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American Leadership Policy Studies (ALPS) is a for-college credit certificate program that teaches the fundamentals of American government. ALPS includes a custom tailored Political Science 1 – US Government course taught in partnership with accredited colleges to assure students receive college credit. The class is taught from the perspective of industry professionals who work in local/state/federal bureaucracies and/or political/union campaigns. This course program may operate at the site of a partnering college or instructor of record who licenses ALPS course materials from WestCal Academy or at WestCal Academy’s main campus in partnership with an accredited college. WestCal Academy This slide covers the following: 1. Interest Groups In The Golden State - Aerospace - Environmental and “Green” Companies - Media – Music, Film, Television - Agriculture - Healthcare - Computer Technology - Transportation 2. Campaign Examples 3. Commercialization & Propaganda
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The moral panic over immigration that has fomented and grown in intensity with the terrorist attacks of 9/11; Welsh (2002, p.5) states that the laws were due to “moral panic…through distorted lens of racial and ethnic stereotypes.” The immigration laws are controversial to sparing viewpoints because the dilemma is not a clearcut liberal vs. conservative, or democrat vs. republican issue. The problem and solutions are multi-faceted and affect many aspects of American life.
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“The Jones Act is consistent with President Trump’s “Buy American, Hire American” – Wall Street Journal “A fresh focus on free-market policies will require stepping out with more nimble and bold initiatives, rather than slogging through the ponderous procedures.” – Michael Hansen, Hawaii Shippers Council Executive Order 13777 stated that it is the policy of the United States to alleviate unnecessary regulatory burdens placed on the American people. On March 13, 2017, the Federal Maritime Commission (FMC) designated Managing Director Karen V. Gregory as Regulatory Reform Officer to lead the FMC Regulatory Reform Task Force. The FMC stated that this action is consistent with the deregulatory spirit of the Shipping Act of 1984 and the Ocean Shipping Reform Act of 1998. – Cozen O’Connor Maritime and Infrastructure Federal Update
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American Leadership Policy Studies (ALPS) is a for-college credit certificate program that teaches the fundamentals of American government. ALPS includes a custom tailored Political Science 1 – US Government course taught in partnership with accredited colleges to assure students receive college credit. The class is taught from the perspective of industry professionals who work in local/state/federal bureaucracies and/or political/union campaigns. This course program may operate at the site of a partnering college or instructor of record who licenses ALPS course materials from WestCal Academy or at WestCal Academy’s main campus in partnership with an accredited college. WestCal Academy This slide covers the following: 1. Interest Groups In The Golden State - Aerospace - Environmental and “Green” Companies - Media – Music, Film, Television - Agriculture - Healthcare - Computer Technology - Transportation 2. Campaign Examples 3. Commercialization & Propaganda
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The moral panic over immigration that has fomented and grown in intensity with the terrorist attacks of 9/11; Welsh (2002, p.5) states that the laws were due to “moral panic…through distorted lens of racial and ethnic stereotypes.” The immigration laws are controversial to sparing viewpoints because the dilemma is not a clearcut liberal vs. conservative, or democrat vs. republican issue. The problem and solutions are multi-faceted and affect many aspects of American life.
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Similaire à Ex Mex
SYMPOSIUM: IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, AND THE AMERICAN DREAM Which American Dream Do You Mean? David Stoll Published online: 7 July 2009 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009 Abstract According to the latest U.S. Census projection, the arrival of immigrants and their higher birthrates, projected forward at current rates, will turn the U.S. into a “minority–majority” society in 2042, 8 years earlier than the Census used to predict. Liberals tend to view immigra- tion to the U.S. as a human right, but many employers prefer to hire immigrants because they can be paid less than the cost of reproducing their labor-that is, the cost of keeping an American family above the poverty line. One way of looking at the resulting debates over U.S. immigration policy is in terms of moral economy, that is, how different factions compete for moral authority in order to gain control over a desired good. In this case, the desired good is American citizenship, including access to the highest consumption rates on the planet, and national definitions of citizenship are competing with transnational or globalist definitions of citizenship. Constructing moral rhetoric for either national or transnational definitions of citizenship requires excluding information that does not serve the cause. One way of spotlighting the omissions is to look at each moral economy as a highly selective version of the American Dream. Keywords Comprehensive immigration reform . Census projection . Minority–majority In his campaign for president, Barack Obama promised a comprehensive immigration reform that will probably include legalizing undocumented immigrants. So as we stumble out of the rubble of our credit collapse, activists and talking heads will return to this contentious subject. In 2007, 38 million people or 12.6% of the U.S. population was foreign-born. According to the latest U.S. Census projection, the arrival of immigrants and their higher birthrates, projected forward at current rates, will turn the U.S. into a “minority–majority” society in 2042, 8 years earlier than the Census used to predict. That is, the percentage of people who we define as non-Hispanic whites (currently 65% of the population) will decline to less than 50% of the U.S. population. In 15 years people who we currently define as minorities will comprise more than half of all children, and by 2050 they will comprise 54% of the population. Statistical trends such as these are quick to provoke indignation. Some Americans are horrified that, in 2008, the U.S. government forcibly deported 361,000 people, almost ninety percent of them Mexicans and Central Americans. The deportees include people who made their lives in the United States, and they have many relatives, friends and employers who feel their human rights have been violated. Other Americans are horrified that immi- grants who deliberately broke the law, who did so repeatedly to smuggle in their relatives, and who may continue to do so, w ...
