ngos

Electronic Publications from the University of Zambia, Lusaka
Published on the Internet by the SAP - Project at http://www.fiuc.org/iaup/sap/

The Changing Orientation and Practice of Northern NGOs:
Implications for African Development

Chrispin Radoka Matenga
Development Studies Department, University of Zambia
P.O Box 32379, Lusaka.
E-mail: mmatenga @yahoo.com

Paper presented at the Southern African Universities Social Science Conference
(SAUSSC) 22nd Biannual Conference, “Debt Relief Initiatives and Poverty Alleviation:
Lessons from Africa”, 1 - 5 December, 2001, Windhoek, Namibia.

© by the author: Chrispin Radoka Matenga - University of Zambia


Introduction
Although the history of NGOs goes back to the 1940s, it is largely since the 1980s that they
began receiving a high profile as development role-players offering an alternative
development approach to poverty alleviation and long-term sustainable development to poor
communities in developing countries (Drabek: 1987).

The present emphasis on the development role of NGOs is firstly related to the difficulties
experienced by government development interventions in rural and peri-urban areas in
initiation of income generation activities and provision of services such as health, water and
sanitation. There are also perceived problems with large, donor funded rural development
projects, which are said to lack the desired level of ‘participation’ of the intended
beneficiaries (Dennis: 1994).

More recently, the institution of structural adjustment programmes in many developing
countries has contributed to the emphasis on NGOs. The effect of structural adjustment
programmes on particular social groups has led to the identification and growing involvement
of NGOs in the development process on the understanding that the latter contribute to social
requirements of structural adjustment programmes because it is believed they have the
qualities to deliver services effectively and have greater ability to target the poor or the
vulnerable groups (Fowler: 1991). Another significant factor that has catalysed the
expansion of NGO involvement in development is the anti-state intervention nature of
structural adjustment policy measures whereby governments of developing countries are
forced to withdraw from some socio-economic spheres of involvement due to governmental
budget constraints, and the ideological views that development programmes should not be
totally controlled by donor and recipient governmental agencies (Schneider: 1998).

The greater role of, and support for NGOs in the developing countries is also largely due to
their own capacity in contrast with the limitations of the now discredited official agencies.
NGOs have a comparative advantage over governments and official aid agencies. Their
interventions are largely as a result of requests for collaboration with communities, thereby
making development a community-based activity and getting the community to define their
needs and empowering them to achieve these. Since their interventions are usually on a
small scale it is also possible to adapt them to the requirements of communities (Fowler:
1988). This flexibility, such as the ability to change in the light of changing circumstances or
community needs, the ability to involve beneficiary participation, and their relative cost-
effectiveness have made NGOs an attractive alternative to donors who perceive them as
effective instruments of development.

Since the 1980 decade, there has been a considerable growth in numbers and influence of
NGOs, particularly northern NGOs engaged in poverty-alleviation and development in
Africa (Riddell, 1992, 17). The worldwide growth in numbers, influence and importance of
these NGOs in the 1980s led one author, Alan Fowler, to suggest that the 1980s be termed
the 'development decade of NGOs' (Fowler, 1988, 1). Obviously, the entrance by NGOs
into the development debate and practice is as a result of a particular development approach
demonstrated by their activities. In their more traditional activities i.e. emergency relief and
welfare, it is said that NGOs demonstrated their value in their capacity to respond rapidly,

1



flexibly and efficiently to emergency relief needs. It is generally assumed that NGOs respond
quickly because they are perceived to be unencumbered by bureaucratic formalities that
characterise official agencies (Robinson: 1991: 171-72; Browne: 1990: 84). Thus, as NGOs
move from relief and welfare activities to long-term development, they are said to be able to
demonstrate the same approach. As a result of their successes (actual or claimed) in
development activities and their placement at the grassroots, it is claimed that they are able
to respond to the needs of the poor. Because of the comparative advantages NGOs are
thought to have, some individuals and institutions began advocating that more development
aid be channelled through NGOs. Instrumental in this direction has been the World Bank
since the early 1980s (Hellinger: 1987: 136). Individuals like Desmond McNeill, for
example, writing more than two decades ago alleged that NGOs: "offer the opportunity of
alleviating the problem of absorptive capacity which is the most serious in the poorest
countries" (McNeill: 1981: 94). Goran Hyden, one of the most ardent early advocates for
greater NGO role (Hyden: 1983: 186) had this to say:

The advantage that NGOs have, is that they can help to warm up the funds,
thus
giving it a final temperature that is likely to ensure greater success than if
passed
through the cold governmental channels (italics mine).

Northern NGOs are believed to be the fifth largest donor when their resources are
considered collectively (ActionAid/ICVA/EUROSTEP/: 1994:21). NGOs are also now
participating in implementing official donor programmes/projects (Clark: 1991) in most
African countries because they are thought to embody an approach that makes it easier to
deliver community development programmes that the large-scale bureaucratic donor official
agencies cannot easily handle.

