Water Governance and Gender: a study on the profile of members of river basin interstate committees in Brazil

Fernanda Matos
Eldis Camargo
Alexandre de Pádua Carrieri

Fernanda Matos
Eldis Camargo
Alexandre de Pádua Carrieri
Water Governance and Gender:
a study on the profile of members of river
basin interstate committees in Brazil
Belo Horizonte
FACE/UFMG
2021

///Water Governance and Gender – a study on the profile of members of river basin interstate committees in Brazil
This report is part of a series on the profile of representatives of river basin committees in
Brazil and is part of the Water Resources Governance project.
//
/ Fernanda Matos
Resident Post-Doctoral Researcher in Administration at UFMG.
//
/ Eldis Camargo
Ph.D. in Human Rights from the University of Coimbra, member of the Executive
Committee of the Gender and Water Alliance (GWA)
//
/ Alexandre de Pádua Carrieri
Ph.D. in Administration. Full Professor at the Federal University of Minas Gerais.
* The research data on the Interstate Committees were collected from an institutional collaboration
between the Project Coordination (NEOS/CEPEAD/FACE/UFMG) and the Water Resources Planning
Superintendence (National Water and Sanitation Agency - ANA), in December 2019, aiming at advan-
cing the studies on the SINGREH members’profile and training process.
Ficha catalográfica
R438
2021
Water governance and gender: a study on the profile of members of river basin
interstate committees in Brazil. / Fernanda Matos, Eldis Camargo, Alexandre de
Pádua Carrieri. – Belo Horizonte: FACE - UFMG, 2021.
55p.: il. - ( Profile of members of river basin committees in Brazil )
ISBN: 978-65-88208-19-9
Inclui bibliografia.
1. Water resources – Development. 2. River Basin 3..Human Gender. 4.
Governance. I. Matos, Fernanda. II. Camargo, Eldis. III. Carrieri, Alexandre de
Pádua. IV. Centro de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisas em Administração.
CDD: 333.7
Elaborado por Adriana Kelly Rodrigues CRB6-2572
Biblioteca da FACE/UFMG – AKR/084/2021
* We would like to thank everyone who helped us contact the members of the river basin commit-
tees; the board members, and the executive secretariat, for updating the members’ list; and the re-
presentatives, for the time they dedicated to answering the research questionnaire.
This work was carried out with the support of the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamentode Pessoal de Nível Superior (“Brazilian
Federal Agency for Support and Evaluation of Graduate Education,” CAPES), within the scope of the Water Resources
Program, Call No. 16/2017, Financing Code No. 001.

5 INTRODUCTION
8 GENDER: KEY CONCEPTS
9 Sex
9 Gender
10 Inclusion
10 Feminism
11 Gender equality
11 Gender equity
12 Gender gaps
12 Stereotype
13 Gender discrimination
13 Gender-based violence
13 Political violence against women
15 WATER GOVERNANCE, GENDER, AND SOCIAL JUSTICE
19 NATIONAL WATER RESOURCES POLICY
AND THE NATIONAL WATER RESOURCES
MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN BRAZIL
23 THE RIVER BASIN COMMITTEES
29 METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS
31 SOCIOECONOMIC PROFILE OF REPRESENTATIVES
42 Composition and representation
47 FINAL REMARKS
51 REFERÊNCIAS

INTRODUCTION
“Water is part of Earth’s heritage. Each
continent, people, nation, region, city, and
citizen are fully responsible for it before all”
(ONU, 1992).
Water is a natural element with chemical, physical, biological, and social functions.
The latter presents itself as a resource, bestowed with a legal and political appara-
tus focused on its use. Therefore, it is up to water management agents to designate
their multiple uses and other usage conditions.
According to this perspective, at least two policies subordinate the uses of water:
one focuses on water preservation and conservation, based on the rules provid-
ed for by the National Environmental Policy, while the other targets the rules on
the anthropic uses of water, as laid out by the National Water Resources Policy.
Considering that management should incorporate water management from both
perspectives in an integrated fashion, this work focuses on the management
guidelines referenced in the Policy and the National Water Resources Management.
As determined by Article 225 of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of
Brazil, the environment is an asset of common use for all citizens. Therefore, this
provision modifies the old classification of public and private law by defining wa-
ter as an asset of collective or diffuse interest. Along these lines, Brazil’s Magna

6
Carta requires that such assets be perceived differently in the scope of their man-
agement, summoning all social actors to take part in the formulation of the water
use policy1
.
Therefore, watercourses and streams are no longer controlled exclusively by the
public authorities. It shall only play the role of managing the common asset, that
is, the eminent domain of assets (in this case, the uses of water).
Water management is one of the most significant challenges faced by society in
recent times, considering its critical importance for all beings’ lives on the planet,
including humans.
The United Nations has estimated that more than 2 billion people live in water-
sheds where water demand exceeds supply. By 2050, it is estimated that almost 5
billion people will have limited access to this resource. The challenges associated
with water management include not only scarcity but pollution, flooding, lack of
access to drinking water and sanitation services, among other problems. All these
issues are and will continue to be exacerbated by climate change, notably due to
a lack of proper management.
Regarding availability in global terms, Brazil has an ample supply of water, for
“about 260,000 m3/s” of water flow in the country’s territory on average. This
means that the country has the world’s largest reserve of drinking water, account-
ing for about 12% of the world’s total. However, this does not exclude the possibil-
ity that the country will suffer from the lack of this resource, given the growing de-
mand and pollution rates (ANA, 2015). Moreover, dry spells, droughts, floods, and
floods represent about 84% of the natural disasters occurring in Brazil from 1991
to 2012 (ANA, 2017). During that period, almost 39,000 natural disasters affect-
ed around 127 million people. 47.5% (2,641) of Brazilian municipalities declared
a state of emergency due to floods at least once from 2003 to 2016. About 55%
(1,435) of these municipalities are in the south and southeast regions of Brazil. As
for dry spells or droughts, about 50% (2,783) of Brazilian municipalities declared a
state of emergency in the same period.
This study is part of the Retratos de Governanças das Águas (“Water Governance
Portraits”) series, which analyzes the profile of representatives of river basin com-
mittees in Brazil and provide information that can point to relevant aspects con-
cerning inclusive capacity in representation, while also identifying how their in-
volvement in the decision-making process and functioning of collegial bodies
is perceived. It is also part of Projeto Governança dos Recursos Hídricos (“Water
Resources Governance Project”), whose results at the state level also pointed to
problems concerning the federal sphere.
The study design was based on the notion that river basin committees (from now
on RBCs) can be addressed as governance arrangements consisting of different
actors responsible for mediating, articulating, approving, and monitoring actions
1 Note that the participation of society is established in the sole paragraph of Article 1 of the Federal
Constitution, in two forms: (1) All power emanates from the people, who exercise it by means of elected
representatives (2) or directly, as provided by this Constitution.

7
to manage water resources under their jurisdiction. The committees are collegial
bodies with normative, propositional, consultative, and deliberative attributions,
whose objective is to promote the planning and decision-making about the mul-
tiple uses of water resources within the scope of the respective drainage basin, a
region consisting of territory and various watercourses.
This research is exploratory and descriptive and, departing from a previous review
of the available information, aims to describe the characteristics of the actors par-
ticipating in water resources management to identify the profile of the individuals
engaged in formulating water policies within the scope of river basins.
The notion of public governance adopted herein refers to the government’s ability
to articulate with other actors in the process of designing and implementing pub-
lic projects and policies based on collective decision-making and seeking the com-
mon well-being. The importance of approaching basin bodies from the perspective
of governance resides in the finding that the collective decision-making process is
the cornerstone of what this type of organization proposes, in addition to being an
element that characterizes and differentiates it from other ones. Also, in a scenario
where water security is threatened, the planning and adoption of measures to pre-
vent, adapt, mitigate and prevent this new climate reality is a matter of collective
action that prompts institutional responses from states, markets, and communities.
This study presents a data analysis in the scope of interstate river basin commit-
tees. As mentioned, the development of the project called Governance of Water
Resources: analysis of the profile and the training process of representatives of the
State Water Resources Councils and River Basin Committees pointed to a meager 31%
of female participation in the country’s river basin committees. (Matos et al., 2019).
In addition, this study aims to promote a debate on women’s participation and rep-
resentation in the spaces created for water resources management.
Water resources management is a set of actions for planning, monitoring, allo-
cating resources, implementing and inspecting the existing legal instruments
aimed at the efficient and sustainable coordination of water use in the country.
This work seeks to contribute to the studies on participation by presenting the
profile of interstate river basin committees’ members disaggregated by sex. It also
provides information that can point to relevant aspects regarding their inclusive
capacity, based on the premise that good governance is paramount to achieve
water security.
Therefore, relevant aspects were highlighted as an initial effort to present an over-
view of participation from a gender perspective, at the national level, in the scope
of the inclusive capacity of the nine interstate committees surveyed. Data collect-
ed using this method can support the development of policies to strengthen wa-
ter management democratization. This, in turn, demands overcoming challenges
such as combating gender inequality, measuring social gaps in the loci surveyed,
qualifying the debate on the subject, as well as fulfilling the commitment taken
on to achieve UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, particularly the relationship
between goals 6 (clean water and sanitation) and 5 (gender equality)

