1. The Revolution within the Revolution: Cuba as
the Socialist Model for the Women’s Rights
Agenda?
MSc Human Rights Dissertation 2014
Candidate number: 10628
Word Count: 9,608

2. 2
Introduction
‘[Cuba]
was
trying
to
make
equality
in
every
sphere
the
basic
operating
principle
of
society’
Smith
and
Padula,
(1996:
6)
i.
Social
rights
and
Women’s
rights
Cuba
is
a
socialist,
authoritarian
state
run
by
Raúl
Castro,
brother
of
the
revolutionary
leader,
Fidel
Castro.
1959
saw
the
start
of
the
current
regime,
or
as
the
Cubans
call
it,
the
Revolution.
The
country
has
had
a
series
of
advances
and
reverses,
and
continues
to
struggle
under
the
weight
of
its
ideologies,
trying
to
protect
their
sovereignty,
yet
coexist
in
a
world
that
mostly
clashes
with
their
political
thinking.
It
is
also
a
country
that
is
notorious
for
its
lack
of
human
rights,
and
there
is
no
doubt
that
when
reading
country
reports,
historical
facts,
and
personal
interviews,
the
lack
of
protection
for
certain
human
rights
is
clear.
Any
freedoms
closely
related
to
democracy,
such
as
freedom
of
movement,
speech
or
assembly,
are
prohibited
rather
than
protected.
Cuba
is
yet
to
sign
or
ratify
the
International
Covenant
on
Civil
and
Political
Rights.
However,
social
and
economic
rights,
which
might
be
argued
to
be
the
most
basic
and
absolute
of
the
rights,
have
been
significantly
well
protected.
It
is
informative
that
Cuba
has
signed
the
International
Covenant
on
Economic,
Social
and
Cultural
Rights
(ICESCR),
a
treaty
that
is
famously
written
by
the
‘communist
bloc’
(Donnelly,
1986).
The
ICESCR
is
more
concentrated
on
important
socialist
factors,
such
as
the
ability
of
individuals
to
unionise,
receive
fair
wage,
high
standard
of
living,
free
education
and
healthcare,
and
the
ability
to
be
involved
in
and
take
credit
for
scientific
or
creative
activity.
Women’s
rights
are
very
much
incorporated
into
these,
if
you
were
to
do
a
cross-­‐comparison
between
the
ICESCR
and
Part
III
of
the
Convention
on
the
Elimination
of
Discrimination
Against
Women
(CEDAW),
the
goals
seem
to
be
aligned.
For
example,
free
and
fair
access
to
education,
equal
pay
for
equal
work,
freedom
of
choice
for
marriage
and
special
protective
measures
for
expectant
mothers.
Furthermore,
Article
3
of
the
ICESCR
explicitly
states
‘The
States
Parties
to
the
present
Covenant
undertake
to
ensure
the
equal
right
of
men
and
women
to
the
enjoyment
of
all
economic,
social
and
cultural
rights
set
forth
in
the
present

3. 3
Covenant.’
Fidel
Castro
did
not
sign
the
ICESCR,
as
he
felt
that
the
restrictions
written
into
the
treaty
threatening
the
sovereignty
of
Cuba
and
feared
third
party
intervention
(Pérez-­‐Stable,
2011).
Four
days
after
Raúl
Castro
assumed
power
in
2008,
the
treaty
was
signed,
although
it
has
still
not
been
ratified.
Cuba
was
the
first
country
in
the
world
to
both
sign
and
ratify
the
CEDAW,
meaning
that
they
were
the
first
to
implement
the
articles
of
the
convention
into
their
constitution
and
legal
system.
Fundamentally,
the
principle
of
rights
that
socialist/communist
regimes
have
decided
upon
and
written
into
a
treaty,
have
equality
at
their
absolute
core.
For
gender
equality,
the
protection
of
women’s
rights
is
the
foundation.
For
the
purposes
of
this
paper,
women’s
rights
in
Cuba
will
be
studied
in
isolation
from
the
general
human
rights
situation
in
Cuba.
Although
at
times,
it
may
be
necessary
to
draw
on
other
human
rights
to
express
a
point.
This
is
because
the
human
rights
situation
in
Cuba
is
complicated
in
itself
and
in
the
words
of
Ilja
Luciak:
‘Cuba
merits
an
in
depth
analysis
in
its
own
terms’
(2007:
xvii).
ii.
Socialism
in
Cuba
Socialism
has
many
meanings
and
plenty
of
prefixes
that
change
the
significance
dramatically.
In
this
paper,
I
will
be
interpreting
Socialism
as
it
is
understood
in
Cuba,
to
be
the
first
step
towards
a
Marxist
society.
Cuba
openly
describes
itself
as
a
socialist,
Marxist,
communist
society,
therefore
a
socialist
society
is
one
that
aims
to
be
a
full
Marxist,
communist
society.
As
such,
any
discussion
regarding
Socialism
is
written
within
a
Marxist
frame
of
mind.
It
is
also
important
to
reiterate
that
Cuba
is
a
socialist
authoritarian
regime,
and
the
type
of
Socialism
that
is
practiced
in
Cuba
is
very
much
shaped,
formatted,
and
practiced
at
the
will
of
the
Castros.
However,
there
are
aspects
of
Socialism
and
Marxism
which
have
been
a
constant
within
the
regime;
one
of
which
is
equality.
Socialism
can
be
understood
to
be
the
opposition
to
capitalism,
a
position
taken
in
response
to
growing
concern
for
social
problems
attributed
to
capitalism,
the
highest
of
which
is
equality
(Gasper,
2005:
24).
Furthermore,
Socialism
is
in
opposition
to
‘Individualism’,
one
of
the
defining
features
of
a
capitalist
democratic
society.
Individualism
and
Capitalism
is
seen
by
Marx
and
Engels
as
one
the
most
selfish,
egotistic
and
ultimately
abhorrent
human
conditions,
and
could
only
be
counteracted
by
a
Socialist
society,
in
which

4. 4
community
holds
a
greater
value
than
the
individual
(Perry
et
al.,
2009).
Thus,
a
condition
of
Socialism
is
equality.
There
is
a
general
understanding
that
socialist
regimes
exchange
certain
freedoms
for
equality,
and
capitalist
democracies
trade
in
equality
in
order
to
protect
certain
freedoms,
and
to
continue
with
economic
growth
(Dye
and
Zeigler,
1988).
Therefore,
it
should
follow
that
a
socialist
regime
should
generate
more
opportunity
for
equality.
iii.
Equality
in
Cuba
Maxine
Molyneux’s
theory
of
practical
and
strategic
interests
of
equality
is
particularly
pertinent.
Her
theory
is
grounded
in
the
different
factors
influencing
policy
change
and
action.
Practical
interests
are
interests
that
do
not
themselves
challenge
the
prevailing
gender
stereotypes,
but
address
a
specific
need
or
interest
that
is
borne
from
inequalities
between
the
sexes.
There
is
a
sense
of
urgency
and
immediacy
in
how
the
interests
are
addressed.
Strategic
interests
are
more
demanding
in
their
significance,
as
their
aim
is
to
identify
an
underlying
issue
of
inequality
and
change
the
status
quo
through
policy,
law,
enforcement,
and
monitoring
(Molyneux,
1986:
240).
The
issue
of
Socialism
in
general
is
that
it
tends
to
favour
practical
interests;
however,
Cuba
seems
to
have
attempted
to
address
both.
Cuba
has
consistently
portrayed
itself
as
a
leader
in
women’s
rights.
Since
the
country
signed
the
CEDAW,
with
only
one
reservation
regarding
article
29
(state
disputes);
it
very
specifically
states
in
the
constitution
that
women
are
considered
equal
to
men
in
all
types
of
rights
and
that
all
measures
must
be
taken
in
order
to
ensure
that
equality.
Although
Cuba
does
not
outwardly
discuss
the
use
of
quotas,
positive
discrimination
is
consistently
used
as
a
method
of
ensuring
equality;
Stone
(1981)
actually
discusses
how
jobs
were
specially
reserved
for
women
only.
As
it
stands
the
formal
equality
of
women
in
Cuba
is
statistically
very
good.
In
the
2013
Gender
Gap
Report,
the
World
Economic
Forum
(WEF)
demonstrated
just
how
progressive
Cuba
is.
It
holds
the
rank
of
15th
in
the
world,
coming
first
within
the
upper-­‐middle
income
country
grouping.
It
has
the
highest
percentage
of
women
present
in
parliament
in
the
world
(49%),
and
is
ranked
second
highest
within
the
Latin
America
region,
just
behind
Nicaragua
(WEF
Gender
Gap
Report,
2013).
The