Northern NGOs, particularly those concerned with poverty alleviation and development in
the Third World, conduct their operations in a number of ways. These organisations
undertake their activities in developing countries either directly or indirectly. Direct
intervention involves the actual execution of a development activity in the South by the
Northern NGO. Examples of those agencies involved directly are CARE, World Vision and
Plan International in the USA, and ActionAid, and Save the Children Fund in the U.K.
Other organisations involved indirectly in the South do so by assisting in funding local
organisations often referred to as 'partner organisations' (UNDP, op.cit., 88-89; Fowler,
1991b, 10). Christian Aid, CAFOD and SCIAF are just a few such examples. It is also
common, however, to find organisations that do not maintain a strict demarcation between
the two methods. These often involve a mix of both methods. A notable example of such
organisations is OXFAM (UK), which is, however, moving in the direction of shedding its
direct involvement in the South.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the role performed by Northern NGOs in sub-
saharan Africa in the context of emerging wider international trends. A critical analysis of the

2



implications for these NGOs' orientation and practice is presented. This study is largely a
literature review.

This paper is divided into four sections. This section is an introduction. Section two
examines the magnitude of the resources they disburse to the South. In this section,
particular attention is drawn to the magnitude of the financial resources channelled to Africa.
Section three analyses the wider international trends and shows how the evolving
relationship between official donors and Northern NGOs are influencing the orientation and
practice of these agencies. This section is divided into two parts. The first one looks at
trends in increasing official donor resources to the NGO sector and the implications. The
second part examines the emergence of a donor/NGO two-tier welfare system as a
Northern policy towards Africa. It is argued in this section that Northern NGOs are now
taking a public service contracting role on behalf of official donors both bilateral and
multilateral. The section concludes that these organisations are are more or less replacing the
African state, as they become the main providers of essential social services. Section four is
a conclusion. The section draws on the findings and makes recommendations.

How Much Do They Give?

Owing to the significance and authority Northern NGOs have gained in the development
debate and practice, it is pertinent to find out how much financial resources they command
and disburse to the South. Figures on exactly how much these organisations transfer to the
South are not precise. This difficulty is largely because there exists no up-to-date inventory
of these agencies. Further, the amount they transfer to the South is not at all static as it is
often increasing.

John Clark states that in 1989 Northern NGOs transferred $6.4 billion to the South
accounting for about 12 percent of the entire Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development - Development Assistance Committee (OECD DAC) aid inclusive of both
public and private (Clark, 1991, 47). On the other hand, it is indicated in the report by an
independent group of NGOs The reality of Aid that Northern NGOs in 1991 transferred
$5.2 billion and accounts for 13 percent of official Western aid which stand at $60 billion
(ActionAid/ICVA/EUROSTEP, 1994, 2, 21). Similarly, the Human Development Report
puts the figure at $7.2 billion as the amount transferred to the South in 1991. Further,
ActionAid's report already referred to above states that other estimates put the figure on the
amount currently transferred by Northern NGOs at between $9 and $10 billion. With all the
differences in figures provided in the literature, it is therefore safe to state that, collectively,
Northern NGOs channel at least above $5 billion to the Third World countries annually
accounting to between 2.5 and 3 percent of total resource flows to the developing countries.

In monetary terms NGOs have obviously expanded substantially in recent years. When
private and government contributions are put together, Northern NGO transfers to the
South have increased from just $1 billion in 1970 to about $7 billion in 1990 (UNDP:
op.cit.: 88). Nonetheless, the rapid increase in the amount handled by these agencies is not
necessarily a result of growth in Northern donor publics' donations, but is due to increased
official funding to them (Clark: op.cit: 47).

3



In order to provide a clear picture on the amounts handled as well as transferred by
Northern NGOs to the South, we provide a few individual case examples. Oxfam (UK),
now Britain's largest overseas aid charity, in 1981-82 financial year had income of £16.2
million (Whitaker: 1983: 40). This figure rose to £48 million in the financial 1985-86
(Oxfam:1986: 2). During the financial year 1992-93, the agency handled a record sum of
£78.9 million (Oxfam: 1992-93a: 16). Oxfam operates in more than 70 countries around the
globe mostly but not only in the Third World. Of the £78.9 million income handled by the
agency in the financial year 1992-93, Oxfam disbursed just over £48 million to its overseas
programme (Oxfam: 1992-93b: 2). Africa was the main beneficiary of all the regions of the
Third World. The region alone received £24.5 million just over half Oxfam's total overseas
disbursement for that financial year. This larger share of grants to Africa is a testimony of the
scale of poverty and human suffering in that part of the Third World because of the conflict
and civil wars, drought, famine, and economic deterioration and the impact of IMF and
World Bank Structural adjustment programmes. Oxfam diverted £10.4 million out the total
£24.5 million transferred to the region during that financial year towards emergency relief
(ibid.).

In its Annual Review 1992-93 ActionAid states that it raised total income of £32.9 million
for the financial year 1992. Just over £23 million of that amount was transferred to
ActionAid's overseas programmes in 19 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America
(ActionAid, 1992-93). There are several scores of other much smaller Northern NGOs,
which also transfer development aid to the South. The Scottish Catholic International Aid
Fund (SCIAF) is one such example. In 1993, SCIAF handled a total income of £2.1
million. About £1.5 million of that amount was channelled towards the agency's overseas
support for long-term development and emergency activities (SCIAF: 1993). Similar to
Oxfam's disbursements to overseas programmes in 1993, Africa received £880,000, more
than 50 percent of SCIAF's total overseas disbursements for the year 1993. SCIAF also
attributes this lion's share for Africa to the scale of poverty and suffering due to drought, civil
wars, and the social impact of IMF and the World Bank structural adjustment programmes
imposed on many countries (ibid.).

