After Copenhagen

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liammacuaid

Notes for a meeting on how to respond to the collapse of the climate change talks in Copenhagen.

Technologie Actualités & Politique

“ We will not die quietly” Resisting climate change after Copenhagen

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Carbon, the way we view it, measure it, control it and price it has come to dominate debates of all kinds. So, what's it all about? This is the starting point of a 'Carbon 101' guide released by The Climate Institute, alongside a podcast narration by Andrew Demetriou, CEO of the Australian Football League and Dr Graeme Pearman, former head of CSIRO Atmospheric Research. This presentation summarises the book and podcast. Both are available on The Climate Institute's website: www.climateinstitute.org.au/carbon-101.html

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Today, CO2 emissions from fossil fuels are around 50 per cent higher than they were 20 years ago, and have been rising each year. This kind of change to the chemical mixture in the air doesn’t come without consequences. Acting like a blanket, the build-up of greenhouse gases is the main reason why the average global temperature has risen by nearly 1°C in the last century. This booklet explains why a rise of only a few degrees in the average global temperature risks our prosperity, security, and health. It explains why it is so important to reverse the rise in emissions within the decade. And why it is still within our means to do so. For more information visit www.climateinstitute.org.au/dangerous-degrees.html

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4 resources/new Aims of Argument.pdf 4 resources/Some Convenient Truths.docx Some Convenient Truths Runaway global warming looks all but unstoppable. Maybe that’s because we haven’t really tried to stop it GREGG EASTERBROOKSEP 1 2006, 12:00 PM ET http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2006/09/some-convenient-truths/305090/?single_page=true If there is now a scientific consensus that global warming must be taken seriously, there is also a related political consensus: that the issue is Gloom City. In An Inconvenient Truth, Al Gore warns of sea levels rising to engulf New York and San Francisco and implies that only wrenching lifestyle sacrifice can save us. The opposing view is just as glum. Even mild restrictions on greenhouse gases could “cripple our economy,” Republican Senator Kit Bond of Missouri said in 2003. Other conservatives suggest that greenhouse-gas rules for Americans would be pointless anyway, owing to increased fossil-fuel use in China and India. When commentators hash this issue out, it’s often a contest to see which side can sound more pessimistic. Here’s a different way of thinking about the greenhouse effect: that action to prevent runaway global warming may prove cheap, practical, effective, and totally consistent with economic growth. Which makes a body wonder: Why is such environmental optimism absent from American political debate? Greenhouse gases are an air-pollution problem—and all previous air-pollution problems have been reduced faster and more cheaply than predicted, without economic harm. Some of these problems once seemed scary and intractable, just as greenhouse gases seem today. About forty years ago urban smog was increasing so fast that President Lyndon Johnson warned, “Either we stop poisoning our air or we become a nation [in] gas masks groping our way through dying cities.” During Ronald Reagan’s presidency, emissions of chlorofluorocarbons, or CFCs, threatened to deplete the stratospheric ozone layer. As recently as George H. W. Bush’s administration, acid rain was said to threaten a “new silent spring” of dead Appalachian forests. But in each case, strong regulations were enacted, and what happened? Since 1970, smog-forming air pollution has declined by a third to a half. Emissions of CFCs have been nearly eliminated, and studies suggest that ozone-layer replenishment is beginning. Acid rain, meanwhile, has declined by a third since 1990, while Appalachian forest health has improved sharply. Most progress against air pollution has been cheaper than expected. Smog controls on automobiles, for example, were predicted to cost thousands of dollars for each vehicle. Today’s new cars emit less than 2 percent as much smog-forming pollution as the cars of 1970, and the cars are still as affordable today as they were then. Acid-rain control has cost about 10 percent of what was predicted in 1990, when Congress enacted new rules. At that time, opponents said the regulations .

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Title: Authors: Source: Publisher Information: Publication Year: Subject Terms: Document Type: Language: ISSN: Access URL: Rights: Accession Number: Database: Record: 1 Think Again: Climate Treaties David Shorr Maayan Pearl Foreign Policy. (205):38-43 The FP Group, 2014. 2014 Climate change International agreements Pollutant emissions Copenhagen Accord Treaties Carbon dioxide emissions Environmental treaties Global climate models Diplomacy Climate change policy research-article English 00157228 https://www-jstor-org.ezproxy.fiu.edu/stable/24577460 © 2014 The FP Group edsjsr.24577460 JSTOR Journals Think Again: Climate Treaties Why the glacial pace of climate diplomacy isn't ruining the planet "An Ironclad Treaty Is the Only Way to Save the Planet." DON'T COUNT ON IT. Time is running short for the international community to tackle climate change. Pressure to act comes from rising temperatures and sea levels, superstorms, brutal droughts, and diminishing food crops. It also comes from fears that these problems are going to get worse. Modern economies have already boosted the concentration of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere by 40 percent since the Industrial Revolution. If the world stays on its current course, CO2 levels could double by century's end, potentially raising global temperatures several more degrees. (The last time the planet's CO2 levels were so high was 15 million years ago, when temperatures were 5 to 10 degrees Fahrenheit higher than they are today.) Discovery Service for FIU Libraries. http://eds.a.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.fiu.edu/eds/delivery?sid=46be4c1... 1 of 9 7/11/19, 2:27 PM Another source of pressure, however, is self-imposed. Under the auspices of the United Nations, the next global climate treaty -- to be negotiated among some 200 countries, with the central goal of cutting greenhouse gas emissions -- should be enacted in 2015, to replace the now-outmoded 1997 Kyoto Protocol. (Once passed by state parties, the new treaty would actually go into effect in 2020.) The race against both nature and the diplomatic clock is stressful. But in the rush to do something, the international community -- most notably, and ironically, those individuals and organizations most fervent about combating global warming -- is often doing the wrong thing. It has become fixated on the notion of consensus codified in international law. The U.N. process for climate diplomacy has been in place for more than two decades, punctuated since 1995 by annual meetings at which countries assess global progress in protecting the environment and negotiate treaties and other agreements to keep the ball rolling. Kyoto was finalized at the third such conference. A milestone, it established targets for country-based emissions cuts. Its signal failure, however, was leaving the world's three largest emitters of greenhouse gases unconstrained, two of them by design. Kyoto gave developing countries, including China and Ind ...

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Slides of talk presented at various forums on occasion of the 40th anniversary of the launching of Limits to Growth, the first report to the Club of Rome published in 1972. This book was one of the earliest scholarly works to recognize that the world was fast approaching its sustainable limits. Forty years later, the planet continues to face many of the same economic, social, and environmental challenges as when the book was first published.

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