5. 5
statistics
reveal
something
very
significant
and
positive
about
how
Cuba
has
addresses
the
practical
and
strategic
interests,
and
it
is
important
to
consider
exactly
the
effect
that
Socialism
has
had
on
this.
I
will
argue
that
due
to
the
ideology
of
Socialism,
it
was
imperative
for
Cuba
to
address
the
practical
interests
of
not
just
women,
but
of
the
entire
population
as
quickly
as
possible.
It
was
important
that
change
be
seen
and
experienced
rapidly,
in
order
to
legitimise
the
revolution
in
the
eyes
of
the
people.
The
structure
of
Socialism
has
allowed
for
these
significant
changes
to
be
made.
I
will
demonstrate
that
the
regime
has
allowed
practical
interests
to
be
addressed
rapidly
and
that
strategic
interests
are
a
constant
progression
in
the
background.
iv.
Democracy
and
Women’s
rights
Caroline
Beer
(2009)
suggests
that
the
lack
of
democracy
actually
created
an
ideal
path
for
Cuba
to
make
substantial
and
substantive
policy
changes,
without
worrying
about
public
opinion
or
the
barrier
of
mindless
debate
that
is
trapped
in
abstract
concepts
and
ideologies
(Beer,
2009:
215).
This
is
especially
important
when
trying
to
approach
strategic
interests.
Hinojosa
(2012)
theorises
that
another
limitation
of
democracy,
is
that
democratic
governments
tend
to
be
filled
with
men
who
have
been
elected
from
a
small
group
of
‘boys
club’
elites,
and
are
subsequently
trapped
within
a
certain
patriarchal
manner
of
thinking.
When
trying
to
pass
legislation
and
policy,
it
becomes
difficult
to
pass
this
barrier
of
patriarchy
created
by
both
the
general
public
and
its
representatives.
Some
academics
have
conceded
that
it
may
be
easier
to
enact
progressive
types
of
legislation
for
equality
and
women’s
rights
within
a
socialist
authoritarian
regime
(Htun,
2003;
Smith
and
Padula,
1996).
However,
Beer
(2009)
argues
another
theory:
democracies
are
significantly
better
for
equality
in
the
long
run
and
greater
‘stocks
of
democracy’
actually
lead
to
equality.
A
stock
of
democracy
is
the
time
that
a
country
has
been
a
democracy,
subsequently
the
longer
a
country
has
had
a
democratic
government,
the
larger
its
stocks
of
democracy
are.
Gerring
et
al.
(2005)
has
provided
some
evidence
that
increased
stocks
of
democracy
have
a
positive
influence
on
economic
growth.
Beer
has
extrapolated
from
this
theory
using
causal
mechanisms
and
theorised
that
economic
growth
leads
to
equality.
Using
causal
mechanisms:
democracy
leads
to

6. 6
equality.
However,
I
propose
that
democracy
is
not
the
only
way
to
achieve
economic
growth,
and
economic
growth
is
not
the
only
factor
in
achieving
equality.
Consequently,
democracy
does
not
necessarily
lead
to
equality.
This
paper
will
aim
to
discuss
the
relationship
between
Socialism,
gender
equality
and
women’s
rights,
and
will
make
the
argument
that
a
socialist
society
is
more
compatible
with
a
women’s
rights
agenda
and
conducive
to
a
progressive
methodology
of
achieving
equality,
thus
making
Cuba
a
viable
model
for
women's
rights
around
the
world.
Chapter
1:
‘Marxism
and
Feminism.
A
match
made
in
Socialist
Heaven’,
will
explore
the
relationship
and
compatibility
between
the
feminist
agenda
and
the
Marxist
agenda.
I
will
review
how
Marxism
has
viewed
Feminism
and
vice
versa,
which
leads
to
pre-­‐conclusion
that
they
are
incompatible
in
their
agenda,
one
of
the
reasons
being
that
a
feminist
movement
within
a
Marxist
Socialist
society
is
often
laid
to
the
wayside
to
make
way
for
the
greater
revolution.
I
will
argue
that
a
Marxist
Feminist
movement
did
come
into
fruition,
and
was
one
of
the
driving
forces
behind
the
revolution
itself.
Chapter
2:
‘Women’s
rights
in
Cuba
Pre-­‐Revolution:
What
did
the
Revolution
actually
achieve?’
discusses
how
women’s
rights
have
changed
since
the
Revolution.
In
this
chapter
I
will
demonstrate
that
the
theoretical
changes
have
been
significant
and
as
a
result,
could
provide
a
valid
model
for
women’s
rights
elsewhere.
Chapter
3:
‘Women’s
rights
issues:
Problems
of
Socialist
Cuba,
or
the
Global
Community?’
reviews
the
remaining
problems
that
academics
and
NGOs
have
continued
to
find
with
women’s
rights
in
Cuba,
and
I
will
suggest
that
the
problems
are
not
those
of
a
socialist
society,
or
discrimination,
but
rather
those
of
regime
or
the
world
in
general.

7. 7
Chapter
1
Marxism
and
Feminism:
A
match
made
in
Socialist
Heaven?
'This
revolution
has
really
been
two
revolutions
for
women;
it
has
meant
a
double
liberation:
as
part
of
the
exploited
sector
of
the
country,
and
second,
as
women,
who
were
discriminated
against
not
only
as
workers
but
also
as
women,
in
that
society
of
exploitation.'
Fidel
Castro,
1966
(Stone,
1981:
51)
As
a
new
fourth
wave
of
Feminism
is
upon
us
(Cochrane,
2013),
it
seems
as
though
little
progress
has
been
made
concerning
the
relentless
struggle
to
get
to
the
crux
of
what
we
are
missing.
There
is
a
significant
root
cause
that
is
current
and
acting
as
a
barrier
to
the
global
fight
for
equality,
a
root
cause
that
goes
beyond
patriarchy
and
delves
into
the
systematics
of
society.
An
article
written
by
the
Centre
for
Democracy
in
the
Americas,
states
‘Cuba
now
meets
the
Millennium
Development
Goals
for
primary
education,
infant
mortality,
and
gender
equality’
(COD,
2013).
UNICEF
has
also
recently
pronounced
Cuba
as
the
only
Latin
American
country
in
which
child
malnutrition
no
longer
exists
(Karpova,
2010).1
Why
is
it
that
Cuba
has
been
particularly
successful
in
reaching
equalities
across
class
and
groups,
meanwhile
other
countries,
developed
or
not,
are
still
lacking
in
basic
equality
principles?
The
explicit
statement
of
politics
in
Castro's
quote
above
caused
me
to
consider
the
effect
that
Marxism
and
its
nemesis,
Capitalism,
actually
have
on
gender
equality
and
the
feminist
agenda.
Catherine
MacKinnon
wrote
a
particularly
interesting
article
on
this
topic,
discussing
whether
Marxism
and
Feminism
can
co-­‐
exist
and
more
importantly,
could
Marxism
aid
Feminism
in
its
agenda
and
vice
versa
(MacKinnon,
1982).
She
states
‘sexuality
is
to
Feminism,
what
work
is
to
Marxism:
that
which
is
most
one’s
own,
yet
most
taken
away’
(MacKinnon,
1982:
515).
The
common
enemy
of
Marxism
and
Feminism
is
power,
and
the
limitations
and
restrictions
that
power
uses
to
hold
sexuality/work
hostage.
It
would
seem
that
Feminism
and
Marxism
would
have
the
potential
for
a
combined
engagement
with
1
For
full
UNICEF
report,
see
Progress
for
Children:
p.48