9
This chapter introduces concepts regarded as guiding approaches to gender. It has
no intention to exhaust such concepts, nor the topics addressed, as we acknowledge
the complexity of perspectives and theorists who approach them. Instead, we seek
to provide readers with an overview that instigates reflection on the subject and,
if possible, be used as a reference source to resolve possible doubts regarding the
topics discussed herein.
SEX
Refers to the biological differences between men and women. It is a set of anato-
mo-physiological characteristics that distinguish between males and females.
GENDER
Gender is associated with social constructions rather than natural characteristics,
that is, one’s biological sex. They refer to the roles, responsibilities, rights, relation-
ships, and identities of women and men, which are outlined or attributed to them in
a given society or context and how these affect and influence one another.
Therefore, gender refers to the set of qualities and behaviors expected of women
and men, and as it is socially constructed, it differs from a culture to another. For in-
stance, the former, 1916 Brazilian Civil Code, in its Art. 233, No. IV 242, No. VII stated
that it was up to the husband “to authorize his wife’s occupation” so that she could
work outside the household. As of now, this provision has been changed by the
new Civil Code (Law No. 10.406, 2002). Since these are culturally created norms and
conventions, they differ between places and within places and change over time.
Indeed, with the active involvement of individuals, they can change even faster.

10
INCLUSION
In September 2015, following the disclosure of the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) by the United Nations (UN), countries from all over the world came togeth-
er to promote efforts that contributed to the 169 goals set out, and consequent-
ly to the 2030 Agenda. By adhering to the document Transforming our world: the
2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (A/70/L.1), countries have pledged to take
bold and transformative measures to promote sustainable development by pledg-
ing to “Leave no one behind” (LNOB). The goal is to combat inequalities, including
gender-related, generational, and ethnic-racial ones, while ensuring that universal
human rights and basic economic opportunities are not denied to any individual.
Therefore, it is necessary to come up with affirmative actions that promote women’s
inclusion in different segments.
Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right but a crucial foundation for
building a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. The effort to achieve gender
equality (goal 5) and empower all women and girls across the globe encompasses
the 2030 Agenda, and reflects the growing evidence that gender equality can boost
sustainable development.
FEMINISM
Refers to an ideal, a way of thinking, and a movement for action initiatives seeking
to promote equal opportunities for women and men. It differs from femism, in which
women prevail over men but combats machismo, which inversely defends the prev-
alence of men over women.

11
GENDER EQUALITY
It is the notion that all human beings, men and women, are free to develop their
skills and make decisions without being limited by stereotypes, strict gender roles,
or prejudices. Gender equality means that women and men’s behaviors, aspirations,
and behaviors are equally valued, considered, and promoted. This does not mean
that women and men should become equal, but their rights, responsibilities, and
opportunities should not depend on whether they are born women or men. As an
example of this quest for equal rights, we can mention the right to vote in Brazil. The
first election was held in 1532 to choose the representatives of the City Councils.
However, despite many changes, it was only in 1932 (Decree No. 21.076) that women
came to exercise such a right, as voting came to be allowed for both sexes. The Civil
Code implemented another change, through Law No. 10,406, in 2002, which estab-
lished equal rights and duties for spouses, who came to be equally responsible for
the provision and administration of family expenses.
GENDER EQUITY
Refers to justice and equality between men and women regarding access to soci-
ety’s resources while acknowledging their different needs. This may include equal
or differential treatment, which is seen as equivalent in terms of rights, benefits,
obligations, and opportunities. In the scope of development, gender equality often
requires incorporating affirmative actions to compensate for the historical and social
disadvantages to which women have been subjected.

12
GENDER GAPS
Refer to the undesirable social differences between men and women. They are often
associated with unequal access, distribution of resources, and power in a given con-
text. As an example, we may cite the issue of time availability and mobility.
Time availability: Women’s working days are usually longer than men’s due to the
demands involving their families and household chores. Consequently, women end
up having less time to attend community and other meetings, compared to men.
Mobility: insecurity and socio-cultural gender norms can limit who can travel where,
whether alone or in groups, on foot or by car, and how much time women can spend
at a given place. This can reduce women’s opportunities to participate in different
social networks and spaces for participation.
STEREOTYPE
Refers to a preconceived, standardized, and generalized concept or image estab-
lished by common sense, without more profound knowledge about something or
someone. It is usually used to define and limit people by associating values and
behaviors to individuals according to their social group, which, in turn, is classified
according to gender, class, race, ethnicity, and age.
Gender stereotypes are widespread beliefs about the roles and behaviors attributed
to men and women. The imposition of stereotypes limits the development of one’s
skills and abilities and affects what girls and boys can choose as their future occupa-
tions. As highlighted by Leo Heller, “a gender stereotype is harmful when it limits the
ability of men or women to develop their skills, pursue their careers and make free
choices about their lives” (Heller, 2016, p.6).

13
GENDER DISCRIMINATION
Refers to a distinction, exclusion, or restriction based on one’s gender or sex. It has
been associated with stereotypes and gender roles created to undermine or inval-
idate the recognition, enjoyment, or exercise, based on equality between men and
women, human rights and fundamental freedoms in political, economic, social, cul-
tural, civil, and other spheres.
GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE
Acts or threats that inflict physical, emotional, psychological, or sexual harm or suf-
fering based on gender stereotypes. It can also involve the denial of use or access to
a given resource or asset.
Although men and boys may also experience gender-based violence, it is most com-
monly perpetrated against women and girls. To avoid this type of violence, govern-
ments, management bodies, and different organizations and initiatives must assign
considerable importance to training and support aimed at creating non-violent en-
vironments while promoting training on inclusive diversity and stimulating social
awareness, acceptance, and respect.
POLITICAL VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN
Violent acts, such as aggression, harassment, exclusion, and stereotypes, or threats
that aim to limit or even prevent women’s participation in political and partisan life.
They can be triggered by power struggles or the idea that women should dedicate
themselves exclusively to private life or household chores; that is, women should not
participate in the political arena. This is also understood as a form of chauvinistic
political violence.

14
Finally, it is always necessary to emphasize Principle 3 of the Dublin Statement on
Water and Sustainable Development, which is a consensual document regarding wa-
ter management, signed as part of the preparatory event that preceded the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil,
in the scope of water resources management. Law No. 9,433 of 1997, which deals
with the National Water Resources Policy and its respective management, has fully
adhered to the principles and foundations of that document but failed to incorpo-
rate Principle 3. Yet, this fact does not preclude its acknowledgment according to
Brazil’s constitutional provisions as well as those set forth by other international and
national documents.
According to Principle No. 3 of the Dublin Statement:
Women play a central part in the provision, management and safeguarding of water.
However, their pivotal role as providers and users of water and guardians of the
living environment has seldom been reflected in institutional arrangements for
developing and managing water resources. Acceptance and implementation of
this principle require affirmative policies to address women’s specific needs and to
equip and empower women to participate at all levels in water resources programs
in ways defined by them.