Having illustrated with a few examlpes the overall and individual quantities of funds
disbursed by Northern NGOs, the question that now begs an answer is: how significant are
these transfers to the South? Perceptions about the significance in terms of quantities and
impact of the NGO aid transfers vary. In quantitative terms, even though total NGO aid
transfers to the South are dwarfed by official development assistance (official western aid
stands at over $60 billion per annum), as already pointed out, collectively, they constitute the
fifth largest donor (italics mine) above all donors except the United States, Japan, France
and Germany (ActionAid et al: 1994: 21; Clark: op.cit: 45-47). When viewed from the
quantitative viewpoint, then few would deny the fact that these NGOs transfer quite
substantial amounts of funds to the South.

Other commentators, however, hold contrary views. For example, Paul Mosley (1987)
argues that despite their alleged advantages, the amount NGOs currently transfer (about 3
percent of the total resource flows to the South) is insignificant in scale. Accordingly, Mosley

4



(1987: 6) sees little prospect in these agencies handling larger resources since, according to
him, NGOs do not have the capacity to handle resources of the magnitude of official aid
flows.

But is it only the magnitude of funds that counts? Ben Whitaker (1983) does not believe so.
He argues that the budgets of NGOs individually or collectively may seem small given the
scale of world poverty, but the impact of the ideas of such organisations is what matters.
Whitaker maintains that NGOs play a vital role in pioneering innovative methods that larger
official agencies quickly copy. Not only that, NGOs give quick and flexible assistance to
many communities, which they would not have hoped to get anywhere. Whitaker (ibid)
further argues that:

Several million people feel the effects of voluntary organisations like Oxfam.
Besides those who benefit directly from their programmes...the work
does something to alter the nature of society...in the relations between
nations...

In the 1980s it is estimated that the number of people assisted in the developing countries by
Northern NGO aid transfers in the South was 100 million, distributed as follows: 60 million
in Asia, 25 million in Latin America and 12 million in Africa (UNDP, op.cit.: 6; Clark, op.cit:
51). Taking into account that NGOs are scaling-up their activities in part due to increasing
official funding, it was visualised that about 250 million around the Third World were
assisted. Authors of the Human Development Report 1993, however, stated that even
though 250 million were currently reached by NGO transfers, that figure only represent a
fifth of the 1.3 billion people living in poverty in the Third world.

Northern NGOs: emerging wider international trends

Since the 1980s, the neo-liberal economic ideology of adjustment and the emphasis on the
need to promote enterprise has dominated the Third World (Fowler: 1991b, op.cit.: 5). This
also coincided with the end of the cold war when the Eastern bloc collapsed in the later part
of the 1980s and early 1990s. The emergence of the ‘new world order’ in which the market
and private organisations are expected to play a greater role in economic activities has led to
significant increase of official aid to the NGO sector. In this system, NGOs represent a new
private sector initiative in which governments are being removed from certain spheres of
involvement while at the same time NGOs are getting official funds to fill in the gaps (Twose:
1987: 9).

These trends and the effects thereof, take on a special dimension in sub-Saharan African
countries. Because of the scale of poverty and the economic decline, many African countries
have been prodded to institute neo-liberal economic reforms by the IMF and World Bank
institutions and also the international donor community as a condition to receiving more
development aid in order to achieve stabilisation. The effect of the new wisdom of structural
adjustment on particular social groups has led to the identification and involvement of NGOs
on the understanding that the latter contribute to the social requirements of SAPs. It is
believed these organisations have the qualities to deliver effectively services and have greater

5



ability to target the poor or the vulnerable groups (Fowler: 1991a, op.cit.: 56). At the same
time, the scale of emergency requirements in Africa due to the numerous and recurrent
disasters of drought, famine and war has led to the interventions of relief and rehabilitation
efforts in which Northern NGOs are playing a major part (ActionAid et.al: op.cit: 13).
Northern intervention in Africa through SAP-type system and emergency relief has resulted
in the emergence of what Mark Duffield (1992, op.cit: 140) has called donor/NGO two-tier
system of public welfare. The Northern NGO role in development programmes in this
system does affect the state in Africa.

Trends in increased official funding for NGOs
In section three we discussed the magnitude of funds Northern NGOs handle and expend in
the Third World. We noted that the amounts these NGOs disbur se have increased
substantially since 1970, from a figure of $1 billion to over $7 billion in the 1990s. It was
also pointed out that the increase in NGO funds comes about, principally, because of
increasing funding from their governments. It is this trend and its implications that this paper
examines in this section.

The rate of growth of official aid to NGOs has far outstripped the rate of growth of the
official development assistance (ODA) itself (Fowler: 1992, op.cit : 15). From 1975 - 85,
official aid of member countries of the OECD's DAC to NGOs is said to have increased by
1400 percent (Fowler: 1991a: op.cit: 55). It is also indicated in the Human Development
Report 1993 that from 1970-1990 government funds channelled through Northern NGOs
increased from $200 million to $2.2 billion (UNDP: op.cit: 88).

However, it is important to note that different donor governments have different policies
towards funding NGOs. So do their agendas differ too. Some donor governments commit
substantial sums of funds to NGOs in their countries while others extend only a small
percentage of their aid budgets to these agencies. For example, the US known to be the
largest NGO funder with its total disbursements to US-based NGOs accounting for almost
half of the total official funding of the NGO sector. The actual cash contributions to projects
submitted by NGOs is, however, believed to be relatively small while the bulk of this aid is
in form of food aid and NGOs playing a subcontracting role within that country's own aid
programme (Clark: op.cit.: 47-49). In the financial year 1993 for example, US based
NGOs implemented projects in developing countries that accounted for 16 percent of US's
official bilateral aid (ActionAid et.al: op.cit.: 126). Britain's official aid to NGOs in 1980
stood at 2.8 percent and rose to 4.1 percent in 1988. Belgium's NGOs are 88.7 percent
funded by their government. In Ireland on the other hand, NGOs' dependence on official
funds is said to be only 1.4 percent (Fowler: 1992: op.cit.: 15).