8. 8
revolution
and
questioning
the
authority.
However,
MacKinnon
also
discusses
the
extent
to
which
they
differ.
Marxism
questions
the
validity
of
Feminism,
labelling
it
as
a
bourgeois
movement
that
is
formed
and
practiced
by
the
elite,
in
order
to
further
their
own
selective
agenda.
Feminism
understands
the
Marxist
methodology,
of
the
class
system
retaking
the
power,
as
a
division
of
the
female
gender
in
what
should
be
a
unified
women’s
movement.
Marxism
engulfs
gender
into
a
melting
pot
of
what
is
human,
whereas
Feminism
attempts
to
keep
gender
separate
in
order
to
promote
it.
Contrary
to
the
above
analysis,
Cuba
is
an
interesting
example
where
Feminism
and
Marxism
collide.
Their
quest
and
need
for
equality
has
enabled
them
to
come
together
as
a
united
front.
Chapter
VI
of
the
Cuban
Constitution2
explicitly
outlines
the
importance
of
equality,
especially
in
terms
of
rights.
Many
women's
rights
are
protected
within
the
constitution,
including:
the
right
to
work;
the
right
to
have
a
family;
and
the
right
to
bear
children.
The
equality
of
these
rights
is
absolute.
Aligned
with
these
rights,
are
the
corresponding
duties
that
come
with
them.
Article
44
states
‘Women
and
men
have
the
same
rights
in
the
economic,
political,
cultural
and
social
fields,
as
well
as
in
the
family.’
It
then
continues
to
outline
the
exact
duties
of
the
state
in
order
to
ensure
that
women
are
able
to
pursue
these
fields.
Article
36
within
Chapter
IV
discusses
marriage
as
‘based
on
full
equality
of
rights
and
duties
for
the
partners,
who
must
see
to
the
support
of
the
home
and
the
integral
education
of
their
children
through
a
joint
effort
compatible
with
the
social
activities
of
both.’
On
the
other
hand,
MacKinnon
goes
on
to
discuss
how
feminist
observations
of
the
Socialist
society
have
generated
some
concern
over
the
treatment
of
women
in
Cuba.
The
understanding
is
that,
in
a
Capitalist
society
women
are
valued
against
the
standard
of
man,
yet
in
a
socialist
society
women
were
nothing
more
than
workers
within
a
labour
force,
their
lives
engulfed
within
the
invisibility
of
being
a
worker.
However,
I
would
argue
that
when
the
invisibility
of
a
worker
becomes
the
issue,
then
in
fact
sexism
and
gender
discrimination
disappears.
Of
course
there
are
2
This
is
the
1992
constitution.
Criticism
of
the
earlier
version
that
immediately
followed
the
revolution
will
come
later.

9. 9
other
problems
that
are
related
to
this
situation,
but
within
the
limitations
of
a
socialist
society,
equality
is
a
constant.
For
the
Socialist/Marxist,
and
in
the
case
of
Cuba,
the
needs
of
the
revolution
outweigh
the
needs
of
a
specific
group.
However,
the
concern
comes
when
the
revolution
is
over.
As
MacKinnon
says:
‘when
women’s
labour
or
militancy
suits
the
needs
of
the
emergency,
she
is
suddenly
man’s
equal,
only
to
regress
when
the
urgency
recedes’
(MacKinnon,
1982:
523).
Ultimately
the
issue
of
Feminism
with
Marxism
is
that,
women
are
reduced
to
nothing
but
workers.
The
feminist
agenda
is
lost
to
a
revolutionary
state,
and
is
considerably
more
complicated
to
reignite.
Marxism
has
a
problem
with
Feminism,
because
it
feels
that
Feminism
reduces
women
to
nothing
but
a
class
of
people.
It
is
in
itself
divisive
and
alienates
women
from
the
community
and
society.
1.1
Feminist
Revolution
One
of
the
major
faults
of
the
revolution
as
described
by
Julie
Shayne
is
that
it
leaves
no
room
for
a
Feminist
movement:
‘In
legally
addressing
women’s
basic
needs…[the
revolution
has]
thwarted
the
want
for
a
feminist
social
movement
while
allowing
the
government
to
claim
that
equality
had
been
achieved’
(Shayne,
2004:
156).
Within
the
COD
report,
the
source
of
this
problem
lay
in
the
fact
that
changes
were
made
in
a
top
down
fashion
and
that
there
was
no
grassroots
involvement
(COD,
2013:
4).
However,
I
would
propose
that
there
was
a
women’s
revolution:
a
more
subtle,
mostly
academic,
Marxist
feminist
Revolution.
Fidel
Castro
describes
the
revolution
of
women
as
an
imperative
addition
to
the
revolution
itself.
He
expresses
very
explicitly
and
on
multiple
occasions
that
women
and
the
work
that
they
do
within
the
private
sphere
is
a
valid
form
of
labour
and
thus
should
be
acknowledged.3
Castro
seems
to
have
produced
a
style
of
Feminist
movement,
in
which
the
ultimate
goal
is
aligned
with
other
feminist
movements.
Castro
describes
the
feminist
movement
of
women
as
‘a
revolution
within
a
revolution’
(Castro,
1966:
48).
However,
it
seems
that
the
needs
of
women
were
engulfed
into
the
needs
of
the
many.
The
Revolution
became
the
goal
of
the
3
For
specific
details,
please
see
his
speeches
as
written
in
Stone,
E.
(1981).

10. 10
people.
No
one
group
had
a
more
important
revolution.
However,
women
were
one
of
the
strong
driving
forces
behind
the
Revolution;
Castro
himself
stated
that
he
would
have
been
unable
to
achieve
what
he
had
without
the
participation
of
women.
Education
was
the
facilitating
fact
in
producing
this
driving
force.
1.2
The
Educated
Socialist
Feminists
The
late
19th
Century,
early
20th
Century
saw
the
emergence
of
the
Socialist
Feminists.
Education
for
women,
although
still
not
a
norm,
was
becoming
increasingly
more
available
for
women.
In
1901,
Cuba
opened
its
university
gates
to
women
(Miller,
1991).
The
only
women
who
would
have
the
privilege
and
ability
to
be
able
to
attend
the
universities
would
be
the
bourgeois.
As
such,
these
women
were
suddenly
exposed
to
a
world
in
which
their
minds
were
enlightened
and
broadened,
and
their
understanding
of
the
effect
of
the
distinction
between
classes
and
the
limits
that
class
on
individuals
was
expanded
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996).
Ironically,
regardless
of
their
bourgeois
backgrounds,
women
began
to
shift
their
political
mentality
to
that
of
a
Socialist.
Feminists
often
state
that
a
capitalist
society
is
one
in
which
the
patriarchy
can
thrive,
due
to
the
division
of
labour.
The
alternative
being
a
socialist,
Marxist
society
in
which
each
individual
is
seen
as
equal
within
a
community,
and
more
importantly
for
Feminists,
men
and
women
are
brought
together
on
the
same
level.
Within
a
socialist
society,
reproductive
labour
is
equalised
with
productive
labour,
and
the
work
done
by
women
in
the
home
is
seen
as
a
valid
and
absolutely
essential
contribution
to
the
society
and
community.
Therefore,
releasing
the
‘double
burden’
of
women,
and
removing
the
stigma
of
men
completing
these
tasks.
With
these
ideas,
Marxist
feminist
revolutionary
thought
had
been
borne
in
Cuba.
There
are
some
significant
and
impressionable
examples
of
individual
women
who
were
influenced
in
their
thinking
and
actions
by
an
education,
and
regardless
of
their
elite
upbringing,
made
the
decision
to
live
by
and
strongly
advocate
a
Socialist/Marxist
world.
Mirta
Aguirre,
born
1912,
was
one
of
Cuba’s
most
revered
writers,
poets
and
political
activists.
By
the
time
she
was
aged
20,
she
had
joined
the
Communist
Party