WATER
GOVERNANCE,
GENDER,AND
SOCIALJUSTICE

16
“Gender equality is a fundamental principle of
human rights. However, inequalities between
men and women based on gender identity can
be found in all countries and often reflect in
unequal opportunities and grave human rights
violations” (Heller, 2016, p.1)
Belonging to the female gender has historically implied depreciation that hinders
participatory parity in different spheres of social and political life. Although progress
has been made globally, inequalities concerning who participates in, contributes to,
and benefits from water resource management have persisted.
Much of the literature dealing with water and gender draws attention to how the
lack of access to safe and drinking water impacts women’s roles and responsibil-
ities regarding care work (maternity; domestic activities; and caring for children,
the elderly, the sick, and people with disabilities), a fact that is aggravated by their
need to obtain water. Other aspects concern personal health and hygiene, particu-
larly regarding the menstrual period of women. Accordingly, the availability of ade-
quate water supply and sanitation facilities collaborates to reduce the time spent on
household chores and the risk of health problems (including psychosocial stress) and
gender-based violence (Matos et al., 2021). Alongside these peculiarities, women’s
knowledge is oddly disregarded in sciences by defining female and male roles, and
assigning inferior importance to women’s technical expertise (including gender).
Water governance deals with the alternatives to institutional arrangements em-
ployed in water management so as to contribute to the economic development and
well-being of the populations. This includes the creation of management institutions
with trained technical personnel, permanent associations, and decision-making bod-
ies involving different spheres of governmental and social organizations and an are-
na for articulating with localities facing water shortages and civil defense organiza-
tions others.
Therefore, the search for equitable participation creates social and economic oppor-
tunities, enhancing the water management system and contributing to the consoli-
dation of sustainable involvement. Equitable participation in water management can
also reach other vulnerable groups, such as children, the elderly, and people with
disabilities, who largely depend on the care and assistance provided by women.

17
Although there is evidence that the participation of women can lead to better and
more sustainable water management outcomes, different studies have shown that
they are still a minority when it comes to making decisions about water resources. In
other cases, they are excluded, and the decisions made in this regard – which fail to
consider women’s opinion and needs – impact their lives, health, and overall well-be-
ing (Adams, 2018; Moraes & Rocha, 2013; Figueiredo & Perkins, 2013; Meinzen-Dick
& Zwarteveen, 1998).
Adams et al. (2008) analyzed publications on participatory mechanisms associated
with irrigation and water management in rural areas. They found out that the par-
ticipation of women in water planning and decision-making is limited. According to
the author, this is caused by issues concerning power relations, micropolitics, and
gender dynamics historically rooted in different scales (Hawkins & Seager, 2010).
As emphasized by Heller (2016 p.14-15), “participation is not only a right but also an
imperative for the fulfillment of other rights. Participation encompasses women’s
power to influence decisions, express their needs, make individual choices, and lead
their lives. The lack of water, sanitation, and hygiene required to meet the needs of
women and girls can be largely attributed to the lack of participation by women in
decision-making and planning”.
The importance of involving men and women in water and sanitation management
has been acknowledged at all spheres. It started with the United Nations Conference
on Water in Mar del Plata in 1977, moved forward to the International Decade for
Drinking Water and Sanitation (1981-1990) and reached the International Conference
on Water and Environment, held in Dublin in January 1992, which recognized women
as one of the nine main groups in society whose participation in decision-making is
paramount to achieve sustainable development.
The recognition of women’s involvement in water management was also rein-
forced by Agenda 21 (ONU, 1992, paragraph 18) and the Johannesburg Plan of
Implementation (ONU, 2002, paragraph 25). In addition, the declaration of the
International Decade for Action “Water for Life” 2005-2015 calls for the participation
and involvement of women in water-related development efforts (United Nations,
2015). This position was reaffirmed on goal 5 of SDG and concerns the achievement
of gender equality in the scope of political decisions as well (5.5) (ONU, 2015).
There are arguments for the relevance of women’s participation in water gover-
nance, according to Harris (2009), in an analysis by Upadhyay 2003; Devasia 1998;
Lobo 2001; Assaad et al. 1994, namely: (i) promoting participation is paramount to
improve their status and promote gender equality; (ii) women’s participation poten-
tially improves enforcement and favors the obtainment of resources and sustain-

18
ability; (iii) the non-inclusion of women undermines the success and sustainability
of water management efforts; and, finally, (iv) the inclusion of women leads to the
empowerment of the participants.
It is essential to consider that the Brazilian Constitution, among the individual and
collective rights mentioned in Article 5, provides equal rights for men and women.
In the international arena, the paragraphs of the same provision bring forth compli-
ance with the international principles and treaties ratified by Brazil.
In general, public policies are often implemented as “one size fits all.” In other words,
policies often fail to consider the specifics of their context and are theoretically “gen-
der-neutral.” Therefore, the authorities and managers responsible for its elaboration
and implementation end up neglecting that the results of such policies involve and
impact men and women differently (Harris, 2009).
Likewise, public policies aimed at water resources management are also gender-neu-
tral and pay little attention to social inequalities. “In line with international human
rights law, states must therefore use the ‘intersectoral lens’ in all their policy initia-
tives to ensure that special attention is paid to people facing the greatest disadvan-
tages in the enjoyment of their rights” (Heller, 2016, p.6). Incorporating the gender
perspective into public policy departs from the realization of the need to target
actions to curb women’s inequality.
Therefore, conscious efforts such as affirmative actions and tailored policies are nec-
essary to ensure the meaningful participation of excluded groups (especially wom-
en) in governance arrangements. To that end, involving women in water manage-
ment – considering the relevant decision-making and implementation – requires
them to be trained for participating and fulfilling new responsibilities. Reducing bar-
riers to access and permanence in such spaces, in addition to training, is critical to
achieving considerable equality among members
According to Chhotray and Stoker (2009), the governance theory refers to the practice
of collective decision-making, having as classic questions the search for understand-
ing “what to decide,”“how to decide,” and “who should decide,” as well as democracy,
as pointed out by Bobbio (1986). Along these lines, but from a gender perspective,
Heller pointed out that “it is important to consider who participates, as participation
is often extended only to a few women; in other words, the wealthiest and most ed-
ucated and those relatively privileged due to their social stratum or religion” (Heller,
2016, p. 16). We add that riverside, caiçara, indigenous, and calunga women, as well
as others belonging to specific communities, must be heard and participate in deci-
sion-making processes, as they are endowed with their peculiar forms of knowledge,
which are worthy of being incorporated into water resource management.

NATIONALWATER
RESOURCESPOLICYAND
THENATIONALWATER
RESOURCESMANAGEMENT
SYSTEMINBRAZIL

Before addressing the Law that regulated the National Water Resources Policy and its
Management, we must refer to the provisions of the Federal 1988 Constitution of the
Federative Republic of Brazil (CF), which are the foundation of the country’s legal au-
thority, more specifically the sections dealing with issues concerning water and women.
Brazil adopts a federated State structure, with an autonomous political and adminis-
trative organization for the Federal Government (the Union), the states, the Federal
District, and the municipalities, as established by the Brazilian Constitution. Among
the Nation’s fundamental principles, citizenship, sovereignty, and the dignity of the
human person and their purposes stand out. We can also emphasize the promotion
of the well-being of all, without prejudice as to origin, race, sex, color, age, and any