SYMPOSIUM IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, AND THE AMERICAN DREAM.docx
SYMPOSIUM IMMIGRATION, CITIZENSHIP, AND THE AMERICAN DREAM.docx
ssuserf9c51d
No Human Being Is Illegal By Ngai, Mae M. Like abortion and guns, immigration has emerged as a hot-button issue in American politics. Because immigration involves concerns in different registers, economic and cultural, it is strangely and perhaps uniquely misaligned in traditional partisan terms (Wong 2006; Zolberg 2006). President Bush cannot manage the split in his own party, between those Republicans who want to exploit immigrants and those who want to expel them. Among Democratic voters, some support cultural diversity and inclusion while others worry that cheaper immigrant labor depresses domestic wages. Political consultants, sensing a no-win situation, are advising Democrats with presidential aspirations to stay clear of the issue altogether. The lack of partisan coherence, however, does not explain why immigration evokes such heated debate. There is a dimension to the debate that seems irrational, impervious to arguments involving empirical data, historical experience, or legal precedent. This was brought home to me after I wrote an op-ed in a major newspaper about how, during the first half of the twentieth century, the U.S. government legalized tens of thousands of illegal European immigrants (Ngai 2006). I received postcards with invectives like, "stupid professor!" I faced similar hostility during a live call-in show on public radio. Confronted with ranting about how immigrants are bad for the United States, I wanted to counter that immigrants are good for the United States. At one level, negative generalizations about immigrants can be refuted point by point: they do not hurt the economy, they expand it; they are more law abiding than the native-born population; they want to learn English and their children all do (Smith and Edmonston 1997; Alba and Nee 2002). But this approach is risky. Generalizations reproduce stereotypes and efface the complexity and diversity of immigrant experience. As Bonnie Honig (2001) has argued, xenophilia is the flip side of xenophobia. In both cases citizens use "immigrants" as a screen onto which they project their own aspirations or frustrations about American democracy. Casting immigrants as bearers of the work ethic, family values, and consensual citizenship renews the tired citizen's faith-liberal capitalism. But when the immigrants disappoint or when conditions change, they become easy scapegoats. As Honig suggests, this kind of immigration discourse is an exercise in nationalism. In an important sense, "Are immigrants good or bad for us?" is the wrong question. It takes as its premise that immigrants are not part of "us." The idea falsely posits that non-citizens are not part of American society and leaves them out of the discussion. The mass demonstrations of Mexicans and other immigrants last spring were significant because they showed that immigrants are no longer content to be the object of discussion but have emerged as subjects with voice and agency. It was particularly noteworthy but p ...