It i also important that we look at individual examples of NGO official aid receipts. Oxfam
s
for example has more than doubled receipts from official sources during 1985-1993. In
1985, official contribution to Oxfam from the British government and the EC amounted to
£5.5 million out of a total income of £51.1 million. In 1993, official contribution rose to
£13.1 million out of a total income of £78.9 million (Oxfam, 1986, 4; Oxfam, 1992-93c, 6).
ActionAid in 1992 received £5.9 million from the British government and other official

6



sources out of an income of £32 million (ActionAid, 1992-93, op.cit.). Similar trends are
discernible from many other NGOs.

Donor governments channel official funds to Northern NGOs through a number of methods.
The most common method is the various versions of co-financing schemes in which the
government and the NGO contribute in a ratio of 50:50 towards an NGO proposed project
(ODA: 1990: 48; Mustard: op.cit: 115-16). Other methods include direct funding . An
example are the bilateral contracts involving Canadian NGOs and the Canadian
International Development Agency (CIDA) (Brodhead, Herbert-Copley, and Lambert:
1988: 57). It is common for donor direct funding to NGOs during emergencies. It has also
become common, particularly in the US, for NGOs to participate in implementing official
bilateral aid programmes (Clark, op.cit.: 49). The British government through its official aid
agency Department for International Develpoment (DFID) formerly the Overseas
Development Administration (ODA) has been contemplating to increase collaboration with
NGOs in the implementation of DFID aid programme (Fowler: 1992: 16).

Rising from a marginal situation just over two decades ago, NGOs have taken the centre
stage on the development arena. Some NGOs and their supporters have argued that it is
necessary to keep abreast with the changing needs of the time if they were to effectively
contribute to development. The development approaches followed by many NGOs have
generally been taken as workable and appreciated by governments and conventional
development agencies. Therefore, NGOs are being urged to assume a wider role by linking
up with official structures in order to make a wider impact and also not to remain
marginalised. In that vein, official funding to the NGO sector has greatly increased as noted
above. Further, NGOs have been co-opted into official donor programmes in which they
implement particular components of the projects. These trends have brought both
opportunities and problems for the sector. To understand the balance between the
opportunities and the problems that may arise or have already arisen depends on one's
interpretation of what opportunities and problems are, in the first instance. The opportunities
that arise out of these trends, according to Heijden (1987: 104) are:

...the possibility for NGOs to make a more significant contribution to
development
and poverty alleviation in the Third World through the enlarged availability of
de-
velopment resources.

The degree to which this resource increase can be regarded as a significant contribution to
development and poverty alleviation is, however, debatable. First and foremost, the raison
d'être of NGOs is poverty alleviation, and it is hoped, the eventual elimination of poverty in
developing countries. The focus of NGO aid is, thus, on the poor sections of societies.
There are some incompatibilities with poverty alleviation objective of NGOs that arise out of
these organisations’ reliance on official funds and their participation in official programmes.
Whereas the concern of NGOs is with broad objectives such as social and political
mobilisation that empower the poor (UNDP: op.cit.: 83), donor governments are concerned
with concrete programmes that have identifiable socio -economic benefits. These

7



projects/programme are, nonetheless, the type found within the conventional development
model that NGOs desire to offer an alternative to. As Charles Elliott (op.cit., 59) observes:

...the greater the dependence of Northern NGOs on government funding
through
co-financing, the greater institutional weight is likely to be given to
modernisation-
type projects- and the more difficult the organisation is likely to find the rest
of the
spectrum.

Alan Fowler, notes that most community-oriented projects in Africa funded by the World
Bank as well as bilateral aid agencies emphasise modernisation-type projects such as
primary (preventive) health care, family planning, credit etc. (Fowler, 1991a, op.cit., 70). It
is observed that in such a scenerio, NGOs are steered away from activities of social and
political mobilisation of the poor towards activities of service delivery (Fowler, ibid;
Robinson: 1991: 169). It is also argued that these modernisation-type projects whose
concern is with economic material improvement do benefit not so much the very poor but
the relatively wealthier elements of the Third World communities (Clark: op.cit.: 49).

Increased availability of official resources to NGOs has also encouraged the proliferation of
a kind of NGO that is 'supply-driven' i.e. created in response to greater and easier
availability of official funding (Robinson: op.cit.: 166). These emerging NGOs, which are
created in response to little more than the opportunity to pursue the available resources,
have a questionable agenda and integrity. Since they largely depend on funds from official
sources, their programmes do not conform to the needs of the poor as they mainly subscribe
to the interests of the donors. Further, greater competition for funds among these NGOs has
arisen thereby encouraging secrecy and even hostilities instead of co-operation. It is correct
to argue, therefore, that these 'supply-driven' NGOs are eroding the reputation of the NGO
sector (Fowler: 1991b: 9; Clark: op.cit.: 64).