20
other forms of discrimination. The Constitution also provides for fundamental in-
dividual and collective rights and duties, determining, for example, that men and
women have equal rights under the terms of this very Constitution.
At the international level, Brazil must seek the economic, political, social and cul-
tural integration of the peoples of Latin America, viewing the formation of a
Latin‑American community of nations. Regarding international principles and trea-
ties, the Brazilian Constitution determines that the provisions defining fundamental
rights and guarantees are immediately applicable; the rights and guarantees ex-
pressed in this Constitution do not exclude others deriving from the regime and
from the principles adopted by it or from the international treaties in which the
Federative Republic of Brazil is a party; and the International human rights treaties
and conventions which are approved in each House of the National Congress, in
two rounds of voting, by three-fifths of the votes of the respective members shall
be equivalent to constitutional amendments. Finally, Brazil accepts the jurisdiction
of an International Criminal Court to whose creation it has expressed its adhesion.
Some points are of paramount importance for us to understand the water governance
system in Brazil, namely, the water domain, the competence over the management of
water resources, the definition of water resources and water, and public participation.
The Brazilian Constitution divides the domain of waters between the Federal
Government and the states (federative units), as follows: The following are property
of the Union: (I) the lakes, rivers, and any watercourses in lands within its domain, or
that wash more than one state, that serve as boundaries with other countries, or that
extend into foreign territory or proceed therefrom (CF Art. 20, section III); (II) surface
or subterranean waters, flowing, emerging or in deposit, with the exception, in this
case, of those resulting from work carried out by the Union, as provided by law (CF
Art. 26, section I).
It is necessary to point out, albeit succinctly, the division of powers between the
Federal Government, the states, and the municipalities, remembering that the
Constitution (Brazil, 1988) attributes the power and responsibility of protecting the
environment and combat pollution in all its forms between the three types of enti-
ties (Art. 23). Therefore, all federated entities must implement measures to protect
and maintain natural resources, including water resources.
It is worth considering that federative entities have eminent domain over these relat-
ed assets; that is, in these cases, there is a power relationship operating on the power
the “State” exercises over the assets under its custody and protection, given society’s
interests. It is a manifestation of internal sovereignty, nor is it a property right.

21
In addition to the eminent domain of waters by the State, we must consider that water
is an environmental resource, submitted to the complex legal apparatus dispensed to
the environmental assets. Notably, as to the domain, waters are assets of common use
by all people, as provided in Art. 225 of the CF, which, in itself, mischaracterizes the
old classification of public goods provided for by the Civil Code. “The public entity is
not the owner other than in a purely formal sense (it has the power to self-protect the
asset); in substance, it is the mere manager of the assets of collective use.”
Regarding administrative competence, Article 21, section XIX of the Constitution
provides for the competence of the Union to “establish a national system for the
management of hydric resources and define criteria for the concession of the right
to their use.”
Law No. 9.433/97, enacted on January 8, 1997, established the National Water
Resources Policy (the so-called “Water Law”). Some of its principles include (i) the
recognition of water as a public domain asset, aiming to ensure that current and
future generations have water availability in quality standards appropriate to their
respective uses; (ii) the recognition of water as a finite and vulnerable resource, en-
dowed with economic value, requiring a rational and integrated use of water re-
sources with a view to sustainable development; (iii) the adoption of the river basin
as a planning unit, aiming at adapting the management of water resources to the
physical, biotic, demographic, economic, social and cultural diversity of each region;
and (iv) the adoption of decentralized and participative management to articulate
the water resources planning together with that of the user sectors, in addition to
the regional, state and federal spheres (BRASIL, 1997).
Article 4 of the law above determines that the Federal Government and the states
must articulate to implement the National Water Resources Management System.
This means that the Federal Government, through the National Water Agency, and
the state authorities must act in a harmonious, complementary fashion, through
a unified system specific to each river basin, aiming at granting, supervising, and
charging for the use of water resources.
The National Water Resources Policy (Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos, PNRH)
was established to ensure water availability in quality standards appropriate to its
respective uses, seeking prevention and sustainable development through the ra-
tional and integrated use of water resources. Among its principles are recognizing
water as a public, finite and vulnerable asset, endowed with economic value, and the
adoption of river basins as decentralized and participatory planning units.

22
According to PNRH, the Brazilian states, as well as the Federal District, are responsi-
ble for the management of the waters under their domain, so they must draft spe-
cific legislation for the area (see consideration regarding the right to legislate in
the Brazilian Constitution), hold the State Water Resources Council, and ensure that
the river basin committees in their region keep operating. It is up to the executive
powers of the municipalities and the Federal District to promote the integration be-
tween local policies for basic sanitation, land and environment use, occupation and
conservation, and federal and state water resources policies (Brazil, 1997), as well
as the duties of member states and the Federal Government, notably regarding the
integrated management of water resources and the environment.
The Water Law has not assigned specific powers to municipalities; it merely estab-
lishes its role in integrating local policies. However, municipalities play a pivotal role
in the management of water resources by implementing and regulating policies for
basic sanitation, land use, occupation, and conservation, as well as the environment.
Therefore, even though watercourses are of federal or state domain, the municipali-
ties are critical players for preserving water resources within their borders. We must
remember that the municipalities, according to the joint administrative competence
reserved to them by the Federal Government, the states, and the Federal District, must
operate as a form of water police, as established in Article 23 of the Constitution.
Therefore, they must “protect the environment and to fight pollution in any of its
forms” (Section VI) and “register, monitor and control the concessions of rights to re-
search and exploit hydric and mineral resources within their territories” (Section XI).
The analysis of water resources management reveals that the Constitution recogniz-
es water as a public asset and divides the responsibilities for this specific resource
between the Federal Government and the states. However, unlike other policies, in
which the municipality’s role is preponderant, cities have their strength reduced in
the scope of water management, considering that municipalities own no waters.
Therefore, the cities do not have attributions on water management other than par-
ticipating in river basin committees and integrating environmental policies at the
local level. Therefore, we can consider the existence of the fourth level of decen-
tralization of administration in the scope of water resources management, for the
territorial division of the river basin does not coincide with the municipal or state
administrative divisions. There is, almost always, more than one domain of water to
be considered in management, which imposes the need for negotiation and institu-
tional articulation to overcome the obstacles imposed by the legal norms providing
for each river basin’s watercourses (ANA, 2007).

THERIVERBASIN
COMMITTEES
The National Water Resources Management System (Sistema Nacional de
Gerenciamento de Recursos Hídricos, SINGREH) consists of agencies and collegial bod-
ies, and is responsible for drafting and implementing the National Water Policy. The
National Council for Water Resources, the state water resources councils, and the
river basin committees (state and federal) are part of SINGREH and aim to formulate
and deliberate water resources policies.
As provided for by the National Water Resources Policy, river basin committees are
decision-making arenas in the scope of river basins and are intended to function
as “Water Parliaments”; that is, they are advisory and deliberative collegial bodies
dedicated to the management of water resources at their respective basin. They are
characterized by decision-making decentralization, integration of public and private
actions, and participation of multiple social sectors. Its constitution was provided for
by Law No. 9433 of 1997 and has been endorsed in state laws. This law stresses the
importance of establishing spaces for interaction between public authorities and so-

24
ciety and market actors, with the critical purpose of promoting political articulation
at the local level. In other words, the promotion of debates on issues related to water
resources in the entire river basin is attributed to them. Therefore, the installation
of basin committees is a vital activity for water management to function correctly.
RIVER BASIN COMMITTEES ARE NORMATIVE, DELIBERATIVE,
PROPOSITIONAL AND CONSULTATIVE COLLEGIAL BODIES, WHOSE MAIN
COMPETENCES, IN THE SCOPE OF THEIR AREA OF ACTIVITY, ARE:
• I) to promote the debate on water resources and articulate the performance of
the intervening entities;
• II) to arbitrate, in the first administrative instance, water resources conflicts; III)
to approve the water resources plan for the corresponding basin;
• IV) to oversee the execution of the water resources plan for the correspond-
ing basin and suggest the measures and amendments necessary to accomplish
its goals;
• V) to propose to the water resources national council and to the state councils
the accumulation, collection, and discharge of limited significance, for the pur-
pose of exemption from the obligation to grant rights to use water resources,
according to their domains;
• VI) to establish the mechanisms for charging for the use of water resources
and suggest the amounts to be charged; and
• VII) to establish criteria and promote the distribution of the cost of multi-
ple-use works, whether they are of shared or collective interest.
The committees consist of full and alternate members, and their joint structure is
composed of representatives of the state and municipal public authorities whose
territories are located, even if partially, in their respective operating areas. Water us-
ers in their operating area and representatives of civil water resources entities with
proven performance in the basin in question. Representatives of the National Indian
Foundation (Fundação Nacional do Índio, FUNAI) should be included in the basin
committees whose territories cover indigenous lands as part of the representation
of the Federal Government and the indigenous communities residing there, or who
have interests in that basin.