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173 Chapter 9 t he prop 187 ef f e c t: t he poL i t ics of immigr at ion a nd L e ssons f rom c a L if or ni a With Elizabeth Bergman, David Damore, and Adrian Pantoja Attempting to separate “Latino” politics from “immigration” politics is a fool’s errand. While Latinos care about the same issues as other Amer- icans (economic opportunity, education, health care), as Table 9.1 il- lustrates, immigration sits at or near the top of the Latino agenda. The economic collapse of 2008 and its subsequent effects drew attention to economic concerns, but as we approach the 2014 midterm elections it is immigration that is the priority of Latino registered voters. Repeated polling over the last several years by Latino Decisions and others has made it clear that a large share of Latino registered voters are intimately connected to individuals who are affected by immigration policy. A stunning 67% of Latino registered voters nationwide reported knowing an undocumented person personally. Moreover, most of those connections were familial: 51% of respondents who reported knowing Barreto Segura Book.indb 173 7/9/14 3:52 PM Barreto, Matt, and Gary M. Segura. Latino America : How America's Most Dynamic Population is Poised to Transform the Politics of the Nation, PublicAffairs, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/csupomona/detail.action?docID=1681926. Created from csupomona on 2020-02-26 10:55:52. C op yr ig ht © 2 01 4. P ub lic A ffa irs . A ll rig ht s re se rv ed . 174 Matt Barreto and Gary M. Segura one or more persons without documentation identified a family member as undocumented. Yet, despite the intimacy of Latinos’ deep and close connections to immigration, both political parties have routinely misunderstood those connections—especially the Republican Party. In fact, over the last decade the GOP’s rhetoric has become increasingly hostile toward immigrants, especially Latinos, and its policy prescriptions have moved further and further to the right. As a result, Latinos and other minorities are increas- ingly casting their ballots for Democrats. In this chapter, we assess the electoral consequences of anti-immigrant politics. We begin at the national level by contrasting the GOP’s present positioning and politics to George W. Bush’s handling of immigration, and then we take an in-depth look at California. g o P i mm i g r AT i o n P o L i T i c s: B e f o r e A n d A f T e r g e o r g e W. B u s h While serving as the governor of Texas between 1995 and 2000, George W. Bush never went down the anti-immigrant path, though it might have been easy for him to do so. Instead, he supported a compromise response to the Fifth Circuit Court’s decision in Hopwood: pending the re-hearing in Fisher, that compromise ensured the continued presence of minority students at the University of Texas after the university’s affirmative action policy was struck down.1 .
173Chapter 9t he prop 187 ef f e c t t he poL i t .docx
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RAJU852744
173 Chapter 9 t he prop 187 ef f e c t: t he poL i t ics of immigr at ion a nd L e ssons f rom c a L if or ni a With Elizabeth Bergman, David Damore, and Adrian Pantoja Attempting to separate “Latino” politics from “immigration” politics is a fool’s errand. While Latinos care about the same issues as other Amer- icans (economic opportunity, education, health care), as Table 9.1 il- lustrates, immigration sits at or near the top of the Latino agenda. The economic collapse of 2008 and its subsequent effects drew attention to economic concerns, but as we approach the 2014 midterm elections it is immigration that is the priority of Latino registered voters. Repeated polling over the last several years by Latino Decisions and others has made it clear that a large share of Latino registered voters are intimately connected to individuals who are affected by immigration policy. A stunning 67% of Latino registered voters nationwide reported knowing an undocumented person personally. Moreover, most of those connections were familial: 51% of respondents who reported knowing Barreto Segura Book.indb 173 7/9/14 3:52 PM Barreto, Matt, and Gary M. Segura. Latino America : How America's Most Dynamic Population is Poised to Transform the Politics of the Nation, PublicAffairs, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/csupomona/detail.action?docID=1681926. Created from csupomona on 2020-02-26 10:55:52. C op yr ig ht © 2 01 4. P ub lic A ffa irs . A ll rig ht s re se rv ed . 174 Matt Barreto and Gary M. Segura one or more persons without documentation identified a family member as undocumented. Yet, despite the intimacy of Latinos’ deep and close connections to immigration, both political parties have routinely misunderstood those connections—especially the Republican Party. In fact, over the last decade the GOP’s rhetoric has become increasingly hostile toward immigrants, especially Latinos, and its policy prescriptions have moved further and further to the right. As a result, Latinos and other minorities are increas- ingly casting their ballots for Democrats. In this chapter, we assess the electoral consequences of anti-immigrant politics. We begin at the national level by contrasting the GOP’s present positioning and politics to George W. Bush’s handling of immigration, and then we take an in-depth look at California. g o P i mm i g r AT i o n P o L i T i c s: B e f o r e A n d A f T e r g e o r g e W. B u s h While serving as the governor of Texas between 1995 and 2000, George W. Bush never went down the anti-immigrant path, though it might have been easy for him to do so. Instead, he supported a compromise response to the Fifth Circuit Court’s decision in Hopwood: pending the re-hearing in Fisher, that compromise ensured the continued presence of minority students at the University of Texas after the university’s affirmative action policy was struck down.1 ...
