The continuity of the greek administrative elite in local government despite the changes in political leadership RANIA TSOPANA, PHOTIS ZYGOULIS

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"Public Management and Administrative Elite in Greece: The continuity of the Greek local
government concerning the local administrative elite despite changes in political
leadership. What is an administrative elite; Where is the Greek administrative elite? "
Keywords: Continuity of the Administration, Public Bureaucracy, Public Sector Management,
Human Resources, Administrative Elite, Citizen Service, Private Bureaucracy. Evaluation of
Public Employees.
The economic crisis in Greece has influenced during the last years the way of thinking and
action for all the Greeks. The situation has revealed serious problems plaguing Greece for
decades. The Greek State is forced de facto to adapt to the new conditions. The crisis has
highlighted the shortcomings of Greek public administration. The civil service was one of the
great problems of our country due to the inability to serve both the civic and political power.
The problems of public administration cannot be explained through a mechanistic - formal
framework of parameters such as an organization's management system, an organization’s
strategic planning, but through the political - ideological context of the patronage
characteristics of the Greek public administration and its dependency on political power
(patron-client system). The administrative continuity despite the current political changes is
firstly an ideological problem and then an organizational one, especially in Greece.
There is the imperative need for the modernization of Greek public administration to
improve efficiency and effectiveness regardless of the changes that occur each time after
the elections at central, regional or local level. It is also an urgent need for the
modernization of the Greek public administration regardless of the country's obligation
towards its IMF and EU lenders.
1. New technologies and political power
The introduction of new technologies (IT) and the effort to change and redesign of specific
administrative processes have recently influenced the Greek Local Governments towards
their effort to become more democratic. The legal establishment of the sine qua non
presupposition for posting on the web (platform DIAVGEIA,1 means clarity) for the execution
of all the administrative acts, the introduction of a platform where electronic records are
being kept for procurement, the introduction of institutionalized policies of open data in
local government, has mutated the concept of governance. The public officials are
nowadays (in the 2010s) compelled to perform procedures in the regulatory framework of
an established legitimacy. This legitimacy is no longer an abstract concept but it is realized in
specific administrative practices. Transparency and public consultation are practices
imposed by the Greek Central Government, not by the Greek Local Government.
1 Diavgeia.gov.gr

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2. The Greek political system and the political patronage (patron-client system)
Greece is a country of semi-periphery, in accordance with Greek theorists. According to N.
Mouzelis phenomena such populism and clientelism flourish in such societies. The Greek
public bureaucracy with no expertise in modern methods of management, are not aware of
the new technologies and do not establish an independent and cohesive team. The famous
bureaucratic “esprit de corps” does not exist in the Greek bureaucratic fragmented groups.
The spread of political partisanship after 1980 made trade – union groups a system
substitute of a strong administrative elite. At the same time the strengthening of this
patronage system mutated the relations within the public administration and the ruling
party catalytically.
Public administration in this manner always depended closely on the political system in
Greece which lacked safeguards as institutionalized checks and balances. The increase in size
of the Greek public administration because of patronage did not keep pace with the growth
of its power necessarily. The public bureaucracy in Greece as well as civil society were weak
entities in relation to political power. The situation changed after the political alteration in
1974.
The inclusion of social forces inside the Greek political system, which until 1974 had been
marginalized, had had as a result the forced adaptation of the political system to two
streams of society, the progressive - modernization which advocated the westernization as a
solution to all the problems of the country and the traditional - conservative obsolete
stream face of the ideology 'Our East " which had been a political rather than religious
perspective. The official stance of the Greek society reflected a number of dependencies on
both external and internal policy which were based on patronage data structures. The
situation intensified collective experiences of exclusion of certain social groups from
participation in power. The political changes in 1974 were an opportunity for the
simultaneous incorporation of these social groups and empowered them in the context of a
new political environment. These social forces have been pursuing the renewal and reform
of the state as well as the distribution of power. Indeed the democratization and diffusion of
social benefits to wider social layers meant to the collective unconscious, the end of political
segregation and social discrimination.
This end of the political discrimination was perceived not as an opportunity for equality in
the distribution of benefits from production and labor but as a contribution to redistributive
formula benefits, participation in the exercise of state power as a populist ideology
application with Manichean conceptions of mediation between supporters and leadership.
So there was a "new" concept of democracy, an infused populism.
The institutional fall of the Greek public bureaucracy because of the strong presence of the
political system led to a distortion of its role and the emergence of an elitist -
counterproductive trend which had gradually become autonomous. This peculiar autonomy
derived from the strength of an uncontrolled state machine which was been controlled by
political party mechanisms that established specific political relationships.