25
The proportional representation has been laid out by the National Water Resources
Council (CNRH), through Resolution No. 5, of April 10, 2000 (amended by Resolution
No. 18, of December 20, 2001, and by Resolution No. 24, of May 24, 2002), which set
forth the guidelines for the formation and operation of river basin committees. The
council also established that in the rivers controlled by the Federal Government, the
number of representatives of civil entities must be proportional to the population
residing in the territory of each state and the Federal District, with at least 20% of
members. Also, the number of user representatives must correspond to 40% of the
total votes, and the votes of representatives of the executive powers of the Federal
Government, the states, the Federal District and the municipalities must comply with
the 40% limit (CNRH, 2000).
The process to elect committees’ members, as provided by the National Water
Agency (2011b), must be conducted in such a way as to guarantee participation
to all basin. The members that make up the collegial body are chosen from among
their peers, whether they come from the various sectors that use water, civil society
organizations, or the public authorities.
There are currently 233 river basin committees in Brazil, among which ten are in-
terstate ones now in operation, and 223 are state committees. However, there may
be a time gap between a committee’s creation and its respective installation. For
instance, the state of Goiás has 11 water resources management units, among which
(a) five are running; (b) three have been created and are now in the installation
phase; and (c) three have been created but not yet established by decree (referring
to the Médio Araguaia and Médio Tocantins tributaries, among others, which wash
in the state of Goiás).
The institution of basin committees for rivers controlled by the Federal Government
is effected through an act by the President of the Republic (Brasil, 1997). As provid-
ed for by the Federal Constitution (Art. 20), the following assets are property of the
Federal Government: “lakes, rivers and any watercourses in lands within its domain,
or that wash more than one state, that serve as boundaries with other countries, or
that extend into foreign territory or proceed therefrom, as well as bank lands and
river beaches.” Therefore, a shallow body of water is the domain of a state when it is
located entirely within the boundaries of a federative unit, but federal if it washes
more than one federative unit. This form of domanial system defines whether the
Federal Government or the states will manage waters.

26
We must emphasize that the Water Resources Management System, according to
item XIX of Art. 21 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, is exclusively under the
auspices of the Federal Government; that is, it cannot be delegated to anoth-
er party and the national policy on the subject must be followed. In turn, item IV
of Art. 22, provides that it is up to the Federal Government, privately, to legislate
on water, although it can delegate this function to states. However, in this case, a
Complementary Law providing for specific regulations must be drafted.
Brazil has 29 Water Resources Management Units for River Basins for rivers owned by
the Federal Government, which are defined by the National Water Resources Council
through Resolution No. 109/2010, to guide the prioritization of basin committees’
implementation and the management instruments provided for in the National
Water Resources Policy. A detail of this proposal, including the Amazon Basin, was
presented in the Brazilian Water Resources - Report 2020 (ANA, 2020) and comprised
47 Management Units of basins controlled by the Federal Government (Figure 1).

27
Figure 1:Water Resource Management Units. Source: ANA (2020)

28
Table 1 shows the panorama of the ten Interstate River Basin Committees, created
and installed from 1994 to 2018, in detail.
BASIN COMMITTEES
INSTALLED
DATE OF
CREATION
DECREE
NUMBER OF
MEMBERS
(BY-LAWS)*
NUMBER OF
PARTICIPANTS **
MUNICIPALITIES STATES
Paraíba do Sul 3/22/1996 120 107 184 MG, RJ, SP
São Francisco River
Basin Committee
(CBHSF)
6/5/2001 124 115 505
MG, DF,
GO, BA,
AL, SE, PE
Doce River Basin
Committee (CBH-Doce)
1/25/2002 120 96 228
MG and
ES
Piracicaba, Capivari,
and Jundiaí River Basin
Committees (CBH PCJ)
5/20/2002 100 96 76
MG and
SP
Paranaíba River
Basin Committee
7/16/2002 90 88 197
GO, MG,
MS and
DF
Verde Grande River
Basin Committee
12/3/2003 80 73 35
MG and
BA
Piranhas-Açu River
Basin Committee
11/29/2006 80 73 147
PB and
RN
Grande River Basin
Committee
8/2/2010 130 111 393
MG and
SP
Paranapanema River
Basin Committee
6/5/2012 100 99 247 PR and SP
Parnaíba River Basin
Committee ***
2018 277
Total 944 858
Table 1: * Number of members (full and alternate), according to the committee’s by-laws. **Number of active members
(data obtained from the list of members available on the committee’s website and via email). ***The Rio Paranaíba
River Basin Committee was created in 2018, and at the time of this survey, it was going through the electoral process to
choose its members for their first terms. **** State abbreviation: Alagoas (AL), Bahia (BA), Distrito Federal (DF), Espírito
Santo (ES), Goiás (GO), Minas Gerais (MG), Mato Grosso do Sul (MS), Paraíba (PB), Pernambuco (PE), Paraná (PR), Rio
de Janeiro (RJ), Rio Grande do Norte (RN), Sergipe (SE), São Paulo (SP). Source: CBH (2020) and ANA (2020) websites.
During data collection and research questionnaire application (from January to May
2020), we reviewed the committees’ websites and contacted them by email to confirm
the number of members and the existence of vacant seats. Among the nine commit-
tees surveyed, eight have open spaces for representation, either due to the absence of
an interested institution or failure to appoint a representative, totaling 86 vacant seats.

30
In The Future of Democracy, Bobbio (1986) warned readers that the democratic pro-
cess is characterized by a set of rules providing for who is authorized to make collec-
tive decisions and by what procedures. The author also points out that even group
decisions are made by individuals (that is, as such, a group does not make decisions).
That is, “for a decision made by individuals (whether one, a few, many, or all) to be
accepted as a collective decision, it must be based on rules that provided for who
is authorized” to make the decisions binding to the group, as well as its representa-
tive arrangement and the actions that may derive from it. This study assumes that
the committee’s whole operation and the active exercise of representatives from
different segments should ensure inclusive and sustainable access to quality water,
in an amount adequate to the sustenance of human ways of life and well-being, and
socioeconomic development. In other words, water security promotion must be the
primary objective of the entities involved in water resources management.
This study adopted quantitative and qualitative descriptive approaches and collect-
ed primary and secondary data. The primary sources were collected from research
questionnaires with closed questions and blank spaces for the insertion of notes by
the respondents. Secondary data were collected from publications addressing state
legislation and the functioning of basin committees.
Regarding data collection procedures, in the first stage, the number of river basin
interstate committees in the country and the number of members in each body were
counted. The figures are detailed in the next section. Then, river basin committees’
representatives were contacted, and the questionnaires were sent to them electron-
ically with a reinforced request for them to fill them out. They were answered be-
tween January and May 2020. The research subjects were perceived as “social actors”
with the potential to lead the process of formulating, implementing, and evaluating
water policy actions and initiatives while expressing the demands of society.
The answers were analyzed, and duplicated or incongruent questionnaires were ex-
cluded, resulting in a sample of 46% of the members, including full and alternate
members of all gender and segments of representation. It is noteworthy that sev-
eral contacts were made to obtain the most significant number of responses to the
questionnaires. Although the percentage of return is statistically low, it exceeds the
minimum value for a 95% confidence level and error margin by 5% for the sample in
question. The analysis operationalization and data presentation were based on the
following analytical categories, which guided the development of this report: (i) the
socioeconomic profile of the representatives; and (ii) the composition, representa-
tion, and aspects concerning the committees’ participatory profile.