11. 11
in
Cuba
and
advocated
for
radical
reform
in
order
to
bring
about
positive
change
for
equality
(Davies,
1997).
After
studying,
she
went
on
to
be
a
Professor
at
the
University
of
Havana,
where
her
lectures
on
Marxist
Feminism
went
on
to
influence
a
lot
of
young
minds
and
establish
Socialist
roots
in
the
new
generation
(Luciak,
2007).
She
also
wrote
for
the
magazine
Mujeres
Cubanas,
the
post-­‐revolutionary
women’s
magazine,
which
discussed
women’s
issues
and
their
place
within
the
revolution
(Stoner
and
Pérez,
2000).
There
is
a
similar
magazine
now,
called
Mujeres,
still
government-­‐run
and
still
directed
at
women.
Although
it
is
a
propaganda
tool,
it
is
an
active
and
influential
way
to
ensure
that
certain
issues
are
discussed
and
types
of
behaviours
are
encouraged,
with
a
strong
emphasis
on
healthcare
(Cuban
Transitions,
2012).
Ofelia
Domínguez
Navarro
was
born
in
1894
to
two
revolutionary
idealists.
Ofelia
carried
forward
the
ideals
and
thoughts
of
her
parents
in
all
that
she
did,
and
became
one
of
Cuba’s
most
renowned
rights
activists.
She
was
able
to
graduate
from
the
University
of
Havana
with
a
degree
in
Civil
Rights
(Stoner,
1987)
and
she
went
on
to
be
become
a
lawyer,
and
specialised
in
defending
prostitutes
and
illegitimate
children
(Smith
and
Padula,
2007).
Throughout
her
work,
which
included
writing
for
revolutionary
publications
and
human
rights
activism,
she
stated
that
pure
charity
was
not
sufficient
to
make
any
significant
difference
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996:
16).
In
order
to
overcome
the
problems
of
Cuba,
and
for
women
within
Cuba,
the
only
solution
would
be
complete
reform
into
a
Socialist
state,
in
which
all
were
given
equal
and
fair
opportunity
and
women
would
be
seen
equal
with
men.
It
is
important
to
note
that
Ofelia
was
so
strong-­‐minded
and
active
in
her
beliefs
against
the
dictator
Gerardo
Machado,
that
she
was
eventually
incarcerated
and
then
exiled
to
Mexico.
She
attempted
important
changes
in
policy
for
the
benefit
of
gender
equality.
For
example,
in
1936,
along
with
Matilde
Rodríguez
Cabo
(a
Mexican
medical
surgeon
who
was
very
active
in
advocating
in
healthcare
changes
for
women)
(Rodríguez
de
Romo
et
al.,
2008:
543),
she
was
the
first
to
suggest
a
reform
in
the
Penal
Code
to
legalise
abortion
(Castañada
Salgado,
2003:
258).
Unfortunately,
it
was
not
until
1968
that
abortion
was
fully
legalised
in
Cuba.
However,
this
is
still
years
ahead
of
other
Latin
American
countries,
most
of
which
are
still
having
the
debate.

12. 12
Mariblanca
Sabás
Alomá
was
another
bourgeois
born
women
who
completely
denounced
upper-­‐class
women
as
being
frivolous
and
by
a
young
age
had
turned
her
mind
and
values
towards
those
of
a
Socialist
variety.
She
used
her
strong
opinions
to
write
eloquently
on
the
poor
behaviour
of
upper
class
women
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996).
She
railed
against
the
general
obtuse
understanding
of
Feminism
that
haunted
the
women’s
movement
and
caused
conflict
within
the
minds
of
young
girls.
There
was
Cuban
(and
perhaps
worldwide)
consensus
that
a
Feminist
was
a
‘woman
who
had
ceased
being
a
woman,
who
had
given
up
grace
and
beauty
and
has
a
deep
voice,
a
demonic
manner,
a
curse
for
men
always
on
her
lips…and
horror
of
horrors,
the
shadow
of
an
incipient
beard’
(Sabás
Alomá,
1930:
47).
She
rallied
against
this
with
her
sharpened
pen,
outwardly
condemning
how
Cuba
perceived
Feminists
and
attempted
to
state
that
Feminism
was
the
unavoidable
and
absolutely
necessary
method
‘to
expand
women’s
traditional
rules,
not
to
reject
them’
(Smith
and
Padula,
1995:
16).
She
was
considered
important
enough
that
she
served
as
a
Minister
without
Portfolio
under
two
presidents
and
was
a
leading
face
in
the
campaign
for
suffrage
(Stoner,
1991:
89).
In
the
build
up
to
the
revolution,
Socialism
and
Feminism
went
hand
in
hand,
and
complemented
each
other
well.
In
fact,
Socialism
was
the
only
way
in
which
a
lot
of
Cuban
Feminists
could
see
their
ideals
and
values
being
realised.
The
consistent
work
done
by
socialist
Feminists
prior
to
the
Revolution
significantly
influenced
the
thinking
of
the
revolutionaries
that
would
eventually
lead
to
full,
‘successful’
Marxist
revolution.
It
is
important
to
discover
what
the
condition
of
women’s
rights
was
prior
to
the
Revolution,
initiating
this
style
of
thought,
and
what
changed
in
Cuba
as
a
result
of
the
Revolution.
The
next
chapter
will
discuss
the
historical
changes
that
took
place
and
in
this
way,
it
can
be
demonstrate
that
the
Feminist
movement
is
still
active
and
continues
to
be
effective.

13. 13
Chapter
2
Women’s
rights
in
Cuba
Pre-­‐Revolution:
What
did
the
Revolution
actually
achieve?
‘We
women
had
nothing
here
before
the
revolution.
Years
ago,
they
gave
us
the
vote
to
shut
us
up…but
after
that,
nothing.’
Cuban
Domestic
servant,
1950’s
(Séjourné,
1980:
37)
2.1
Pre-­‐Revolution
Pre
1959,
Cuba
was
very
much
like
the
rest
of
Latin
America
and
the
world.
Women
were
slowly
coming
to
the
realisation
that
the
traditional
roles
within
which
they
were
living
were
not
the
limits
of
their
life
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996).
1898
brought
the
shorted-­‐lived
American
occupation,
and
with
it
the
concepts
of
American
freedom
and
independence.
It
was
reported
to
have
had
a
very
liberating
and
enlightening
effect
on
Cuban
women.
To
such
an
extent
that
Federic
Noa,
an
American
living
in
Cuba,
observed:
‘to
Cuban
women
in
general,
the
American
intervention
and
influence
was
a
godsend’
(1905:
643).
But
of
course
the
ideals
of
Western
liberalism
were
appealing;
the
expansion
of
economic
possibilities
for
women
was
immense.
Technology
from
America
came
flooding
in:
telephone
operators,
the
Singer
sewing
machines
(which
were
available
on
credit),
and
typewriters,
were
ways
for
women
to
develop
their
skills
for
work,
enabling
them
to
work
from
home.
The
American
influence
did
not
endure
and
dissipated
as
the
occupation
withdrew
with
substantially
changing
the
prevailing
problems
of
gender
relations.
What
remained
were
inequalities
in
both
gender
and
class;
not
only
were
women
segregated
from
men
within
their
own
class,
but
women
were
segregated
by
class
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996).
The
upper
classes
were
treated
very
well
and
the
women
within
this
class
held
a
certain
level
of
respect
to
the
point
of
being
revered.
The
writer
Lolo
de
la
Torriente
expressed
a
perception
that
Cuban
women
may
even
be
doing
better
than
women
across
the
rest
of
the
world:
‘There
is
no
doubt
that
the
Cuban
woman
has
reached,
in
the
course
of
the
present
century,
great
social
and
political
importance
…
Women
have
invaded
the…
most
significant
sectors
of
social
life,
acting
always
as
a
force
of
progress’
(1954:
180).
The
choice
of
words
that
Torriente
uses
is
very
informative:
‘invaded’,
‘force’,
it
almost
seems
that
she
thinks