Generally NGOs are regarded as small-scale operators, which allows them to be flexible.
As they grow in size, due to handling of more funds made possible by official donors, there
is a risk of NGOs becoming more bureaucratic and rigid- the characteristics they once
criticised in governments and other official agencies. While individual projects may remain
relatively small-scale, however, the sizes of the budgets of some larger NGOs are
comparable with those of certain bilateral aid donors. As Clark (ibid, 50-51) instructively
notes:

...aid from Catholic Relief Services (of USA) was $439 M in 1985
compared with
$426 M of Belgian government aid), that of CARE was $274 M (compared
with
Austria's $258 M], and in 1989 the budget for Oxfam (UK) was $119 M,
higher
than that of the New Zealand government's aid budget ($104 M).

8



As NGOs grow in size partly as a result of increased availability of official funds, they are
moving towards the use of conventional management procedures thereby developing the
same bureaucratic characteristics (UNDP, op.cit., 90) found in official structures. An
increase in official funding through NGOs has provoked an interest in greater accountability
of spending public funds from the taxpayer. Thus, NGOs are increasingly becoming subject
to same financial controls and reporting requirements of official donors. A demand made on
NGOs for accountability naturally distances them from their main constituency towards
institutional donors (Edwards: 1994: 120; Heidjen: op.cit.: 106).

Another problem that arise from greater NGO reliance on official funds is the tying of aid to
projects. The project mode of funding is bemoaned on grounds that it inhibits participation,
an essential tenet for the realisation of sustainable development. It is argued that the project
mode of intervention treats participation by beneficiaries as a mere cost-reduction input
(Fowler, 1992, op.cit., 17). Since there is a propensity for NGOs to satisfy donor
requirements, there is a danger that NGOs will take a 'top-down' approach to development
projects thereby denying the beneficiaries effective participation. For example, John de
Coninck's Ugandan study of poverty alleviation projects implemented or funded by
Northern NGOs found that although NGOs attached importance to beneficiary participation
in the implementation of activities, in practice, however, the opposite was the case. He (De
Coninck, 1992, 111) observes that:

Accountability to donors is in practice often of greater importance than
accountab-
ility to beneficiaries often because of the need to continue to increase the
flow of
funds

In addition to the problems of increased official funding of NGOs is the tendency of
identifying official aid with government foreign policy and economic interest (Heidjen, op.cit.,
106). The case of the US is instructive on this point. The US government through its official
aid agency, USAID, has put in place collaborative mechanisms between itself and many
large US based NGOs in which NGOs are more or less enhancing the US's foreign and
economic policy and official aid objectives (Clark, op.cit., 49).

Donor/NGO system
The paper has earlier alluded to the prevalence of SAPs and relief needs in sub-Saharan
Africa. This section carries the discussion further by arguing that the North's large-scale aid
intervention in Africa since the 1980s has coalesced into the North's regional policy for the
sub-region (Duffield: 1993). Mark Duffield, through his study of the North's intervention in
Africa and especially in the conflict prone areas, has formulated a theory of the former's
internationalisation of public welfare. This theory is referred to as the 'two-tier system of
public welfare'. Northern NGOs play a major role in this system. The participation of NGOs
in this system has transformed these agencies from autonomous organisations striving to
bring a 'new vision' of development, into public service contractors (PSCs). PSCs are

9



market driven non-government and non-profit organisations that serve public purposes and
mainly implement components of official aid programmes. Brett (1993) maintains that a
number of concerns arise out of this public service contracting role many NGOs are now
performing. It is felt that Northern NGOs cannot properly identify local needs and that their
direct 'developmental' interventions often marginalizes the local state.

Duffield traces the development of the two-tier welfare system that has now been globalised,
in the neo-liberal restructuring of the welfare state in the North. According to him, the
system is composed of a dualistic pattern of provision of welfare services in which the
economically active segment of the population must seek welfare services in the market
place, while the remaining section of population often so-called underclass receive their due
by way of a 'safety net' put in place through contractual relations between local authorities
and voluntary agencies (Duffield: 1992: 147).

With the ascendancy of the neo-liberal ideology of SAPs and the related market reform
policies, and the prevalence of emergency relief needs due to the high incidence of drought,
famine and political conflict, a similar safety net system has emerged in Africa. The welfare
system is being provided in form of contractual or project agreements linking international
donors and NGOs. According to Duffield (1993), the safety net system in Africa is divided
into compensatory or development programmes, and targeted relief activities. In this system,
NGOs act as implementing agents for the donor, be it bilateral or multilateral. We have
already mentioned elsewhere in this paper how far this system has developed in the case of
USA between USAID and US NGOs. Another example that clearly illustrates this
Donor/NGO system is the contractual relations that exist between Canadian NGOs and the
official aid agency for Canada, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).
CIDA and Canadian NGOs are involved in two main types of funding relationships in which
the latter is contracted to implement projects for the former. One is what is termed 'bilateral
contracts'. This involves a competitive bidding process in which NGOs compete among
themselves as well as with the private commercial firms for projects/programmes to be
implemented on behalf of the CIDA in developing countries (Brodhead, Herbert-Copley
and Lambert: 1988). Unlike other bilateral funding mechanisms to NGOs, bilateral contracts
requires no 'dollor-for-dollor' i.e. matching grant, but the project/programme is 100 percent
financed by CIDA. Accordingly, CIDA sets all the programme priorities (ibid.).

Another type of funding arrangement for contracts between CIDA and Canadian NGOs is
what is known as the 'Country Focus Funding’, which began in 1981. This system,
according to Brodhead et al (1988: 59), was specifically designed "to offset the limitations of
the typically large-scale, capital-intensive bilateral projects directly administered by CIDA".

