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Jeff Grimm
Anthropology Lab
Final Paper

                     Gender Distribution Among Gotland Viking Burials

       Did the Vikings import their textiles or manufacture them on the isle of Gotland Sweden?

This is the question being asked by Barbra Klessig for her masters thesis on Gotland Viking

textiles. Barbara is a textile archeologist who believes that Gotland was importing the majority

of it’s textiles from abroad during the Viking age. She hypothesizes that though some production

was occurring on the island, it was small and localized. Barbara had asked me to determine based

on certain criteria the gender distribution of the graves from her sample. Specifically I was

asked to document which female graves possessed textile tools and which did not. The

percentage of females with textile tools is important as it could potentially reveal the extent of

textile manufacturing on the island.



Background



       Gotland is an island off the coast of Sweden that was once inhabited by the Viking

culture. Burials within the sample that was investigated occured during the Viking age, an era of

European history that fits toward the end of the larger European Dark Age time period. The

European Dark Ages ranged from the slow deterioration of the Western Roman Empire to the

beginning of the first European Crusades, roughly from 400 - 1000 AD. The Viking period

extends roughly from 790 AD to 1100 AD, when Vikings migrated down from the northern part

of Europe, raiding, setting up trade routes, establishing settlements and improving on their own

lands through the import of foreign goods (Edge & Paddock).
Method



       Because information on Viking burials is more readily available then settlement

information, several burials and graveyards were examined for this project. These graveyards

have been systematically excavated since the 1950's up until the present though some artifacts

were being procured as far back as the 1800s (Klessig). Because the bodies were not included

with their associated artifacts and because the goal of my project was to find textile tools, gender

was to be determined from the artifacts themselves. In addition, I am not aware of whether the

sexes of the individuals are even available translated in English.

       I analyzed 397 burials from 93 sites ranging all over Gotland with the goal of

ascertaining the gender of each burial artifact set and locate any textile manufacturing tools

within female burials. I used one of four categories to classify each individual as, male, female

without tools, female with tools and an undetermined category. I worked from a printed roster of

all the sites and burials using four highlighter markers to mark each listed burial artifact set into

one of the four categories.

       Each burials artifact set was photographed and published in the book Die Wilkingerzet

Gotlands, a publication of Gotland Viking burial artifact sets. I worked set by set through the

book starting first with male graves as they were the easiest to identify. The first criteria I

examined for male graves was the presence of weapons other then the utilitarian multi-purpose

knives found with both male and female graves. In Viking society warfare was a gender stratified

activity regulated exclusively to men (Klessig). Any presence of weapon grave goods surely

indicates the burial of a male individual. By far the most numerous of the weapons cataloged
among the burials was a plethora of axe-heads made of metal. Axes bore a special significance

among the Vikings because of their unique utilitarian nature. A Viking man fought with his axe,

chopped wood with his axe and could even build a ship with just his axe (Cantor). Being so

handy and so vital to the Vikings as a tool and weapon, it is not surprising that so many axe-

heads appear within the grave goods examined.

       The second most numerous weapon I noted was the sword. A weapon of special

importance and often a sign of rank within the warrior class (Cantor) many, of the swords had

been denatured. The reason for denaturation could be speculated as a way of keeping grave

robbers from recovering the swords from the burials and keep the coveted weapon out of the

hands of anyone except the intended, deceased, owner. Spear heads were found as a third weapon

category and occurred usually in sets. Spears often held a similar place in Viking society as the

axe though not as important (Cantor). These implements were used for both hunting and combat,

analogous to the modern day shotgun.

       Belt decorations and metal belt buckles were another major indicator of a male grave as

men typically always wore leather and women sported woven belts (Klessig). These gender

specific differences in belt construction stems from the speculated utilitarian nature of the

Vikings. Because men within Viking Society often were subjected to more physically taxing

activities and in many instances had to travel great distance it makes sense that they would utilize

leather as a belt material. Additionally leather holds up belt mounted objects, such as swords,

much more readily then woven materials (Klessig).

       Male broach cloak pins were identified due to there stylistic bull horn shape, and thick

lines. These broaches were made of a bronze colored metal and sometimes were shaped often

like twined rope. These broach cloak pins were always found with weapons when weapons were
present, and often were a major identifier of male graves.