SOCIOECONOMIC
PROFILEOF
REPRESENTATIVES
A committee consists of a group of people who come together to examine a particu-
lar issue. In the specific case of this study, water resources management in the scope
of river basins. These consist of a limited number of representatives, defined in their
by-laws approved by the committee’s plenary, its highest decision-making body. The
plenary is composed of a group of representatives and chaired by one of them. It
operates based on open and public meetings so that anyone interested in the topic
in question can follow the meetings and issue their opinion on the issues discussed.
According to the survey presented in Table 1 (the list of river basin committees sur-
veyed in this study), there are 944 participatory spaces in interstate committees (in
addition to more than 12,000 in state committees, Matos, 2020). It is up to the rep-
resentatives, as members of these public spaces of negotiation, to coordinate the

32
multiple uses of water resources and debate the integration between public policies
that have a relevant intersection with water use. Regardless of the degree of imple-
mentation of the water resources policy at the regional level, we believe that the
actions of these individuals are paramount to achieve the longed-for sustainability
of these resources.
In the first step of the analysis, we sought to identify the social subjects who partic-
ipate in the formulation and deliberation of water resources management policies
in the scope of the interstate river basin committees. The aim was to identify the
participants’ characteristics, such as level of education, area of expertise, among
others. Based on that characterization, we can analyze and discuss whether the ba-
sin bodies can include subjects who have traditionally had limited participation in
decision-making spaces.
As for the representatives’ profile according to gender, the survey revealed that there
are almost three times more men than women in interstate river basin committees
(72.83% x 27.17%). As to this specific question, the field “other” was also included as
an alternative answer, but no participant checked it.
Chart 1: Distribution of respondents by sex. Research Data.
Generally, the data revealed a significant disparity in female representation in in-
terstate committees, with even lower percentages when compared to the national
average in state committees (31%), which also does not reflect participatory equity
between genders (Matos, 2020).
We also aimed to identify the distribution of representatives in terms of gender per
committee (see Chart 2).

33
São Francisco
Doce
PCJ
Paraíba do Sul
Paranaíba
Paranapanema
Piancó-Piranhas-Açu
Grande
Verde Grande
Woman Man
27,66%
72,34%
33,33%
66,67%
26,83%
73,17%
20%
80%
28,26%
71,74%
19,05%
80,95%
19,35%
80,65%
22,64%
77,36%
44,12%
55,88%
Chart 2: Distribution of respondents by sex per river basin committee. Research Data.

34
The comparative analysis showed that the Verde Grande River Committee had one
of the best female participation rates (44.12%), whereas the Paranapanema River
Committee had the lowest (19.05%). We must bear in mind that although that per-
centage is higher than the sample calculation required to perform the analysis, a
greater number of respondents would provide greater levels of confidence and more
varied possibilities for analysis. The analysis of data concerning the Verde Grande
River Committee reveals that the percentage divergence in participation between
men and women is low. However, in any case, members should reflect on gender in
the scope of the water management collegial bodies.
As explained by Heller (2016, p.3-4), the quest for gender equality requires the “iden-
tification of the fundamental causes of inequalities and the dismantling of structural
barriers, taboos, stereotypes and social norms that prevent the enjoyment of rights
by individuals based on gender. Special policies and measures need to be enforced
to deal with inequalities in practical terms and to strengthen women’s voice and
participation.”
Next, we tried to identify how the respondents in the interstate basin committees
in Brazil are classified by age (Chart 3). General data on the respondents shows that
the distribution of actors in the committees concentrates the highest proportions
of representatives in the age group ranging from 41 to 50 years (25.21%). The ba-
sin committees surveyed have 4.2% of their representatives at a young age (up to
30 years old). However, considering that almost half of the respondents (48.74%)
were older than 51, it is worth reflecting on the importance of investing in training
younger representatives to continue the process of renewing water management
representation and social participation.

35
31-40 yo
51-60 yo
70 yo or older
Up to 30 yo
41-50 yo
51-70 yo
5,9%
WOMAN
7,3%
WOMAN
2%
WOMAN
9,5%
WOMAN
2,5%
WOMAN
0%
WOMAN
19,3%
MAN
17,6%
MAN
2,2%
MAN
12,3%
MAN
17,4%
MAN
3,9%
MAN
Chart 3:Total distribution of representatives by age and sex (in percent). Research Data.
As the categories “age group” and “sex” were compared, the data showed that wom-
en representatives are more concentrated in the age group between 31 and 40 years
old (9.5%).
Then, considering that the elected member must be prepared to defend the inter-
ests of the segment he represents, the representatives were also asked about their
level of education and area of expertise – these questions aimed to reveal the possi-
ble variables involved in the formation of representatives. In addition to indicating
whether different actors, directly linked to water uses, may not be represented on
the basin committees; that is, those with lower levels of education or coming from
different areas of expertise.

36
As to the schooling of the representatives working in such spaces, the highly educat-
ed profile of basin committees’ members stood out. The general data revealed that
93.3% of the representatives who answered that question completed a higher edu-
cation course, whereas 2.2% were attending college at the time of the survey, and
almost 65.5% were enrolled in graduate programs. The data also showed that the
edges are situated in elementary education (0.9% of the participants) and doctorate
level (8.5%). In other words, the level of education among the committee represen-
tatives is diversely distributed and unbalanced.
The comparative analysis by sex revealed that women stand out for having higher
levels of education. More than 95.9% of the female representatives who answered
that question have completed a higher education course, and more than 71.1% were
enrolled in graduate courses. Chart 4 below shows the distribution of the respon-
dents’ education data by sex.
Ph.D.
Unfinished Ph.D.
Master’s Degree
Unfinished Master’s Degree
MBA/Certificate Program
Bachelor’s Degree
Some college
Technical Course
High school
11,3%
10,4%
2,1%
3,1%
17,5%
11,5%
6,2%
5,8%
34%
32,7%
24,7%
28,8%
2,1%
2,3%
0%
1,9%
0%
3,1%

37
Technical Course
High school
Primary school
Woman Man
0%
1,9%
0%
3,1%
2,1%
0,4%
Chart 4: Distribution of respondents by education and sex, in percent.
When representatives are elected to participate in a committee, they must be
prepared to defend the segment’s interests and the organization they represent.
Therefore, we proceeded to identify these representatives’ areas of expertise. Data
analysis revealed that basin committees are spaces where the concentration of cer-
tain areas of knowledge predominates. Among them, engineering courses (35.9%)
stand out, ranking well ahead of the second most prominent area (applied social sci-
ences), which comprises courses in public and business administration; accounting;
tourism; architecture, urban planning, and design; communications and information;
law; economics; urban and regional planning; demography; and social work (21.4%).
Given the representation scenario, particularly regarding the level of education and
the area of expertise of the representatives involved in these instances, and consid-
ering that representation on committees must reflect the multiple interests of their
jurisdiction, we can question whether the high level of education of a significant
part of the representatives is not reducing the possibility of including the interests
and demands of groups and social sectors whose voices typically fail to achieve rel-
evance and recognition in the shared political representations spaces, which leads,
in turn, to decisions that are socially and environmentally unfair. In other words, al-
though the diversity of specialists is a positive factor, governance arrangements may
be leaving out groups that can influence the policies enforced in them and represent
other languages, knowledge forms, and backgrounds. Another interesting aspect
concerns the higher presence of representatives trained in engineering in these col-
legial bodies. This can lead to the concentration of discussions on hydrological data
and works aimed at water reservation and offer, which are important for the man-
agement system, but which occur at the expense of social and environmental issues.
Chart 5: below shows the distribution of respondents by area of expertise and by
sex. The concentration of respondents in certain areas was identified for both sexes;
that is, comparatively, women with a background in engineering reached the highest
percentage value. The numbers also revealed slight differences between the areas of
knowledge, the most significant being in agriculture and biological sciences.

38
Engineering
Applied Social Sciences
Agricultural Sciences
Biological Sciences
Mathematical Sciences
Anthropology/Archeology
Multidisciplinary Studies
Health and Medical Sciences
Linguistics
Woman Man
26,3%
38,6%
23,2%
20,7%
9,5%
16,3%
23,2%
9,3%
7,4%
4,1%
7,4%
5,3%
3,2%
3,7%
0%
1,2%
0%
0,8%
Chart 5: Distribution of respondents by area of expertise and sex, in percent.