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In fact the empowerment of Greek public bureaucracy progressively led to a state of
lawlessness and lack of political and administrative freedom that reflected the
monopolization of power distribution of the social and political layers that were employed in
the structures of this bureaucracy. The bureaucracy was no longer the executive power of
the government but a redistribution mechanism of patron –client benefits. The
administrative machine in Greece now (after 1974) has been autonomized towards the Geek
society but it had little autonomy against the party machinery. The famous fear of Max
Weber for a bureaucratic autonomy against parliamentary institutional control had no place
in Greek public administration. Instead we had the imposition of the political towards the
administrative element. The development of trade unionism was the catalytic agent for the
delivery of any autonomy of bureaucracy in public policy and the inability to set up strong
administrative elite in Greece.
This autonomy was a characteristic feature of many lobbyists exogenous to the Greek public
bureaucracy. Pressure groups, which were not always a representation of the so-called 'civil
society’, sought in turn to participate in the distribution of economic benefits from the Greek
state.
The analysis of pressure groups in Greece can be supported on new theories of government
- state corporatism and syndicalism (Mavrogordatos 2000). In the case of neo - corporatism
we see the close relationship between pressure groups - professional organizations and
political parties. In the case of neo - corporatism in Greece, the political party of PASOK
equated its survival with the political firmament of the possibility of political paternalism of
pressure groups. This political paternalism founded in the ideal type of a charismatic Prime
Minister. This ideal type was founded ontologically by the establishment of the prime
minister centered system. The system in the Greek Local Government followed the same
concept.
3. The continuity of the Administration. The case of local gov.
"Computers with their hard drivers had been removed, abandoned in ministerial offices."
Standard practice until a few years ago was the tradition of the scorched earth left behind by
outgoing ministers, governors and mayors. This happens many times even inside a governing
period of the same party. When one vice Mayor exits office, the next vice Mayor, even if
they are of the same political party, finds nothing. What is the role of public sector
employees in this situation? Must they preserve the continuity of the administration?
While installing a new political administration in the local municipality (a new political
concept) there is the habit of changing the whole organizational structure and service. This is
because there is an absence of a strong relationship of trust between the new political
administration and public officials.
The case of consultants is an extra wound in administrative continuity. The progressive
disorganization of the administration and cronyism engendered an unhealthy situation in
which politicians (after the elections) do not find a strong and specialized bureaucracy but a
group of weak and unskilled employees who are not capable of building an elementary
administrative processing. For this reason, the new political regime is being "forced" to

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resort to this solution. This situation leads to the creation of a small sealed room of power, a
small White House within the municipality with unpredictable consequences for the
efficiency of the administration and transparency.
The fact is that the intense legalism that characterizes the administrative culture in Greece
the cause of low efficiency of public servants. This is also due to the prevalence of the
principle of permanence in the public administrative culture. The public sector permanence
is perceived by public employees as a shield against political arbitrariness but unfortunately
this is not the solution for an administrative continuity. Instead, it leads to organizational
slack and diffusion of responsibility. The modern management cannot be implemented in
the Greek local government at all.
Neither the central government nor local administration has systematically addressed the
issue of efficiency or rationalization of the public sector services prior to the financial crisis
of 200. On the contrary, upon the assumption of office of the new political administration,
the new political regime used to fulfill the promises that were given during the elections.
The lack of vision and planning, which normally leads to systematic targeting and addressing
the problems and opportunities, leads to a fragmented and "loose" situation which a private
bureaucracy would deride. In what ways could the public officials be motivated in order not
only to serve but also to lead and innovate?
An aftermath of patronage and cronyism is an underdeveloped administrative system
characterized by low differentiation and specialization, low productivity, learning disability,
lack of memory, inability to adapt and inability to respond to a growing social demand.
In modern Greece the inefficiency of public administration has gradually resulted in the de-legalization
of the government power. Since public administration is a tool of political power
this de-legalization is going to extend to political power.
5. Administrative Elite and Politics. Political Legalization and Administrative Elite.
A rational bureaucracy normally executes commands of a legitimized political power.
Employees cannot be politicians. The public sector employee is learning to perform in a
regulatory framework. The political task is not the duty of civil service but the birth of the
new; the options of the politician have the sense of political responsibility. Politicians do not
execute commands. Politicians ‘choices are being legitimized by the people to exercise
power.
In Greece public officials want to become politicians. Particularly trade unionists and retired
public sector employees are entering the political arena, especially at the lowest levels of
government such as the local government. This has incalculable negative consequences.
Politicians though do not constitute a political elite with a tradition learned inside politics.
Greek local public administration is usually characterized by stability. In Greece according to
the decentralization processes decisive powers are being transferred from the central
government to the local authorities. Local bureaucracies are unskilled and they are trying to
keep their formalistic rules, without a trace of initiative.

