited as well as the interviews I
have had, have informed me of their presence. In short, I was pleased to find out through my
research that Latina prostitutes had an e.V. that represented their rights in Frankfurt, Germany
(i.e. Doña Carmen e.V.).
XII. Conclusions
In the past few years it has become apparent that not only is Germany a “country of
immigration” but that Germany has not had laws in place to accommodate for non-Germans, i.e.
foreigners, guest-workers, long-term-residents, asylum seekers and refugees, illegal persons, etc.
This is a grave concern in the face of Europe’s decreasing population and need for immigrants to
maintain its economic development and workforce from disappearing. Ideally, immigrants
entering any European Union (EU) member country, or specifically Germany, would entail
receiving equal treatment in human rights, labor rights, gender-equality-rights, etc as EU citizens.
Regarding Latinas as a specific immigrant group, I must confess that before my research began, I
believed that all Latinas had similar perceptions and experiences as a result of immigrating to
Germany. What I found, instead, was a fractured community. I found that the Latina community
is made up of many small niches. Though entangled and slightly complicated to follow especially
with the varying perceptions among the Latinas themselves, regarding motives of immigration to
Germany, obstacles they faced in their new country of residence, and prostitution in Germany or
in their countries of origin; my task was lightened thanks to the Latinas’ willingness to speak with
me. In other words, Latinas love to talk! It was very easy to ask them questions and to obtain
answers. Of the many formal and informal interviews I had, only 2 Latinas either refused or
shied away from my probing. Altogether I probably spoke with over 40 Latinas during my 3
month sojourn in Berlin.
And lastly, I would like to add that as a mulatta whose ethnic origins are from the Dominican
Republic and as a woman who has travelled freely thanks to her American nationality, that I have
seen the sad reality Latinas face overseas—in the streets as prostitutes in Western Europe
(primarily in Italy and Spain).
 Challenges
As I conclude my research I must point out that it was difficult to divide the concepts I covered
as they were so interwoven. It was challenging to work in Spanish, English, and German as many
of the terms that I was told were in German and I had to translate them into Spanish or English
to understand. It was equally challenging to translate my interviews from Spanish to English and
19

not lose meaning in the translation. Also some Latinas that I met were not as open with me
about their personal experiences in Berlin—it could have been due to shame, shyness,
embarrassment, etc. As was the case with Leonora Fogoça* who I met at my language school
and was part of our Latina group. Fogoça is Brazilian of African descent. She was also the only
student who met her husband in Germany while on vacation. She was cordial but typically kept
to herself and spoke little. I never learned under what circumstances she met her husband. I did
randomly run into Fogoça about a week after Velasquez-Ackerman’s house party and we spoke
for a bit. She told me she was waiting for friends and that they would then run errands together.
We chatted until her friends arrived. I do not like to consider myself a judgemental person, that
is, in the pejorative sense, but her friends reminded me of the Latinas I saw working the streets
in Italy and Spain. I had never seen this type of Latina in Berlin, and it opened my eyes. The only
street workers I had seen in Berlin were white and for the most part blonde—demographically
they were either German, Eastern European, or from ex-USSR. After that point, I began to
notice more and more Latinas in the community at large, which made me aware that I had had
very little contact with marginalized Latinas. I also never learned if Fogoça came to Berlin in
search of a husband before her tourist visa expired.
Morever, it would have been ideal if I had met Latinas from all Latin American and Caribbean
countries. The Latinas interviewed in both informal and formal interviews were from Brazil,
Chile, Colombia Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru with the bulk of
my material coming from Chileans who I found to be the densest population among the Latina
community (having both to do with immigration to GDR and Pinochet’s government).
 Suggestions
I thought that the informative workshops and lectures along with counseling services provided at
the e.V.s dealing with analphabetism, domestic violence, legality, integration, sexism and racism,
etc issues were great. Unfortunately, this message does not reach the current wave of Latina
immigrants and many of them still do not have knowledge of the help that is available to them
through the e.V.s. It would have been ideal if the women seeking the services and those offering
developed a more intimate relationship, which understandably is hard to do when the differences
in one’s education, profession, skills, etc are polar opposites.
In my personal opinion, there should also be established e.V.s that not only provide workshops
and lectures for women but also for men. If men are also participating in sexual tourism then
they should be equally responsible for the repercussions faced by the Latinas that they are
bringing into vulnerable situations (i.e. who become subjected to sexual tourism, mail-order
services, or “vending”).
Furthermore, if men from more developed countries are to travel to less developed countries in
order to exploit a readily available sexual tourism market, including mail-order services and
pseudo-legal prostitution, then they should also face accountability for their actions. Justifiably, it
is difficult to differentiate between what is in reality sexual tourism and tourism as both are gobbled
up by the “tourism umbrella.” At least, I would recommend that if men wanted to marry women
in their chosen less developed country then both the man and woman should be subject to
cultural workshops/briefings where they would both be briefed on the possible intercultural
problems they would face as a couple. Where they would be taught about each other’s cultures,
countries, languages, etc in depth, much like a business de-briefing as not to offend or insult each
other. Where they would sign-off an agreement to learn or be enrolled in each other’s native
language courses so to minimize communication problems. And where they would abide by
human rights standards (with special emphasis on women and children rights) and obey their
respective country’s laws.
20

APPENDIX A
1961 through 1981 Data of Latin Americans and Caribbeans in Berlin
SOURCE
Data obtained November 9, 2005 at Bayouma-Haus, Berlin.
21

APPENDIX B
SOURCE
23

APPENDIX C
SOURCE
25

APPENDIX D
SOURCE
Zlotnik, Hania. “The Global Dimensions of Female Migration.” Population Estimates and Projections Section of the United
Nations Population Division. Online Version: Migration Information Source (migrationinformation.org) 1 March
2003. 4 Dec. 2005 <http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/display.cfm?ID=109>.
Table 1. Percentage of female migrants among the total number of international migrants, by major area, 1960-2000
Major area 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
World 46.6 47.2 47.4 47.9 48.8
More developed regions 47.9 48.2 49.4 50.8 50.9
Less developed regions 45.7 46.3 45.5 44.7 45.7
Europe 48.5 48.0 48.5 51.7 52.4
Northern America 49.8 51.1 52.6 51.0 51.0
Oceania 44.4 46.5 47.9 49.1 50.5
Northern Africa 49.5 47.7 45.8 44.9 42.8
Sub-Saharan Africa 40.6 42.1 43.8 46.0 47.2
Southern Asia 46.3 46.9 45.9 44.4 44.4
Eastern and South-eastern Asia 46.1 47.6 47.0 48.5 50.1
Western Asia 45.2 46.6 47.2 47.9 48.3
Caribbean 45.3 46.1 46.5 47.7 48.9
Latin America 44.7 46.9 48.4 50.2 50.5
27

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29

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