       Female burials were often differentiated on the basis of female artifacts present and the

absence of any male artifacts. The major differentiating female artifact used for gender

identification was the animal head broaches. Stylistically exclusive to Gotland these broaches

depict heavily abstract animal heads that would have been worn on the over apron of a Viking

women. Because these animal head broaches are so unique looking and a female exclusive item,

when paired with other female paraphernalia I almost always labeled the burial artifacts as

belonging to a female.

       Other female items consisted of an sort of tortoise broaches (named so because they

resemble a tortoise shell) crystal jewelry, keys, chains and intricately beaded jewelry. The

tortoise broaches were standard Viking female apparel found elsewhere throughout Scandinavia

(Klessig). Because they are associated strictly as a female item they operated as a secondary

indicator when animal head broaches were not present. Jewelry with silver/gold chains and/or

crystal also were indicative of a female burial. One female artifact that puzzled me was the

inclusion of keys made of bone, wood and metal. To my recollection these keys did not turn up

in male burials grave goods and purpose within the grave can only be speculated. A possible

connection between women and the keys may involve the fact that keys were domestic items

used to secure items within the house as well as the house itself. This could indicate that women

were seen as a domestic gender, tied intricately to the homestead.

       The main focus of my analysis was always the search for recognizable textile tools within

the grave goods. Three particular items I attempted to become familiar identifying were the

spindle whorl, the needle and the pattern card. Spindel Whorls were difficult to visually identify

due to the nature of not actually having the artifact on hand. Spindel whorls look suspiciously
like large beads and because the book did not include any scale I attempted to become familiar

with the shape of the tool. Spindel whorls differ in shape from beads in that the spindel whorl

takes on a wide flying saucer shape while beads tend to be more round and orb like. I identified a

few needles which I speculate was made of bone as well as some patterning cards that seem to

have partially bio-degraded. The needles were initially problematic as I confused them with the

cloak pins, which are also needle like objects sans an eye. Upon clarification from Barbara, I

learned that cloak pins are much more decorative and because of the decoration would not

function to pass through any material.

       The final undetermined category consisted of all burial grave goods that could not be

placed into the previously discussed groupings. The artifacts I associated with these were often

beads, burial nails (more on these), knives and scraps of metal. The major factor that went into

determining the sorting of artifact sets into this group was the absence of any gender identifying

cultural material.

       Several issues arose while working on this project, some of them already mentioned

above. The largest problem I encountered was that I did not have the actual artifacts in my

possession to analyze. Working from a book I relied much on Barbara’s first hand knowledge of

the artifacts and culture surrounding each artifact. The book also did not include basic amenities

of an archaeological publication such as scale and dimension with only one view of each artifact

available. Often artifacts can be grouped based on the materials the artifact consists of. Having

no information regarding material types for the artifacts all I could do was make an educated

guess based on visual texture and color. Finally, artifact sets seldom fell into nice and neat gender

categories. Many artifact sets possessed gender specific items for both genders. Barbara and I

speculated that this may be a condition of bioturbation from farming activity, animals and maybe
even grave robbing. When faced with these artifact collections I used a 2:1 ratio counting how

many identifiable gender artifacts were present for both male and female. Upon completing my

count I would compare both the female and male artifacts and whichever group had more

received the designation. While this may inevitably eliminate whole burials by combining two

together changing the outcome of the project, there would be no way for me to separate or

distinguish the two (or more) otherwise.



Conclusion



       After tallying up all 397 burials in their respective categories I found that 205 of the

burials were male (51%), 112 were female (28%), 88 of the female burials had no tools, 25 of the

female burials had textile tools (7%), 70 were undetermined (17%), and 9 were missing (3%).

With such a small percentage of textile tools appearing in the sample the data seems to support

Barbara’s Klessig’s hypothesis that the Viking people in Gotland were in fact importing more

textile tools then they were producing during the Viking era.
Works Cited

Cantor, Norman F. The Medieval World. 1st ed. New York: Macmillan, 1966. Print.



Edge, David, and John Miles Paddock. Arms & Armor of the Medieval Knight: an Illustrated

       History of Weaponry in the Middle Ages. New York: Crescent, 1996. Print.