39
Regarding the distribution of resources, the results showed that the income of
81.8% exceeds 4.000 BRL. Approximately 30.5% range from 4,001.00 to 8,000.00 BRL,
whereas 23.3% earned between 8.001 and 12.000 BRL and 28% reported having in-
come over 12.000,00 BRL. These figures indicate that participants have an income
above the country’s average compared with the value of the monthly minimum
wage (954.00 BRL) or the nominal monthly household income per capita, which
totals 2,112.00 BRL (IBGE, 2018). Indeed, this information helps to outline the de-
cision-making groups in the scope of water management. These data corroborate
Santos Júnior et al. (2004, 37), as the authors argue that the profile of the representa-
tives constitutes a kind of referential elite, or a “civic community with an associative
culture,” characterized by having a higher socioeconomic profile and a higher level
of information, as well as technical and political training, compared to the general
population’s average.
Advancing water resource governance requires a wide range of social actors through
inclusive governance structures that acknowledge the dispersion of decision-mak-
ing across various levels and entities. From schooling to the income range of the
basin committees’ actors, the data indicate the need to expand the social base so
that other socially fragile groups can come to be represented in water management.
The diversified and democratic composition of the committees can contribute so
that all sectors of society that have an interest in water acquire representation and,
therefore, express their interests in the decision-making processes concerning river
basin management. It is also imperative to recognize, for instance, the contribution
of women to the local management of water resources and their role in water-relat-
ed decision-making.
Among the representatives with the highest income (51.3% of them claimed to earn
more than BRL 8,001.00), only 11.2% were women. A comparative analysis (Chart 6)
reveals that not only are women still a minority in the basin bodies, but they also
belong to the groups with the lowest family incomes. This reinforces the need to
strengthen the insertion of women in public management. In addition, basin com-
mittees need to reflect on gender and the representation of women and the most
vulnerable sectors in water resource management.

40
12,001.00 or more
BRL 8,001 – 12,000
BRL 4,001 – 8,000
BRL 2,501 – 4,000
BRL 1,501 – 2,500
BRL 900 – 1500
Less than BRL 900
Woman Man
5,04%
22,97%
6,16%
17,09%
9,52%
21,01%
3,64%
6,44%
0,84%
2,8%
1,4%
1,96%
0,56%
0,56%
Chart 6: Distribution of respondents by income and sex, in percent.
The unequal participation of women in decision-making processes and the labor
markets compound inequalities and generally prevent women from fully contribut-
ing to climate-related planning, policymaking, and implementation (UNFCCC, 2020),
and consequently to water management. As highlighted by Heller (2016), the voic-
es of women and young women are indispensable to ensure that their needs are
understood and prioritized (Heller, 2016, p. 15). The author also draws attention to
“marginalized women” (including the disabled, the elderly, the illiterate, or the poor
women) and the fact that they face additional barriers to participation. This obser-

41
vation leads to intersectionality studies, which incorporate gender, race, and class,
because gender inequalities are widened when added to other forms of discrimina-
tion and disadvantages. The strengthening of the debate on intersectionality brings
about new challenges for analyzing the demands of different women groups, as it
also starts to diversify the agendas and makes them more complex due to the new
perspectives that it adds.
Regarding the time of participation and representation in basin committees,
12.1% of the respondents have participated in the committee for less than 1 year;
49.7%, from 1 to 5 years; 22.3%, from 6 to 10 years; 7.2%, from 10 to 15 years, 4%,
from 16 to 20 years, and 4.6% have participated for more than 20 years. Therefore,
most respondents (61.8%) have been members of a committee for less than six years,
while the variable “1 to 5 years” showed the highest percentage (49.7%). It is im-
portant to note that three of the nine basin committees analyzed in this study were
created from the years 2010 onwards (see table), which helps explain the low per-
centage of participation of members for more than 10 years.
When data on participation time by gender is analyzed separately, 73.2% of women
members have been part of the committees for less than six years. Data on male re-
spondents reveal that 57.4% of them have participated for less than six years, while
42.4% have participated for more than that. This scenario can be promising for wom-
en to reach a relevant percentage of participation, provided that practices that en-
courage them to remain as RBC representatives are encouraged. However, it was not
possible to analyze the members’ length of stay in terms of renewal and rotation,
given that the RBCs by-laws define this, and there is no standardization as to the
duration of the terms.
Another point observed was the participation of members in the collegial board of
committees. Among the survey respondents, 14% reported that they also participate
in the committee’s board, but among this total, only 5% were women. The responses
collected through the filled-out questionnaires were distributed by job title and sex,
and as can be seen in Chart 7, 76.47% of the women on the board occupy secretary
positions.

42
33,34% 23,33% 30% 13,33%
5,88% 17,65% 52,94% 23,53%
PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT SECRETARY SECRETARY ASSISTANT
PRESIDENT VICE-PRESIDENT SECRETARY SECRETARY ASSISTANT
Man
Woman
Chart 7: Distribution of board members by sex, in percent.
Considering the quantitative examination of gender parity in water governance
participation, women’s participation is considerably lower (only 27.17%) in the rep-
resentative spaces of Brazilian interstate river basin committees. However, women
stand out for their renewal in these collective decision-making spaces, considering
that female representation is more significant among younger age groups and high-
er levels of education when compared to the national profile. The data point to the
participation of women in the representative spaces of river basin committees in
Brazil, but they are the minority.
COMPOSITION AND
REPRESENTATION
Among the respondents, 62.36% are full members, while the rest are alternate
(37.64%). Alternate members have no voting rights but can speak in plenary. The ex-
istence of full positions, the number, and the form of replacement of such members
are provided for by each committee’s by-laws.

43
The answers to this question (how the respondents occupy the plenary spaces) were
redistributed comparatively. Initially, we sought to analyze the percentage by sex
among the full members. In this group, only 24.77% are women, whereas, among
the alternate members, women occupy 31.34% of the seats. However, as the percent-
age of female participation is low, this impacts how this information is perceived.
Therefore, the responses were redistributed comparatively to present the distribu-
tion by sex, as shown in Chart 8. Indeed, 43.3% of women who participate in these
collegial spaces occupy alternate positions.
64,48% 35,52%
56,70% 43,30%
FULL ALTERNATE
MAN
WOMAN
Chart 8: Distribution of respondents by sex and position, in percent. Research Data.
A committee should be composed to reflect the multiple interests in the waters of a
given basin. Generally, there are three interests involved in basins, namely those of
direct users (who may be or not be subject to the granting of the right to use water
resources); of legally constituted public authorities (municipalities, states, and the
Federal Government) in the implementation of different public policies; and civil
organizations in defense of collective interests and with a view to diffuse interests.
In short, “this set of representations must seek to bring together opposing interests
over water; however, the use of water resources must be sustainable to ensure con-
ditions not only for current generations but also future ones” (ANA, 2011).
The characteristics that qualify a given representative as the most appropriate to
defend the interests of a specific segment are outlined among its peers in sectoral
assemblies, and summoned through the issuance of a public notice by the commit-
tees to choose representatives.

44
The electoral process consists of acts comprising the preparation and holding of
elections, including the election and inauguration of elected representatives. It in-
volves the planning, the issuance of the Public Notice with the rules and guidelines
of the electoral process, the formation of the electoral commission, the dissemina-
tion and social mobilization, in addition to the registration and delivery of docu-
ments, qualification proceedings, and holding of meetings by the segments that
elect the qualified representatives in each participation category. After the election
and inauguration, the institutions have a deadline to send the names of the nomi-
nees who will represent them. Finally, in the Official State Government Gazette, the
governor publishes the Executive Order that officializes the composition of each
RBC, thus closing the electoral process.
The adoption of governance requires, in turn, the adoption of methodologies to
strengthen communities, to qualify them to participate in local decision-making pro-
cesses, thus influencing the construction of more sustainable processes in a positive
way by evaluating and proposing solutions for the basins’ problems (Hollanda, 2009;
Ribeiro, 2009). Furthermore, this also encourages the participation of women in de-
cision-making arenas.
In general, regarding the representation sector without the gender markup: 19.94%
of respondents were members of the municipal government; 17.13% were members
of the state government; 30.34% were water users; 29.78% were members of civil so-
ciety, and 2.81% were members of the federal public authority. We must emphasize
that in the case of civil society and water users, this representation concerns legally
constituted entities, and there is no space for individual participation. The term “civil
society” encompasses a wide range of different organizations, entities, and interest
groups, such as NGOs, philanthropic entities, union entities, and business organiza-
tions. In turn, water users are defined herein as groups, public and private entities,
and collectivities that, in their interest or the interest of third parties, use water
resources or collect water, discharge effluents, or perform uses not directly aimed
at consumption from/into water bodies (whether they are a river or watercourse,
reservoir, weir, dam, well, or spring).
Another point, still regarding the representation segment, is that an organization
represents its peers as a group. One person is appointed as a representative of that
entity in the scope of the committee. In other words, power is attributed to an actor
so that they can make decisions on behalf of an organization and a segment of rep-
resentation when presenting the perspectives and desires of a particular group, and,
even so, paying attention to the collective interest, which, in this case, refers to the
rational use of water resources.