173Chapter 9t he prop 187 ef f e c t t he poL i t .docx
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aulasnilda
LATINO IMMIGRATION MYTH 1 What is your myth? My myth is that most Mexican Americans are undocumented immigrants. The above myth is usually claimed by many individuals living in the United States because they generalize all Mexican Americans and consider them as undocumented immigrants. Not all Mexican immigrants illegal, policy has created, people have, association and illegal. The myth is kind of narrative, maybe make to more abroad. What is your argument about your myth? (Should be two to three concise sentences.) The above myth is not true because, in the United States, several policies were established to control the influx of people in different regions. The establishment of immigration policies occupied a critical role in registering individuals and classifying them as American citizens with equal rights to people born in America. Therefore, Mexican Americans are documented people who live in the United States, and they should receive similar treatment to other native-born citizens. Argument needs to be more relative to the myth, and don’t say all Mexican are documented immigrants, the only thing we can say is there are larger portion of Mexican has become documented immigrants, because there are still many Mexicans are undocumented, so we can only say the percentage of undocumented immigrants has decreased. What pieces of evidence are you using to prove your argument? (Be specific with the language, use the act in 1986, you can find in week 11 illegality timeline, see the second page of that ppt, and you will find there is big decline of illegal immigrants in 1965 and 1986 also see the video in the ppt of the week 11 illegality timeline, here is the link ( https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/07/12/how-pew-research-center-counts-unauthorized-immigrants-in-us/ ) this might be helpful. find some statistics and relatively law to prove why those decline can present lower percentage of undocumented Mexican immigrants. Mexican citizenship, visa, how many Mexican have green card, naturalization rate of Mexican, we can cite source from the Pew Research Center (this outside source can be cited ) https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2017/06/29/mexican-lawful-immigrants-among-least-likely-to-become-u-s-citizens/ Constructing sentence. Make the outline more organized instead of put them all the same bullet point under one evidence you can do it like this : 1. Idea one: a. Why idea 1 is correct… i. Example to prove it b. Why idea 1 is correct… i. Another example to prove it Make every evidence to prove your argument in a reasonable way, use class sources, good luck! · One of the aspects which indicates that not all Mexican Americans are undocumented immigrants is the fact that several laws were established in 1990. More historical data, · According to Hiltner (2017), in 1990, the Immigration Act and the immigration preference system was installed. At that time, immigrations to that region increased from 500,000 to 700 ...
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LATINO IMMIGRATION MYTH1What is your myth My myth is.docx
croysierkathey
Response one pod-05 One of the biggest changes that has occurred to disturb the patterns that were once reliable was the surge in multiracial movement in the 1990s. This movement was linked to the census designations available in 1990 for racial identification because there were not enough choices to reflect the diversity that actually exists. As Williams (2017) explains, traditional racial categories broke down during this movement which is an important aspect of how people view themselves as voters. Changes in self-identification is an important indicator in how groups vote and respond to elections in general. It is difficult to find trends between voting or partisan choices and racial or ethnic groups when the people who would traditionally have been assumed as members of one group may not identify that way. People who are of African and Hispanic descent, as one of numerous possible examples, may self-identify more as African or more as Hispanic which is determined by more factors than political partisanship can truly take into account. Most recently, eight years with a multiracial president has changed how groups identify with political parties. Jacobson (2016) discusses Obama as having been the most polarizing president in history, up to that point at any rate. During the eight years of Obama’s presidency, divides along generational lines widened and evaluations of his success split along racial lines (Jacobson, 2016). The most recent election, if one digs past the hyperbole, tended to focus more on what elections mean in terms of power distribution. Butcher and Goldsmith (2017) describe the redistribution of power after elections as a bargain for those who win and a position of potential loss for those who do not win elections or who support the losing party. The fear of power transfer and loss can create a situation where violence is likely. Butcher and Goldsmith (2017) were focused on ethnically fractionalized countries where violence was expected in the course of power transfers and elections but did not find violent responses as much as one would think. Although the focus was on ethnically split countries, the 2016 elections in America did have violent results even though the divisions were not always or solely between different races. The divisions were also ideological. The ideological divisions between people in America will continue to grow and be the basis for partisan alignment more than race or ethnicity or gender. Boudreau, et al. (2015) examine the likelihood of partisan alignment and voter decisions based on the endorsements of parties and newspapers which are treated as non-ideological signals by voters. The suggest made by Boudreau, et al (2015) is to provide more information on the issues important to the candidate so the voter can base votes on who is most aligned with their policy priorities. The 2016 elections, while still slinging plenty of mud and scandal, really did put policy issues front and center. Regardless o ...