14. 14
women
have
made
their
way
into
these
circles
uninvited
and
against
the
will
of
the
general
population
of
man.
However,
these
‘forceful
women’
belonged
to
a
middle
class
that
was
in
a
position
to
be
educated
to
a
high
level,
and
as
a
result
fostered
a
will
to
push
against
the
ever-­‐lasting
glass
ceiling.
As
José
Martí,
a
poet
and
writer
that
became
known
as
the
father
of
Cuban
independence,
wrote:
‘An
education
meant
that
women
would
be
perceived
to
be
more
than
‘beautiful
toys’
subject
to
masculine
whim’
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996:
12).
It
was
a
very
different
story
for
women
in
the
lower
classes.
Without
the
money
for
an
education,
it
was
more
likely
that
they
were
confined
to
the
boundaries
of
a
women’s
role
in
the
home,
or
if
necessary,
being
domestic
servants
for
the
bourgeois
class.
This
is
not
including
the
significant
number
of
girls
that
were
required
to
go
into
prostitution
in
order
to
provide
for
their
illegitimate
children
left
behind
by
the
fathers.
The
chances
of
the
children
being
illiterate
were
extremely
high,
and
access
to
reproductive
healthcare
was
limited
or
not
available
for
some
of
these
women
and
children.
The
difference
between
the
standard
of
living
and
equality
for
women
in
different
social
classes
demonstrates
the
intersectionality
of
gender
and
class.
Post-­‐revolution,
education
and
healthcare
were
considered
to
be
among
the
essential
components
of
a
socialist
state,
and
Castro
made
a
plan
to
ensure
that
all
persons,
regardless
of
gender,
race
or
class,
would
be
educated
equally
and
have
equal
access
to
healthcare;
and
in
doing
so
eliminate
the
intersectionality
of
inequality
between
class
and
gender.
In
1934
President
Grau
gave
women
the
vote
and
with
this
new-­‐found
right
seven
female
representatives
were
voted
into
parliament,
more
female
politicians
than
ever
before.
The
impact
of
a
female
presence
in
parliament
was
the
1934
law
obligating
employers
to
provide
a
twelve
week
maternity
leave.
Furthermore,
any
workplace
hiring
more
than
50
women
was
required
to
provide
daycare
for
children
under
the
age
of
two.
This
seems
incredibly
progressive,
however
there
were
multiple
loopholes.
For
example
the
minimum
number
of
50
women
was
avoided
by
not
hiring
any
women,
moreover
this
law
did
not
apply
to
domestic
servants
(one-­‐
quarter
of
female
workers)
or
agricultural
workers.
The
lack
of
enforcement
meant
that
the
laws
were
ultimately
useless
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996).
In
1940,
Colonel
Batista
was
voted
in
by
the
Cuban
population,
and
with
him
came
a
new
constitution

15. 15
that
made
a
point
of
incorporating
feminist
legislation,
bringing
formal
equality
within
the
workplace.
However,
the
same
issue
occurred:
the
law
was
not
airtight
and
employers
could
easily
avoid
the
issue
and
not
have
to
incur
the
costs
associated
with
having
women
in
the
workplace,
by
not
employing
them.
As
there
was
no
equality
or
discriminatory
clause
in
the
law,
this
was
not
an
illegal
action.
A
domestic
servant
from
the
time
explains:
‘we
women
had
nothing
here
before
the
revolution.
Years
ago,
they
gave
us
the
vote
to
shut
us
up…but
after
that,
nothing’
(Séjourné,
1980:
37).
2.2
What
Changed?
In
1959,
Castro
came
rolling
into
Havana
in
his
tank.
He
valued
the
importance
of
women
within
the
revolution,
and
the
significance
of
equalising
women
and
men
in
order
to
achieve
a
successful
socialist
society.
Elizabeth
Stone
(1981)
is
very
optimistic
about
the
Revolution
for
women.
The
introduction
of
her
book
is
full
of
stories
about
how
the
revolution
has
changed
women’s
lives.
Stone
describes
how
women
were
involved
in
the
revolutionary
war
and
the
effect
this
had
on
what
followed.
For
example,
Castro
believed
in
women
so
much
that
he
formed
a
women’s
only
army
faction
called
the
Mariana
Grajales
platoon,
and
would
say
to
all
that
questioned
this
decision:
‘They
are
better
fighters
than
you’
(Castro
quoted
in
Stone,
1981:
8).
i.
The
FMC
Under
Castro’s
new
government,
the
FMC
(Federación
de
Mujeres
Cubanas)
was
established.
It
is
the
government
run
women's
organisation,
of
which
85%
of
Cuban
women
over
the
age
of
14
are
a
member.
It
has
73,710
local
branches
around
Cuba
and
as
a
result
is
very
purportedly
successful
in
influencing
policy
change
and
implementing
change
at
a
grassroots
level.
For
example,
the
Ana
Betancourt
School
was
established
in
1961
as
a
project
of
the
FMC
and
taught
1000s
of
girls
and
women
how
to
read,
write
and
were
given
history
lessons.
They
also
organised
a
literacy
drive
that
began
in
1961.
The
volunteers
involved
in
the
drive,
the
so-­‐called
‘brigadistas’,
were
mostly
women
who
saw
the
importance
of
ensuring
that
all
were
literate.
It
began
the
process
of
closing
the
class
gap
and
equalising
all
education

16. 16
opportunities.
Now,
the
FMC
continues
to
organise
programmes
in
schools
to
develop
non-­‐sexist
attitudes,
run
training
centres
to
ensure
that
women
understand
their
rights,
and
also
maintains
connections
with
international
women's
organisations
(The
Cuba
Solidarity
Campaign).
One
of
the
founders
of
the
FMC,
Vilma
Espín,
led
the
way
in
producing
reports
and
policy
to
present
to
the
government.
This
highlighted
where
policy
and
practice
were
not
aligned,
and
identified
the
obstacles
that
were
creating
a
barrier
to
policy
coming
into
full
effect.
This
created
a
bridge
between
the
policy
makers
and
the
women
on
the
ground.
Espín
was
clear
in
her
reports
that
the
obstacles
were
associated
with
the
lack
of
economic
improvement,
but
more
directly
with
the
perception
of
women
and
their
roles
within
society.
This
launched
a
huge
ideology
campaign
that
served
to
help
people
understand
the
changes
taking
place
and
the
role
that
women
played
in
those
changes
(Stone,
1981).
ii.
The
Family
Code
The
ideology
campaign
led
to
the
production
of
the
Family
Code
in
1974.
The
code
consisted
of:
policy
on
marriage,
divorce,
marital
property
relationships,
recognition
of
children,
obligations
for
children’s
care
and
education,
adoption,
and
tutelage.
It
was
widely
published
to
ensure
that
every
person
had
access
and
public
discussion
about
the
consequences
of
the
code
was
encouraged.
Nevertheless,
the
extent
to
which
the
family
code
has
been
successful
is
questionable.
The
code
itself
is
extremely
progressive
and
in
theory
provides
women
with
substantial
rights
that
are
not
afforded
to
them
elsewhere.
It
is
acknowledged
throughout
academic
articles,
country
reports
on
women's
rights
and
women's
rights
analysis,
yet
the
results
of
the
code
are
undocumented
and
the
consequences
are
unknown.
Cuba
has
not
published
any
related
statistics
and
researchers
have
been
unable
to
access
information
regarding
the
code.
As
it
stands,
it
is
not
possible
to
know
how
effective
the
code
has
actually
been.
iii.
The
First
Constitution
When
looking
closely
at
the
first
constitution,
Smith
and
Padula
(1996)
found
a
subtle
lack
of
gender
discussion.
Cuba
was
the
first
to
sign
the
CEDAW,
yet
in
1976,

17. 17
the
constitution
was
lacking.
Articles
12
and
13
condemn
racial
discrimination,
but
said
nothing
about
gender
discrimination.
Article
14
granted
women
equal
rights
‘as
men’,
although
this
follows
the
style
of
CEDAW,
it
is
discriminatory
in
itself.
It
suggests
that
the
level
in
which
men
stand
in
terms
of
rights
and
duties
is
the
highest
and
optimal
level,
whereas
logic
would
suggest
that
equality
of
rights
and
duties
exists
on
a
level
entirely
different
to
the
current
standing
of
men
or
women.
Article
53
gave
women
the
right
to
convene
as
an
organisation;
although
this
seems
acceptable,
within
the
regime
this
was
actually
quite
offensive.
No
other
groups
were
allowed
to
convene
in
this
way,
suggesting
that
women’s
organisation
posed
no
significant
threat
to
the
revolution
and
would
not
cause
many
disruptions
or
attempt
much
change
(this
has
now
changed).
Additionally,
women’s
participation
in
labour
was
restricted
for
‘reproductive
capacity
protection’.
Ultimately,
women
did
not
have
full
constitutional
equality
until
1992,
when
the
constitution
was
entirely
rewritten.
iv.
Healthcare
Smith
and
Padula
(1996)
were
more
positive
about
the
advances
that
had
been
made
in
healthcare.
As
soon
as
the
revolutionary
leaders
took
control,
healthcare
became
free
and
universal,
and
more
significantly
for
this
paper,
the
need
for
specialised
healthcare
for
women
was
recognised.
From
1968,
abortion
was
free
and
available,
as
was
all
other
sexual
and
reproductive
care.
There
was
a
substantial
improvement
in
healthcare,
nutrition
and
education
for
expectant
mothers.
The
goal
was
for
all
mothers
to
be
able
to
access
a
hospital,
so
no
women
were
expected
to
give
birth
without
medical
help.
UNICEF
reports
that
maternal
health
is
the
principle
cause
of
neonatal
deaths
(60%
of
deaths
of
children
under
the
age
of
one)
in
the
developing
world.
On
average,
500,000
women
per
year
die
in
childbirth,
because
they
have
attempted
to
give
birth
without
the
assistance
of
a
healthcare
professional
(UNICEF,
2012).
For
these
reasons,
good
nutrition
and
adequate
healthcare
are
pivotal
to
preventing
these
deaths.
There
was
also
a
large
influx
of
women
training
as
medical
professions,
so
much
so,
a
quota
system
had
to
be
implemented
to
in
order
to
ensure
that
men
had
equal
opportunities
also.
Between
1953
and
1992,
the
number
of
doctors
increased