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An administrative elite is not entitled to the political entity. An administrative elite is based
on the need for "translation" of organizational techniques that thrive in the free market of
management in organizational shape of the public local governments. A public
administrative elite has different cultural issues, responsibilities and structure of a private
administrative elite. Decision-making in the public sector is based on legal rules and
institutions structured in predefined procedures. Political control over the public servants
means: less autonomy and less flexibility of public officials on the decision-making relatively
to private ones. The challenge is remaining to create innovative, flexible and outgoing local
public administration in Greece.
The result of the lack of an administrative elite in the Greek Local Government, an elite
which is (or should be) the process owner of the public sector is the granting of the technical
decision making in politically defined persons with little experience in the internal
procedures of the local administration (outsourcing). The accountability, a legitimacy test of
an administration is virtually nonexistent when there is no administratrative continuity or
public management culture which ensures the continuous flow of knowledge management
inside the organisation.
In many cases there is a discontinuity of the local administration. Decisions are based on
data that are not archived anywhere or during the changing political period are being
‘forgotten’ by the staff of the local authorities. Many projects which were being initiated by
the previous political regime, with the advent of new Mayor are impliedly repealed. This is
wrong.
6. The economic crisis in Greece and the number of the Greek public servants.
Rationalisation?
The economic crisis in Greece forced for the first time the Greek government to count public
sector employees. A young scientist, D. Kontogiorgis worked on this project and the result
was wonderful and revealing [apografi.gov.gr]. As we can see, the holders of a University
degree are the majority. This is because of the huge number of teachers.
In the Greek local government, instead, the University degree holders are proportionally few
compared to high school graduates. Apart from the stuff of the Technical Services of Local
Authorities (highly skilled staff), the holders of diplomas of university education in Local
government are not strictly qualified.
Should somebody were trying to do the assignment of public servants who are University
degree holders to specific job descriptions they would find a lot of difficulties.

6. Εικόνα 1 The categories of the Greek Public Administration related to their education level
Figure 1 Source: apografi.gov.gr
6
Εικόνα 2 The categories of the Greek Local Government personnel related to their education level. We can see
that the first column reflects the University degree holders
Figure 2 Source: apografi.gov.gr
No jobs descriptions, no qualificatio
that will be the Process owner
project in the Greek Local Government
qualifications, no tasks, no processes. What is the
specialized staff
of a procedure concerning the implementation of a European
Government?
The Greek economic default
sector. There have been some layoffs. M
(2014) a relatively small public sector. But is it flexible and extrovert? No.
historical institutionalism argues that r
this happening in Greece now?
default, it is true, has forced the state to reduce the Soviet
Soviet-style public
Many people have recently retired. Yes. We
y have now
The theory of
reforms in public policies occur as critical crossroads .
appening eforms Is
Is the Greek public sector changing i
public servants are experienc
politicians and trade unionists in times
the context of a deteriorating economic climate
administrative elite;
ctor in the heart of its culture? What types of changes
experiencing to form strong administrative elite; Elite ite was the shapes of
of public money squandering. Is it
Greek
now possible, in
to build effective and responsible

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Another factor is the progressive de-legitimisation of the public sector in the eyes of the
Greek public. They are the "lazy servants." The continuous influence of the party policy
officials [patronage] upon the local government officials has reinforced this de-legitimation
because of the immediacy of the relationship inside the local government. Greece's
accession to the EEC in 1981 and the attempt of the Europeanization of Greek administrative
structures did not result in the establishment of a strong, democratic and specialized
administrative elite which would be the vanguard of public administration as a tool of
rational government policies.
One could say that the politicians in Greece de-rationalized public bureaucracy and
delegitimize themselves. Now this bureaucracy fights back.
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