Response one pod-05One of the biggest changes that has occurred .docx
Response one pod-05One of the biggest changes that has occurred .docx
ronak56
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Argumentative Essay About Immigration
Argumentative Essay About Immigration
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US Immigration Policy
US Immigration Policy
Marisela Stone
Which of the following statements about Mexican immigration to the United States are accurate? The flow of population from Mexico has not been stimulated by U.S. employers. Mexican Americans continue to be treated as a colonized group as a result of the political and economic systems that were formed in the 19th century. Discrimination toward Mexican immigrants declines as a sense of competition and threat between such immigrants and other racial and ethnic groups increases. All of the above. None of the above. 5 points QUESTION 2 This key leader in the Chicano movement sought to protect the rights of migrant farm workers and advocated nonviolent protest, particularly the use of boycotts: José Angel Guttiérrez. Rodolfo Gonzalez. Reies López Tijerina. César Chávez. None of the above. 5 points QUESTION 3 Which of the following statements best describes research and data on Latino acculturation in the United States? Second generation immigrants are more likely to speak English than their parents. The majority of Hispanics speak Spanish only. The majority of Hispanics speak English only or are bilingual. Both A and B. Both A and C. 5 points QUESTION 4 Which of these characteristics demonstrates the third wave of mass immigration to the United States? It began after 1965 as a result as a shift in U.S. immigration policy. It is more diverse than previous waves of immigration. While the number of immigrants arriving per year is higher than earlier waves of immigration, the percentage of immigrants that comprise the U.S. population is lower today than in the past. All of the above. None of the above. 5 points QUESTION 5 This policy, passed in 2001, allows for long-term detention of suspects and more latitude for searches and surveillance and raised concerns about how to balance the need for public safety with individual civil liberties: USA Patriot Act. Executive Order 13769. Muslim Ban. Civil Rights Act. All of the above. 5 points QUESTION 6 According to sociologist Douglas Massey, which statement does NOT characterize differences between contemporary and historic assimilation patterns? The ease and speed of modern modes of communication and transportation will maintain cultural and linguistic diversity. Immigrants today face an economy and labor market similar to that experienced by Europeans immigrants in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Immigration today is continuous rather than cyclical. All of the above. None of the above. 5 points QUESTION 7 You are a sociologist who is making an argument that traditional assimilation theory applies to recent immigrants. Which of the following statements would you include in your argument? Contemporary assimilation will not follow the same course that it followed for European immigrants in the late 19th and early 20thcenturies. Studies of acculturalization show that contemporary immigrants achieve Engl.
Which of the following statements about Mexican immigration to.docx
Which of the following statements about Mexican immigration to.docx
jolleybendicty
Running head: UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS IN UNITED STATES 1 UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS IN UNITED STATES 9 Undocumented Immigrants in United States Hassan Almahdi St. Mary’s University Undocumented Immigrants in United States Overview Undocumented immigrants can be defined as those people who were not born in America and have no legal rights that allow them to live in America. Undocumented immigrants are also known as aliens but this is not a legal term and it is widely used among the Americans because of its abusive connotation. It is believed that there are more than 11 million people living in America as illegal or undocumented immigrants in United States and this number has stood steady in the last the last eight years consecutively (Massey & Gentsch, 2014). This has been credited on many things that include stability of the Mexican economy and the gradual economic gains of nations across the world that have witnessed a number of its citizens moving to America to seek employment. Other immigration experts attribute this to the recent signed immigration policy by the Trump administration in United States. This paper will look at some of the issues around immigration in America that impact undocumented immigrants. Undocumented Immigrants The report that was released this year on the number of undocumented immigrants in the United States has remained steady in the last seven years and it has stood at 11.3 million. One reason as to why the number of undocumented immigrants in America has been steady is because of the Mexican economy stability and the improved rules and regulations on immigration in America that have been passed in the last few years (Goldman et al., 2014). The number of undocumented immigrants is likely to go down further in the next few years given the deportation policy that has been passed into law by the Trump administration in the recent past. The policy though controversial has given the immigration department powers to identify any undocumented immigrant and depot them back to their countries. the united states federal government has maintained that the proposed wall on the Mexican American border remain the highest priority of the current administration and this will contribute to the reduction of undocumented immigrants in America (Jiang, 2017). Mexico has been the mother of countries that produce most of the undocumented in American but it reduced to just 49% in 2016 and they have dropped from 6.4 million in 2009 to 5.6 million in 2015. The number has been increasing due to instability among most countries and people have flown to America to seek refuge and asylum. Rules, Regulation and Government Legislation The major reason as to why there are more immigrants in United States in the rules and regulations that must be followed for one to be an American citizen and that allow the authorities to deport already undocumented immigrants ...
Running head UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS IN UNITED STATES .docx
Running head UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS IN UNITED STATES .docx
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Argumentative Essay About Immigration
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Which of the following statements about Mexican immigration to.docx
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