18. 18
8
fold,
and
the
proportion
of
women
training
increased
from
6%
to
48%.
The
number
of
nurses
increased
15
fold,
the
proportion
of
women
increasing
from
68%
to
88%.
And
the
proportion
of
women
as
dentists
increased
from
18%
to
69%
(Smith
and
Padula,
1996:
57).
This
was
partially
explained
by
the
closing
of
both
the
gender
gap
and
class
gap
during
the
literacy
campaign.
Medical
training
was
also
free,
as
long
as
students
agreed
to
serve
the
country
for
a
certain
number
of
years
in
the
profession
before
deciding
where
to
work
afterwards.
2.3
Human
Rights
Country
Report
The
United
States
of
America
State
Department
is
extremely
active
with
human
rights
within
its
own
country
and
abroad.
The
department
is
involved
in
many
projects
to
do
with
women,
particularly
in
terms
of
increasing
their
economic
independence.
For
example,
they
have
a
project
in
Latin
America
which
specifically
works
with
women
entrepreneurs;
they
also
partner
with
other
projects
around
the
world
to
produce
a
combined
front
against
violations
of
women’s
rights.4
As
part
of
their
battle
against
violation,
the
State
Department
produces
annual
human
rights
reports
for
each
country,
and
Cuba
is
no
different.
Within
this
human
rights
report
there
is
a
specific
section
on
women's
rights
(US
State
Department,
2013).
The
human
rights
report
issued
from
the
State
Department
has
a
large
section
dedicated
to
rape
and
domestic
violence
within
Cuba.
The
USA
acknowledges
that
substantial
laws
are
in
place
to
protect
a
woman's
rights
in
terms
of
her
relationship
with
men.
All
rape
is
criminalised,
including
spousal
rape
and
it
is
a
law
that
is
enforced.
There
are
only
two
trepidations
regarding
rape
and
domestic
violence
that
the
report
draws
attention
to.
The
first
is
the
lack
of
statistics
available
that
determine
the
prevalence
in
the
country.
This
is
a
concern
that
is
reiterated
on
multiple
occasions
by
NGOs
and
Academics;5
the
excessive
control
and
filtration
of
information
that
leaves
Cuba
restricts
the
ability
of
NGOs
to
adequately
monitor/respond
to
changes
in
the
situation.
Secondly,
the
report
identifies
that
4
WEAmericas:
See
http://m.state.gov/md187904.htm
5
It
is
a
subject
that
is
commented
on
by
any
academic
in
this
area,
and
listed
as
a
limitation
within
their
research.

19. 19
domestic
violence
is
not
a
legally
recognised
as
a
distinct
form
of
violence
in
Cuba.
Within
law,
it
is
included
within
all
forms
of
threats
and
violence.
Despite
these
concerns,
there
is
no
indication
that
Cuba
ignores
the
issue.
In
fact,
the
report
refers
to
a
UNICEF
document
which
states
that
there
are
increasing
numbers
of
government
centres,
which
are
working
with
UK
NGOs,
to
aid
the
recovery
of
victims
of
abuse.
Additionally,
there
are
media
campaigns
trying
to
combat
the
issue,
for
example
television
programmes
that
focus
exclusively
on
women’s
issues
and
their
rights.
Cuba
is
also
trying
to
combat
the
problem
through
education
and
changing
the
Machista
perception,
which
will
be
discussed
in
the
next
chapter.
It
is
important
to
note
that
Amnesty
International
and
Human
Rights
Watch
have
nothing
to
say
about
the
status
of
women’s
rights
in
Cuba.
The
UK
Human
Rights
Report
only
asks
that
Cuba
sign
a
recent
UK-­‐led
treaty
on
women
in
conflict
(The
Foreign
and
Commonwealth
Office
et
al.,
2014).
The
women’s
rights
condition
in
Pre-­‐Revolution
Cuba
allowed
women
particular
formal
equalities,
but
did
not
approximate
substantive
equality.
The
scarcity
of
fundamental
equalities
sparked
a
Feminist
movement
that
formed
a
theoretical
image
of
what
gender
equality
within
a
classless
society
would
look
like.
The
Revolution
was
able
to
realise
those
ideas
through
the
changes
that
they
have
made.
By
following
the
values
of
the
ICESCR
and
the
CEDAW,
the
Revolution
has
fashioned
a
society
in
which
healthcare
and
education
is
free
and
widely
available,
and
the
principles
of
Feminism
and
equality
are
dispersed
through
ideology
campaigns,
and
in
school
lessons.
The
restricted
access
to
empirical
data
on
women’s
rights
issues
has
caused
controversy
and
queries
over
the
effectiveness
of
Cuba’s
actions
for
equality.
The
next
chapter
will
consider
further
problems
that
persist
in
Cuba
and
discuss
the
relationship
of
Socialism
with
their
incidence.

20. 20
Chapter
3
Women’s
rights
issues:
Problems
of
Socialist
Cuba,
or
the
Global
Community?
‘Cuban
women
have
seen
a
fundamental
transformation
in
almost
every
aspect
of
their
lives
with
the
result
that
today
they
are
the
envy
of
most
other
female
populations
in
Latin
America.’
The
Cuba
Solidarity
Campaign
(Women
in
Cuba:
1)
Since
the
socialist
Cuban
Revolution,
the
world
has
been
watching
the
socialist
project
to
see
how
it
would
evolve.
The
Revolution
and
what
followed
has
been
scrutinised
and
judged
in
order
to
understand
the
relationship
between
a
socialist
society
and
the
human
rights
that
are
fulfilled
or
not
fulfilled
by
that
society.
It
seems
that
the
Revolution
has
become
a
global
social
experiment.
Unfortunately,
a
small
socialist
island
within
a
world
of
democracy
struggles
to
maintain
itself
and
as
result
makes
allowances.
It
seems
that
for
Cuba
one
of
those
allowances
has
been
the
ability
to
protect
some
of
its
human
rights.
Yet,
protecting
women’s
rights
has
been
high
on
their
public
agenda
from
the
moment
the
Revolution
began.
Cuba
actively
works
to
promote
itself
as
a
leader
and
a
pioneer
in
women’s
rights,
which
has
opened
itself
up
to
inquiry
and
external
bodies
questioning
the
situation.
As
a
result
several
flaws
within
the
system
of
women’s
rights
in
Cuba
have
been
found
and
reported
on
by
multiple
organisations.
This
section
of
the
paper
will
discuss
what
those
problems
are
and
what
organisations
have
said
about
them.
I
will
argue
that
although
problems
remain
in
Cuba,
also
exist
worldwide.
3.1
Women
in
Politics
The
US
State
Department
Human
Rights
report
is
non-­‐committal
about
the
participation
of
women
in
politics.
Perhaps
this
is
due
the
lack
of
desire
to
be
compared
in
terms
of
statistics
and
information
about
the
number
of
women
in
parliament.
Cuba
is
currently
third
in
the
world
for
political
equality
with
a
total
of
48.9%
of
women
the
central
committee,
and
participation
is
actively
encouraged
by