Klessig, Barbara. Personal interview. 7 Nov. 2011.

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Gender Distribution Among Gotland Viking Burials

  • 1. Jeff Grimm Anthropology Lab Final Paper Gender Distribution Among Gotland Viking Burials Did the Vikings import their textiles or manufacture them on the isle of Gotland Sweden? This is the question being asked by Barbra Klessig for her masters thesis on Gotland Viking textiles. Barbara is a textile archeologist who believes that Gotland was importing the majority of it’s textiles from abroad during the Viking age. She hypothesizes that though some production was occurring on the island, it was small and localized. Barbara had asked me to determine based on certain criteria the gender distribution of the graves from her sample. Specifically I was asked to document which female graves possessed textile tools and which did not. The percentage of females with textile tools is important as it could potentially reveal the extent of textile manufacturing on the island. Background Gotland is an island off the coast of Sweden that was once inhabited by the Viking culture. Burials within the sample that was investigated occured during the Viking age, an era of European history that fits toward the end of the larger European Dark Age time period. The European Dark Ages ranged from the slow deterioration of the Western Roman Empire to the beginning of the first European Crusades, roughly from 400 - 1000 AD. The Viking period extends roughly from 790 AD to 1100 AD, when Vikings migrated down from the northern part of Europe, raiding, setting up trade routes, establishing settlements and improving on their own lands through the import of foreign goods (Edge & Paddock).
  • 2. Method Because information on Viking burials is more readily available then settlement information, several burials and graveyards were examined for this project. These graveyards have been systematically excavated since the 1950's up until the present though some artifacts were being procured as far back as the 1800s (Klessig). Because the bodies were not included with their associated artifacts and because the goal of my project was to find textile tools, gender was to be determined from the artifacts themselves. In addition, I am not aware of whether the sexes of the individuals are even available translated in English. I analyzed 397 burials from 93 sites ranging all over Gotland with the goal of ascertaining the gender of each burial artifact set and locate any textile manufacturing tools within female burials. I used one of four categories to classify each individual as, male, female without tools, female with tools and an undetermined category. I worked from a printed roster of all the sites and burials using four highlighter markers to mark each listed burial artifact set into one of the four categories. Each burials artifact set was photographed and published in the book Die Wilkingerzet Gotlands, a publication of Gotland Viking burial artifact sets. I worked set by set through the book starting first with male graves as they were the easiest to identify. The first criteria I examined for male graves was the presence of weapons other then the utilitarian multi-purpose knives found with both male and female graves. In Viking society warfare was a gender stratified activity regulated exclusively to men (Klessig). Any presence of weapon grave goods surely indicates the burial of a male individual. By far the most numerous of the weapons cataloged
  • 3. among the burials was a plethora of axe-heads made of metal. Axes bore a special significance among the Vikings because of their unique utilitarian nature. A Viking man fought with his axe, chopped wood with his axe and could even build a ship with just his axe (Cantor). Being so handy and so vital to the Vikings as a tool and weapon, it is not surprising that so many axe- heads appear within the grave goods examined. The second most numerous weapon I noted was the sword. A weapon of special importance and often a sign of rank within the warrior class (Cantor) many, of the swords had been denatured. The reason for denaturation could be speculated as a way of keeping grave robbers from recovering the swords from the burials and keep the coveted weapon out of the hands of anyone except the intended, deceased, owner. Spear heads were found as a third weapon category and occurred usually in sets. Spears often held a similar place in Viking society as the axe though not as important (Cantor). These implements were used for both hunting and combat, analogous to the modern day shotgun. Belt decorations and metal belt buckles were another major indicator of a male grave as men typically always wore leather and women sported woven belts (Klessig). These gender specific differences in belt construction stems from the speculated utilitarian nature of the Vikings. Because men within Viking Society often were subjected to more physically taxing activities and in many instances had to travel great distance it makes sense that they would utilize leather as a belt material. Additionally leather holds up belt mounted objects, such as swords, much more readily then woven materials (Klessig). Male broach cloak pins were identified due to there stylistic bull horn shape, and thick lines. These broaches were made of a bronze colored metal and sometimes were shaped often like twined rope. These broach cloak pins were always found with weapons when weapons were