Generally, the contractual role NGOs have come to play is criticised on grounds that it
diverts these agencies from pursuing development goals as they strive to meet and satisfy
donor priorities. Brodhead et al (1988: 62-63), however, argue that in the case for
Contractual relationships between CIDA and Canadian NGOs, their study found, to the
contrary, no evidence, particularly for the country focus funding contracts pointing to
alteration of NGO priorities. They argue that in fact NGOs presented their own projects for

10



funding. It is, however, difficult to generalise the same for other such Donor/NGO
contractual relationships.

From the foregoing analysis, therefore, NGOs could be regarded as simply implementers of
donor policy. The globalisation of social welfare, through public service contracting, a
feature of international aid in Africa, according to Fowler (1992, op.cit., 26), will continue to
be allocated by the northern donors through institutions they see fit to be able to best deliver,
in this case- the Northern NGOs. While African government structures may, and often are
involved in the safety net or project agreements, they only play a symbolic or 'sleeping
partner' role. Therefore, because of their financial clout and power of implementation,
foreign agencies retain a significant measure of influence on development priorities in Africa
(Duffield: op.cit: 141) giving outsiders power over the lives of the African people.

There are a number of concerns about this donor/NGO welfare system. Generally, NGOs
claim to represent an alternative radical approach to development that aim to empower the
poor of the South. However, the neo-liberal logic of the donor-led welfare system, requires
the provision of a minimalist welfare (Duffield: 1992: 149) through careful targeting. This
targeting for minimum welfare provision serves no development purpose at all. Such
schemes as 'food-for-work' where poor are made to dig trenches or make small rural roads
and bridges (often washed away during the rains due to lack of technical backing) or
programmes for the prevention of malnutrition do not uplift the living standards of these
poeple. Some NGOs are now beginning to realise the incompatibilities of the donor/NGO
system. In one report by Northern NGOs (ActionAid et.al, op.cit., 13) it is indicated thus:

More and more, NGOs are being called upon to play a critical part in
implementing
relief programmes in areas of instability. They are also heavily involved in the
aftermath of war and disaster, helping families and communities rebuild their
lives. Many are concerned that increasing provision for humanitarian relief is
being found from aid budgets to the detriment of long-term development
programmes.

These concerns, however, are not only with diverting development aid budgets to welfare
safety-nets, but NGOs' increasing participation in the donor funded programmes/projects
also takes much of their time and energy to the detriment of their long-term development
efforts.

Similarly, an international forum of NGOs held in Washington which included African NGOs
some years ago (quoted in the Review of African Political Economy 1992, op.cit., 6-7)
commented that:

...NGOs were being called on to help implement social programmes - 'but
who
decides what kind of programmes these will be '? Participants agreed that
they
had no role in decision-making either on the adjustment process or on these

11



social programmes....that government promises for aid for the very poor
people
were pure politics: 'this is a method to forestall and weaken opposition, not
a sign
of intent to provide real assistance.

Further, the donor/NGO system presents another problem vis-à-vis Africans States. The
system has been imposed unilaterally without negotiation with any African government
(Duffield, 1992, op.cit., 150). As the system involves donor shift from channelling funds
through governments towards NGOs, roles previously played by governments are now
being taken over by NGOs. Rossiter and Palmer (1990, 48) through their field experience in
Southern Africa as Oxfam employees observed that both Northern NGOs and Northern
government agencies were now performing a neo-colonial role "taking over whole districts,
or sections of once functioning government ministries especially in health and social
services". This process is enhanced as SAPs take their toll.

Instead of working through normal governmental structures Northern NGOs and official
agencies are creating parallel institutional structures in service delivery because governments
are viewed as lacking the required approach, skills and resources. There is also a growing
tendency by these foreign agencies to rob the public service of vital personnel whom they
pay handsomely to implement their projects (Lele and Adu-Nyako: 1991: 14). This
tendency already can be observed and is growing considerably in Mozambique (Hanlon:
1991) and Uganda (De Coninck: 1992). One justification for most foreign agency
intervention in Africa is the claim that there is lack of skilled personnel and, therefore, of
absorptive capacity for development aid. Yet these agencies use the same local personnel
for their projects simply because they pay well. The assumption that African governments or
public service are starved of skilled personnel is misplaced and should, therefore, not be
used as justification for Northern agencies whether governmental or non-governmental to
operate through parallel structures to those of the state. Bypassing government, contradicts
the very general policy of extending assistance on the terms of the recipient countries.
Further, the policy defeats the overriding aid objective of institution building for sustainable
development, which must include making the governmental bureaucracy work better for the
people (Tostensen and Scott: 1987: 201).

The proliferation of project mode of development has, thus, reduced the role of the
government in economic planning to little more than an exercise in co-ordinating the diverse
project interventions of the growing community of official donors and NGOs (Morss: 1984:
465-70). This has also increased administrative burdens on already strained civil service.
Tonstensen and Scott (op.cit.) thus questions "whether NGO activities are warranted,
economically and otherwise in relation to their results".

Conclusion

It was the objective of the study to examine the changing role of Northern NGOs within a
wider perspective. We paid particular attention to how the evolving international trends are

12



influencing and changing their role. The paper claimed that the role these NGOs are now
performing is incompatible with development or the eradication of poverty in Africa.