21. 21
the
Cuban
government,
compared
with
the
USA
who
is
85th
in
world
with
only
20%
of
women
present
within
congress
and
the
senate
(IPU,
2014).6
However,
the
central
committee
is
not
active
in
policy
decision-­‐making,
only
the
elite
upper
house
has
the
power
to
decide
and
pass
new
policy
and
law.
A
report
from
the
Centre
for
Democracy
in
the
Americas
(2013)
discusses
the
problem
of
top-­‐
heavy
policy
making.
The
fact
that
women
seem
to
hit
a
glass
ceiling
is
a
significant
problem,
as
they
are
unable
to
move
into
this
elite
circle
that
influences
change.
They
are
concerned
that
any
progress
that
is
made
is
purely
in
the
form
of
policy
and
law.
A
form
of
change
that
is
made
directly
from
an
elite
set
of
decision
makers
above
the
general
committee.
The
exact
distribution
of
women
in
this
group
is
not
known,
but
this
report
from
the
Centre
for
Democracy
is
positive
that
there
are
significantly
less
women.
The
lack
of
women
in
top
positions
is
not
a
circumstance
that
is
isolated
to
socialist
Cuba,
but
is
in
fact
a
worldwide
phenomenon.
In
Magda
Hinojosa's
book
'Selecting
Women,
Electing
Women'
(2012),
she
discusses
candidate
selection
in
Latin
America,
and
shows
through
statistical
comparisons
and
interviews
that
the
people
actually
have
very
little
choice
over
candidates.
The
leaders
are
pre-­‐chosen
through
a
process
that
selects
individuals
from
a
very
specific
pool
set,
most
of
which
have
their
foundation
in
a
'boys
club'.
For
a
woman
to
infiltrate
this,
is
very
challenging
and
as
a
result
women
tend
to
not
try,
or
fail
before
their
faces
are
presented
to
the
population.
It
is
also
important
to
note
that
within
an
oligarchical
society,
where
all
positions
are
distributed
from
above,
discrimination
is
not
isolated
towards
women.
In
fact,
women
who
are
close
to
Raúl
Castro
actually
wield
a
significant
amount
of
power.
For
example,
Mariela
Castro,
daughter
of
Raúl
Castro
has
influenced
a
significant
amount
of
policy
and
law
for
LGBT
rights
and
as
result
has
won
an
award
in
the
USA
for
her
contributions
(The
Guardian,
May
2013).
Furthermore,
she
was
recently
the
first
person
in
government
to
vote
‘no’
when
passing
a
worker's
rights
bill,
stating
it
did
not
have
a
strong
enough
stance
against
discrimination
(The
6
Statistics
taken
from
the
Inter-­‐Parliamentary
Union,
who
keeps
records
up
to
date
with
women
in
the
lower
and
upper
houses
based
on
the
most
recent
elections

22. 22
Guardian,
Aug
2014).
Therefore,
the
lack
of
women
in
power
is
not
due
to
discrimination
of
women
as
it
is
in
a
'democracy',
but
the
nepotistic
characteristic
that
unfortunately
comes
with
an
oligarch
regime.
3.2
Substantive
vs.
Formal
Equality
When
policies
are
created
from
a
top-­‐down
perspective,
equality
is
restrained
within
formal
equality,
not
being
executed
as
substantive
equality.
Formal
equality
being
the
policies
and
laws
put
in
place
by
the
government,
for
which
Cuba
has
been
praised
for.
Substantial
equality
is
what
is
actually
occurring
on
the
ground,
the
extent
to
which
the
problem
has
been
dealt
with
and
enforcement
ability
of
any
laws.
In
Cuba,
this
is
less
clear.
Luciak
discusses
this
widely
in
her
book
‘Gender
and
Democracy
in
Cuba’
(2007)
describing
equality
as
grounded
in
the
power
relations
between
sexes
and
individuals
within
those
sexes.
Therefore,
substantive
equality
is
the
presupposed
change
in
the
actual
power
relations
themselves.
Luciak
believes
that
the
Cuban
regime
has
allowed
for
a
successful
formal
equality,
but
is
lacking
in
substantive
equality.
She
argues
that
substantive
equality
cannot
be
legitimately
reached
without
the
involvement
of
democracy.
Returning
to
Molyneux’s
theory
of
strategic
and
practical
interests
(1986)
provides
a
very
interesting
analysis
of
this
difference
in
equalities.
Molyneux
proposes
that
the
Cuban
government
is
very
proactive
in
terms
of
practical
interests,
providing
laws
and
policy
that
on
paper
are
very
progressive.
However,
she
does
acknowledge
that
FMC
is
very
active
on
the
ground
evolving
their
work
around
the
strategic
interests
of
the
women,
but
also
of
those
of
the
government.
As
a
result,
strategic
interests
have
been
difficult
to
develop,
due
to
restrictions
from
the
government
and
the
lack
of
inter-­‐organisational
work.
Although,
a
recent
document
named
‘Women
in
Cuba’
was
released
by
UK
based
organization
called
The
Cuba
Solidarity
Campaign
has
claimed
that
the
FMC
integrates
considerably
with
external,
international
NGOs
(Women
in
Cuba:
4),
however
it
is
suggests
that
the
FMC
plays
an
advisory
role
in
international
discussions,
rather
than
welcoming
help
into
Cuba.
It
is
important
to
note
that
the
FMC
is
also
responsible
for
collating
data,
and
as
such
is
biased
source
of
statistics
related
to
women.

23. 23
3.3
Patriarchy
and
Machismo
The
latest
CEDAW
Country
Report
for
Cuba
(2006)7
fully
acknowledged
the
remaining
patriarchal
mindset
of
the
Cuban
people,
or
as
it
is
called
in
Latin
America
the
‘Machista’
attitude.
Cuba
states
within
their
report
that
this
is
partially
a
generational
matter
and
with
proper
education
and
equality
changes,
this
Machismo
way
of
thinking
will
eventually
dissipate.
‘Machismo’
exists
around
the
world
to
varying
degrees;
even
in
the
most
developed
of
countries
a
patriarchal
conviction
persists.
As
a
result,
there
is
no
country
that
is
able
to
stand
up
and
say
that
their
country
is
complete
free
of
patriarchy.
And
in
fact,
academics
have
come
to
the
conclusion
that
there
is
a
diminution
of
Machismo
in
Cuba
(Gutiérrez,
1990:
9),
which
has
been
justified
by
the
increased
sexual
education
given
in
schools
and
the
extensive
push
for
change
with
regards
to
the
perception
of
women.
I
would
argue
that
the
being
part
of
a
socialist
state
that
attempts
secularism,
the
teaching
of
equality
in
sexual
education
is
less
controversial,
and
less
questionable.
Of
course
there
are
issues
here
regarding
other
freedoms,
but
it
has
allowed
for
all
children
of
Cuba
to
be
educated
in
a
way
that
promotes
equality
and
sexual
responsibility.
3.4
Prostitution
Prostitution
is
a
significant
women’s
rights
issue
that
is
a
stain
on
the
Cuban
women’s
rights
checklist.
In
2006,
Cuba
submitted
their
most
recent
Women's
rights
report
for
the
Committee
of
the
CEDAW.
As
the
first
country
to
sign
the
convention,
there
is
a
pressure
for
Cuba
to
maintain
a
high
level
of
rights
protection.
Article
5
of
the
report
discusses
the
issue
of
prostitution
(CEDAW,
2006:
23).
The
article
argues
that
although
prostitution
is
a
significant
problem,
there
is
no
place
for
it
in
socialism.
It
is
the
unintended
consequence
that
comes
with
having
tourists
visiting
from
capitalist
countries.
The
report
suggests
that
sex
tourism
takes
place
on
the
resorts,
though
it
is
reportedly
not
a
service
utilised
by
locals
(The
Cuba
Solidarity
Campaign).
Thus
would
it
exist
if
the
country
were
completely
sheltered
from
tourists
from
capitalist
societies?
If
you
live
in
a
society
in
which
all
persons
were
7
Consideration
of
reports
submitted
by
States
parties
under
Article
18
of
the
CEDAW:
Combined
fifth
and
sixth
periodic
reports
of
States
parties
Cuba.