45
According to this perspective, we understand that the active participation of repre-
sentatives can enhance the management and conservation of resources in the river
basin in which they participate. In this regard, it is worth remembering that Norberto
Bobbio (1986) points out that the fundamental rule of democracy is the majority
rule; in other words, this is the basic rule on which collective decisions and decisions
approved by the majority of those who are responsible for deciding are considered,
and therefore linked to the entire group. However, it is worth noting that possibly
the best decisions in the basin committee are the negotiated ones because they aim
to reach a consensus and make all parties involved feel they are benefiting, thus
avoiding conflicts.
The answers to the question about the representation segment to which the partic-
ipants belong were redistributed comparatively by sex. Chart 9 presents the data on
this variable.
Man
Woman
30% 70%
25% 75%
28,3% 71,7%
68,85%
31,15%
25,35% 74,65%
Federal public authority
State public authority
Local public authority
Water users
Civil society
Chart 9: Distribution of respondents by segment and sex, in percent. Research Data.

46
We observed that women are more present in the segment of entities linked to the
state government (31.15%), and participation in the water users’ segment is low-
er (25%). When asked if “During your time as a representative, have you represent-
ed other segments?”, only 3.13% of the female respondents claimed to have rep-
resented another segment of participation before (compared to 14.11% of male
representatives).
Although the analysis was carried out using other variables, such as level of educa-
tion, area of expertise, and income, this is an introductory study to understand the
participation of women, insofar as it presents an overview of such representatives,
given the limitations of quantitative research. Therefore, the differences between
them or their relationships and positions within the governance arrangements can-
not be analyzed in depth. However, as GWP (2012) advocated, the differences and
inequalities between men and women determine how individuals will respond to
changes in water resources management. Along these lines, involving women and
men in the integrated management initiatives of this resource can increase the ef-
fectiveness and efficiency of water governance arrangements. Studies show that
women are more vulnerable to extreme natural events; however, such vulnerability
does not concern their nature but is, instead, a socially constructed process.
Still regarding the participatory profile, we asked representatives if they were also
members of state committees and/or subcommittees, in addition to the interstate
committee. Almost half of the female respondents (48.39%) declared to represent
other RBCs (compared to 44.4% of male respondents).
Also, 61.7% of female respondents declared to work in other participatory bodies
in various sectors, such as education, health, etc., in addition to participating in
interstate river basin committees (compared to 59.34% of male respondents). This
shows that the country’s water management network is interconnected. The deci-
sions taken at the committee level may be and derive from other arrangements,
being influenced by them, to meet the provisions laid out in the National Water
Resources Policy.

48
The Fourth World Conference on Women – Action for Equality, Development, and
Peace, held by the United Nations in 1995 in Beijing, China, discussed the progress
made since previous conferences (México, 1975; Copenhague, 1980; Nairobi, 1985).
The Declaration and Platform for Action approved at that conference recommended
strengthening the capacity to produce statistics on gender and reinforce gender
integration into the formulation of policies, implementations, and improvements to
expand the perception of women’s contributions to national development.
This study has sought to contribute to studies on participation in the scope of in-
terstate river basin committees with data detailed by sex and to offer information
that can point out important aspects of its inclusive capacity. Aspects regarded as
relevant were highlighted to present an overview of participation, from a gender
perspective, at the national level, in the nine interstate committees surveyed.
It is grounded on the premise that good governance is paramount to achieve wa-
ter security, universal water resources, and social justice. Data compiled using this
method can collaborate to support the development of policies to strengthen water
management democratization, which demands overcoming challenges such as com-
bating gender inequality, measuring social gaps in the loci surveyed, qualifying the
debate on the subject, as well as fulfilling the commitment taken on to achieve UN’s
Sustainable Development Goals, particularly the association between goals 5 and 6.
Data analysis revealed that the socioeconomic profile of the representatives of the
committees is characterized as follows: most are male and belong to the middle and
upper classes (81.8% declared to have a family income above 4,001 BRL); they have a
high level of education (93.3% have completed at least one undergraduate course),
and 48.74% were over 51 years of age. These governance arrangements are expected
include all individuals in the deliberative and decision-making processes, regardless
of the power positions they occupy in social relations.
Regarding women’s participation, we observed a significant disparity between men
(72.83%) and women’s participation (27.17%), in that female participation is much
lower. Equality remains a challenge; gender parity in the political and representative
spheres has yet to be achieved. Therefore, the female presence on the committees
can be glanced at from two perspectives. First, even though women’s participation
in the representation of river basin committees in Brazil is low, such a presence is
relevant and significant, as the space for political participation is still predominantly
male. This points to an ongoing transformation in the political participation sce-
nario in the country, especially in the scope of committees, not only from a gender
perspective but also a generational one. Furthermore, the structural aspects of the

49
patriarchal system and the sexual division of labor persist as obstacles in the path of
social, political, and economic transformation. Due to the ingrained and naturalized
perception that women are responsible for performing domestic work in the private
sector, they have been kept away from participatory political spaces, as is the case
with the Interstate Water Basin Committees.
Absences or invisibilities in the processes of composing such spaces can situate in-
dividuals and groups on the margins of the common good. In other words, the inter-
ests and demands of those who do not participate in the committees are not repre-
sented in water planning and management. They may even contribute to asserting
the scarcity of access to water use by those living in misery or poverty conditions.
Joint, participatory, and deliberative management in the scope of river basin com-
mittees aim to promote water security and, consequently, and potentially allow bet-
ter access to water, sanitation, and the preservation of the abundance and quality
of water resources. Therefore, we emphasize that the participation of all the actors
involved, coming from all sectors of society, constitutes a crucial element for pro-
moting water management equity.
The basin committees have the mission to manage divergent opinions and build
innovative solutions in a participatory and democratic fashion. These arrangements,
carried out through the participation of its members, have decision-making power
over many essential issues in each basin, in addition to the articulation between dif-
ferent agents, the actions to mediate conflicts in the first stance, and the approval
of the water resources plan for the basin in question, hence the importance of the
representativeness of its members. There are many interests at stake and subjects
involved, and these must be considered for the purposes of water resource man-
agement. This, in turn, must work to make the interests, perspectives, and desires
of each segment explicit while always seeking to achieve the collective interest and
cooperation for the construction of collective agreements; that is, the rational use
of water resources.
The participation of representatives is a critical factor and a fundamental principle
of water management and governance, given its potential to improve the quality of
decisions, confer legitimacy to management, and improve the relationship among
actors. As pointed out by Simione (2018), research on representation matters, as
it allows us to assess how much a participatory institution represents the gener-
al population (age, sex, education), to verify the exclusion or absence of relevant
groups or interests, and to help identify the distribution of power within participa-
tory institutions.

50
Studying representation in deliberative spaces can provide insight into how the ef-
forts to expand participation by different sectors of society are undertaken. The im-
provement of social representation is a crucial factor in ensuring the legitimacy of
such spaces. Such improvement implies that all interest groups are represented and
that all representatives have equal conditions to present their ideas, debate, and
take positions in decision-making. Besides, we must not forget that representation
demands that we gaze at how it is constructed, that is, how the representatives are
selected and the extent to which their performance on the committees reflects the
needs of the parties represented. This view, which is introduced in this report, is vi-
tal for all those concerned with strengthening the democratization of public policy
management, more specifically in the scope of water resources management.

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