Despite the perceived comparative advantages of NGOs, the changing socio-economic,
cultural, and political world is slowly reshaping (whether by design or otherwise) the manner
of operation of these agencies. It is within this emerging 'new world order' that the role of
NGO activities in Africa ought to be reconsidered. While NGOs continue to play an
important role in development activities in many African societies it must be realised that they
cannot be substitutes for African states. The paper does not suggested here that NGOs are
consciously engaging in a worked out conspiracy to subvert African states. Rather, as noted
in the editorial of the Review of African Political Economy (1992, No.55: 3-7): "...the
stated or implicit aims of NGOs are likely to be less determinant of their actual role than
changes in the global political economic context". Thus, whereas NGOs' original ideal was
to present a radical alternative approach to development, they are finding their role, in the
emerging world order, paradoxically, as being that of agents furthering the interests of the
world capitalist agenda.

Emerging trends influenced by changes in the international capitalist system have reshaped
Northern NGOs’ orientation and practice with the result that their original worthy agenda
has been usurped, and they are now used more or less as agents to further the interest of the
international capitalist system. In as far as NGOs are diverting from their social mission, they
can largely be viewed as becoming irrelevant vis-à-vis authentic development. Therefore, the
promotion of Northern NGOs to take a predominant responsibility in development is ill
conceived and grossly undermines long-term prospects for national capacity to manage
African development.

While it is difficult to come to firmly establish what specific effects the wider international
trends have had on the orientation and practice of these agencies, the paper rather makes a
speculative assessment on what is perceived as the negative impact of these trends on
NGOs' role as well as the effects on the host governments. The impact of the wider
international trends - has not been empirically researched although the trends obtaining
through the literature reviewed seem to support the assertions made.

The paper noted a trend in global increase in NGO financial resources. Today a good
number of Northern NGOs are now managing multi-million budgets. While generally NGOs
have had at least 70 percent of their budgets raised from private donations, a significant
proportion of their income is now coming from official donors both bilateral and multilateral.
It was observed that over the years, official resources disbursed through NGOs has far
outstripped the increase in official development assistance. It was also argued that NGOs
have been co-opted into official donor programmes.

It was argued that an increase in official resources to NGOs and the increase in
collaboration in official donor programmes are turning NGOs into public service contractors.
This has changed the nature of their orientation and practice. Generally speaking, NGOs, at
least those concerned with poverty alleviation and suffering and to promotion of
development are considered to be value-driven and often their mission is to offer an

13



alternative development approach to the conventional development approach. However, as
public service contractors, they have become instruments for the imposition of western
paradigms on Africa, which are incompatible with poverty alleviation or development.
NGOs have now lost track of the empowerment approach to development, as they now
become implementers of donor modernisation projects/programmes that emphasise only
identifiable socio-economic benefits. Modernisation projects as is already known do not
lend themselves to beneficiary participation, although this is one of the central tenets of
NGOs. Issues of accountability in such projects become predominant and, therefore, NGOs
become concerned with satisfying donor requirements rather than beneficiary community.

We also hypothesised that the internationalisation of public welfare has emerged as a
Northern donor policy towards Africa. This policy seem to have arisen due to the high
incidence of the numerous reform programmes imposed by the IMF and the World Bank
and supported by major donor governments, as well as the numerous disasters sweeping
across the sub-region. Thus, NGOs have been identified by donors and placed at the
distributional end of social services in African countries because they have been considered
to be an efficient mechanism of delivery than state structures. The shift away from public
sector in favour of NGOs has brought some concerns that it is encouraging institutional
destruction of the state structures. Because of the need to push through with the reform
policies, donors have placed NGOs to take the responsibility of social sector management.
Aid recipient governments are prodded by donors to create alternative poverty-alleviation
mechanisms (Sollis: 1992: 168). In Africa such mechanisms are essentially operated by
NGOs, instead of the normal civil service. This weakens the institutional capability of the
governments to manage national development. If NGOs willingly assume this role, then their
usefulness in as far as the objective of institution building in Africa is concerned should be
put under question.

While the paper has speculated the effect on institutional destruction of state structures, of
the use of NGOs as alternatives for the provision of social services in more general terms,
the author wishes to make a more speculative conclusion on what is obtaining in Zambia.

Speculative Conclusion on Zambia

Zambia has a relatively underdeveloped indigenous NGO sector. Apart from local church-
related NGOs, there is a large presence of Northern NGOs. Agencies such as Oxfam,
SCF, CARE, World Vision International, Plan International and a myriad of other smaller
agencies have established themselves in the country. Since 1991 when the country reverted
to 'democratic' governance, an ambitious IMF/World Bank structural adjustment
programme has been imposed on the country. Zambia has witnessed heavy cuts in
government public expenditure, elimination of food subsidies, privatisation of government
controlled companies, public service retrenchments etc. These measures have weakened the
public sector while the social costs have fallen heavily on the poor or vulnerable groups. Due
to the ceilings imposed on public sector spending, government agencies and line ministries
have found it extremely difficult to operate.

14



As a way to mitigate the social costs of the current SAP in Zambia, NGOs have been
designated as the appropriate providers of social services. As donor conditionality,
alternative delivery structures have been created. Schemes such as the Programme to
Prevent Malnutrition (PPM), the Food-for-Work programme and the Programme for Urban
Self-Help (PUSH) have emerged and are operated by Northern NGOs. In its 1994 budget,
Zambia provided for such programmes under the Ministry of Community Development and
Social Welfare. According to the budget speech:

The resources that are being provided for support of the vulnerable
groups under the Ministry of Community Development and Social
Welfare will be channelled through Non-Governmental Organisations
(NGOs). For proper accountability, the NGOs will be required to
submit their accounts for periodic audit (Times of Zambia, 29th March
1994, 3).