24. 24
equal
and
money
was
distributed
in
such
a
way
that
no
one
went
hungry
and
could
access
important
services,
then
prostitution
is
unlikely
to
exist.
However,
one
could
argue
that
this
is
borne
from
a
significant
demand
for
the
product;
a
capitalist
mentality
in
which
everything
is
ultimately
for
sale.
Combine
this
with
a
patriarchal
mentality,
and
it
creates
a
product
from
the
body
of
a
woman.
An
NBC
report
entitled
'Castro
responds
to
Bush's
prostitution
charges'
(Murray,
2004)
discussed
the
Bush
Administration's
reaction
to
the
reported
increase
in
Cuban
prostitution.
Bush
stated
that
Castro
actively
encouraged
sex
tourism,
but
his
allegations
were
proven
to
be
unfounded,
as
the
quotes
used
to
'prove'
the
allegations
were
demonstrated
to
be
taken
completely
out
of
context.
The
report
quoted
Wayne
Smith,
a
senior
fellow
at
the
Centre
for
International
Policy
and
a
veteran
Foreign
Service
officer
who
served
6
years
in
Havana.
He
asserts
that
prostitution
'is
no
longer
any
more
of
a
problem
in
Cuba
than
it
is
in…the
United
States.'
This
raises
the
question
of
why
the
spotlight
is
on
Cuba
in
terms
of
prostitution.
Is
it
down
to
their
poor
relations
with
the
USA,
the
flaw
of
Socialism
and
its
inability
to
protect
women,
or
the
seeping
in
of
Capitalism
through
tourism?
Research
has
suggested
that
it
has
nothing
to
do
with
the
regime,
and
everything
to
do
with
the
USA
embargo
and
the
influx
of
tourists
from
capitalist
countries
coming
in
with
the
demand.
The
government
does
recognise
that
economically
speaking,
it
is
difficult
to
remain
independent
and
yet
the
challenges
that
come
with
trading
with
capitalist
countries
are
clear.
Stone
states
in
her
book
'Women
and
the
Cuban
Revolution':
'As
a
small
island,
it
is
impossible
for
them
to
solve
their
economic
problems
without
the
increased
trade
and
aid
that
will
come
as
a
result
of
socialist
revolutions
elsewhere'
(Stone,
1981:
29).
Thus,
prostitution
is
inherently
a
product
of
a
capitalist
society
and
mentality,
and
will
continue
around
the
world
until
this
mentality
is
overcome.
The
prevailing
women’s
rights
problems
in
Cuba
are
the
result
of
other
more
influential
factors
than
Socialism.
It
is
challenging
to
have
both
an
equal
and
authoritarian
society.
In
order
to
fulfill
one,
the
other
must
be
damaged.
As
result,
when
positions
of
power
are
concerned,
equality
will
falter
due
to
nepotism.
This

25. 25
chapter
has
demonstrated
that
other
issues,
such
as
patriarchy
and
prostitution
are
prevalent
due
a
global
issue
of
inequalities.
There
is
the
additional
causal
factor
of
economic
crisis
that
caused
women
in
Cuba
to
turn
to
prostitution
as
source
of
income,
but
once
again
this
is
a
global
phenomena.
Nevertheless,
there
remains
the
issue
of
formal
and
substantive
equality.
The
prominent
concern
is
that
there
is
little
to
no
information
available
to
make
a
substantive
conclusion.
Although
the
women’s
rights
agenda
in
Cuba
appears
to
be
a
model
for
women’s
rights
development,
the
government
in
Cuba
has
restricted
access
to
statistics
to
such
an
extent
that
it
would
be
unwise
to
assume
this
has
transferred
to
the
women
on
the
ground.

26. 26
Conclusion
The
central
hypothesis
of
this
paper
was
that
the
socialist
model
as
practiced
in
Cuba
has
supported
the
advancement
of
the
women’s
rights
agenda,
and
has
been
successful
enough
to
be
considered
as
a
model
for
other
countries
to
follow.
Therefore,
is
the
socialist
authoritarian
society
in
Cuba
the
most
successful
type
of
society
that
enabling
gender
equality
to
exist?
As
Beer
(2009:
212)
states
‘historically,
democratic
theory
has
excluded
women.’
Whereas
from
the
moment
the
Revolution
began
in
Cuba,
women
were
welcomed
and
their
equality
was
encouraged.
The
paper
began
by
looking
at
Socialism,
its
relationship
to
Marxism,
and
how
equality
was
incorporated
into
these
ideologies.
The
Cuban
style
of
Socialism
is
one
of
the
stepping-­‐stones
towards
a
fully
communist
society,
and
provided
the
fundamentals
for
the
authoritarian
regime
led
by
the
dictator
Fidel
Castro
and
subsequently
Raúl
Castro.
However,
regardless
of
the
type
of
Socialism,
it
has
been
shown
that
equality
was
the
absolute
foundation
of
the
Cuban
Revolution,
and
Castro
was
certain
that
the
only
way
to
advance
towards
a
communist
society
was
to
achieve
equality;
consequently
women’s
rights
and
equality
were
especially
high
on
the
Revolutionary
agenda.
Even
as
Castro
commenced
his
plan
to
build
a
land
of
equality,
feminists
were
skeptical
about
the
socialist/Marxist
approach
to
equality
as
it
reduced
the
role
of
women
into
nothing
more
than
a
worker.
They
believed
that
a
revolution
of
the
people
leaves
very
little
room
for
a
feminist
movement,
particularly
when
the
leadership
is
that
of
a
dictator
and
it
is
against
the
law
to
convene
in
unauthorized
organisations.
Equally,
Marxism
has
concerns
over
a
feminist
agenda,
and
considers
Feminism
to
be
a
‘hobby’
enjoyed
by
the
elite,
bourgeois
women
whom
don’t
have
a
full
understanding
of
equality.
However,
it
was
argued
in
this
paper
that
Cuba
did
indeed
have
its
own
feminist
movement
pre-­‐revolution
and
that
this
movement
was
a
principle
driving
force
behind
the
revolution,
helping
to
develop
many
of
the
revolutionary
ideas
subsequently
exploited
by
Castro.
For
the
women
of
Cuba,
the
intersectionality
of
gender
and
class
equality
was
too
large
to
discount,
and
as
result
the
revolution
became
more
about
class
equality
than
gender
equality.

27. 27
Following
the
success
of
the
revolution,
Castro
and
those
in
power
worked
quickly
to
improve
women
rights
within
the
country.
There
was
a
significant
improvement
in
the
standard
of
living
for
women,
and
the
services
available
for
them.
Healthcare
was
free
and
available
for
all,
and
there
was
specialized
healthcare
available
for
women,
including:
free
abortions,
obstetrics,
and
gynecology.
Women
were
given
equal
pay
for
equal
work,
and
were
actively
encouraged
to
join
the
labour
force.
Cuba
was
also
the
first
country
to
sign
CEDAW
and
incorporate
the
convention
articles
into
their
laws.
Vilma
Espín
led
the
FMC,
and
fostered
a
bridge
between
women
working
in
the
grassroots
levels
of
society
and
the
policy-­‐making
members
of
the
government.
She
provided
reports
and
policy
suggestions
where
needed
to
ensure
that
issues
on
the
ground
were
being
heard
and
dealt
with
in
government.
Women
increasingly
became
involved
in
politics,
and
now
the
General
Committee
consists
of
49%
women.
Education
was
free
for
all
and
women
were
actively
encouraged
through
the
literacy
drive
to
gain
as
much
education
as
they
could.
Policy
was
written
to
ensure
the
protection
of
women’s
rights,
for
example
the
Family
Code;
and
although
there
were
significant
problems
with
the
first
constitution,
by
1992,
women
had
full
constitutional
equality.
The
advancement
of
the
position
held
by
women
in
Cuban
society
has
been
impressive,
but
there
remain
problems
in
Cuba.
The
approach
taken
in
this
paper
was
to
explore
these
problems
in
order
to
deduce
if
the
issues
persisted
due
to
the
regime,
or
if
they
were
general
global
problems
of
women’s
rights.
Firstly,
NGOs
have
expressed
a
concern
that
women
in
Cuban
politics
hit
a
glass
ceiling
and
are
unable
to
reach
the
top
level,
decision-­‐making
positions
in
government.
However,
my
argument
is
that
this
is
not
a
problem
of
discrimination
against
women;
this
is
a
characteristic
of
an
authoritarian
regime.
It
is
not
discriminatory
against
women,
but
against
the
entire
citizen
population.
I
have
shown
this
by
using
the
example
of
Mariela
Castro,
who
has
been
very
successful
at
implementing
policy
and
legal
changes;
however
she
is
the
daughter
of
Raúl
Castro.
Of
course,
the
work
that
she
has
achieved
is
notable,
yet
it
would
be
naïve
not
to
understand
that
her
ability
to
be
so
controversial
within
an
authoritarian
society
is
due
to
her
relationship
with
her
father,
rather
than
a
success
of
women’s
advancement.