  • 4. present, and often were a major identifier of male graves. Female burials were often differentiated on the basis of female artifacts present and the absence of any male artifacts. The major differentiating female artifact used for gender identification was the animal head broaches. Stylistically exclusive to Gotland these broaches depict heavily abstract animal heads that would have been worn on the over apron of a Viking women. Because these animal head broaches are so unique looking and a female exclusive item, when paired with other female paraphernalia I almost always labeled the burial artifacts as belonging to a female. Other female items consisted of an sort of tortoise broaches (named so because they resemble a tortoise shell) crystal jewelry, keys, chains and intricately beaded jewelry. The tortoise broaches were standard Viking female apparel found elsewhere throughout Scandinavia (Klessig). Because they are associated strictly as a female item they operated as a secondary indicator when animal head broaches were not present. Jewelry with silver/gold chains and/or crystal also were indicative of a female burial. One female artifact that puzzled me was the inclusion of keys made of bone, wood and metal. To my recollection these keys did not turn up in male burials grave goods and purpose within the grave can only be speculated. A possible connection between women and the keys may involve the fact that keys were domestic items used to secure items within the house as well as the house itself. This could indicate that women were seen as a domestic gender, tied intricately to the homestead. The main focus of my analysis was always the search for recognizable textile tools within the grave goods. Three particular items I attempted to become familiar identifying were the spindle whorl, the needle and the pattern card. Spindel Whorls were difficult to visually identify due to the nature of not actually having the artifact on hand. Spindel whorls look suspiciously
  • 5. like large beads and because the book did not include any scale I attempted to become familiar with the shape of the tool. Spindel whorls differ in shape from beads in that the spindel whorl takes on a wide flying saucer shape while beads tend to be more round and orb like. I identified a few needles which I speculate was made of bone as well as some patterning cards that seem to have partially bio-degraded. The needles were initially problematic as I confused them with the cloak pins, which are also needle like objects sans an eye. Upon clarification from Barbara, I learned that cloak pins are much more decorative and because of the decoration would not function to pass through any material. The final undetermined category consisted of all burial grave goods that could not be placed into the previously discussed groupings. The artifacts I associated with these were often beads, burial nails (more on these), knives and scraps of metal. The major factor that went into determining the sorting of artifact sets into this group was the absence of any gender identifying cultural material. Several issues arose while working on this project, some of them already mentioned above. The largest problem I encountered was that I did not have the actual artifacts in my possession to analyze. Working from a book I relied much on Barbara’s first hand knowledge of the artifacts and culture surrounding each artifact. The book also did not include basic amenities of an archaeological publication such as scale and dimension with only one view of each artifact available. Often artifacts can be grouped based on the materials the artifact consists of. Having no information regarding material types for the artifacts all I could do was make an educated guess based on visual texture and color. Finally, artifact sets seldom fell into nice and neat gender categories. Many artifact sets possessed gender specific items for both genders. Barbara and I speculated that this may be a condition of bioturbation from farming activity, animals and maybe
  • 6. even grave robbing. When faced with these artifact collections I used a 2:1 ratio counting how many identifiable gender artifacts were present for both male and female. Upon completing my count I would compare both the female and male artifacts and whichever group had more received the designation. While this may inevitably eliminate whole burials by combining two together changing the outcome of the project, there would be no way for me to separate or distinguish the two (or more) otherwise. Conclusion After tallying up all 397 burials in their respective categories I found that 205 of the burials were male (51%), 112 were female (28%), 88 of the female burials had no tools, 25 of the female burials had textile tools (7%), 70 were undetermined (17%), and 9 were missing (3%). With such a small percentage of textile tools appearing in the sample the data seems to support Barbara’s Klessig’s hypothesis that the Viking people in Gotland were in fact importing more textile tools then they were producing during the Viking era.
  • 7. Works Cited Cantor, Norman F. The Medieval World. 1st ed. New York: Macmillan, 1966. Print. Edge, David, and John Miles Paddock. Arms & Armor of the Medieval Knight: an Illustrated History of Weaponry in the Middle Ages. New York: Crescent, 1996. Print. Klessig, Barbara. Personal interview. 7 Nov. 2011.