This is the stark reality of the role NGOs have began to perform in Zambia i.e. replacing the
governmental bureaucracy. It is, therefore, not an accusation from without when critics argue
that NGOs are replacing the African governments in development or provision of social
services.

While there has not been much research done into the institutional impact of creating
alternative structures to normal civil service, it is possible to speculate that such a policy will
have long-term consequences in eroding the capability of the civil service to manage national
development.

In conclusion, I recognise that much efforts are being put into place as regards evaluating the
impact of NGO projects in poverty alleviation in Africa and the rest of the Third World.
However, there is little known about the impact on governmental bureaucracy of creating
alternative structures composed of NGOs and international aid agencies. Suffice to say a
study done over a decade ago by Morss (1984) revealed that institutional destruction was
occurring in many African countries, most conspicuous in Zambia, as economic management
by the bureaucracy has been reduced to managing a large number of donor aid projects.
We now see the intensification of the donor/NGO projects in most sub-Saharan African
countries. In view of what has been discussed in this paper, the following recommendations
are made:

1.) With the donor/NGO system in place in many African countries it is common sense to
assume that civil service institutions are being destroyed as NGOs take over. As long as
SAPs are the order of the day in these countries, this trend is going to continue. From the
foregoing analysis, it is, therefore, recommended that more research be conducted into the
institutional impact of such a system;

2.) The emerging donor/NGO system has been imposed on many Africa countries as a
donor condition or policy. NGOs ought to operate within a negotiated framework between
all the parties concerned- host government, NGOs and official donors (both bilateral and

15



multilateral). It is, therefore, recommended that the division of labour between the parties
mentioned above be properly negotiated and a consensus reached;

3.) National development plans are indispensable to more effective efforts to improve the
quality of life of the mass of the rural poor in Africa. Co-ordination of efforts with
governments is imperative if NGO activities are to be sustainable in the longer-term.
Therefore, it is recommended that NGO projects be placed to fit within national
development plans. Not that they should be integrated into government but effective
collaboration is necessary to avoid duplication of efforts and to replicate successful ones.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ACTIONAID, (1992-93) ActionAid Annual Review (ActionAid, London)

ACTIONAID, EUROSTEP, & ICVA, (1993), The Reality of Aid (Action Aid, London)

ACTIONAID, EUROSTEP, & ICVA, (1994), The Reality of Aid (Action Aid, London)

ANTROBUS, P., (1987) "Funding for NGOs:Issues and Options" World Development
Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 95-102

ARELLANO-LOPEZ, S., & PETRAS J. F., (1994) "Non-Governmental Organisations
and Poverty Alleviation in Bolivia" Development and Change Vol.21: 555-568

ARNOLD, S. W., (1988) "Constrained Crusaders? British Charities and Development
Education" Development Policy Review Vol.6, No.2: 183-209

ABDEL ATI, H. A., (1993) "The Development Impact of NGO Activities in the Red Sea
Province of Sudan: A Critique" Development and Change Vol.24: 103-130

AVINA, J., (1993) "The evolutionary life cycles of non-governmental development
organisations" Public Administration and Development Vol.13, No.5: 453-474

BERG, R.J., (1986) "Foreign Aid in Africa: Here's the Answer-Is It Relevant to the
Question?" in Berg, R. J., & Whitaker, J. S., (eds.) Strategies for African Development
(Univ. of California Press, London)

BOURNANE, N, (1991) "What is the Future of Africa? An Alternative Approach to the
Dominant Afro-Pessmism" in Southern Africa Political and Economic Monthly Vol.4, No.9:
9-15

BRATTON, M., (1989) "The Politics of Government-NGO Relations in Africa", World
Development, vol. 17, No. 4:569-587

16



BRATTON, M., (1990) "Non-governmental Organisations in Africa: Can they Influence
Public Policy?", Development and Change, Vol.21, No.1: 84-117

BRETT, E. A., (1993) "Voluntary Agencies as Development Organisations: Theorising the
Problem of Efficiency and Accountability", Development and Change, Vol.24, NO.2: 269-
303

BRODHEAD, T., (1986) "If Africa is the question is NGO the Answer?" International
Journal,40: 569-575

BRODHEAD, T., [1987] "NGOs: In One Year, Out the Other?" World Development
Vol.15, supplement (Autumn):1-6

BROADHEAD, T., HERBERT-COPLEY, B., & LAMBERT, A., (1988) Bridges of
Hope? Canadian Voluntary Agencies and the Third World (North-South Institute, Ottawa)

BROWNE, S., (1990) Foreign Aid in Practice, (London, Pinter)

BROWN, R. P. C., HASSAN,A.N.K., & FOLE A. G., (1991) "Debt, Adjustment, and
Donor Interventions in the Post-War Horn of Africa", in Doornbos,M., Cliffe,L., et al (eds.)
Beyond Conflict in the Horn: The Prospects for Peace, Recovery,and Development in
Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, and Sudan (London, James Currey)

CALLAGHY, T. M., (1991) "Africa and the World Economy: Caught between Rocks and
a Hard Place" in Harbeson,J. M., & Rothchild, D., [eds.] Africa in World Politics
(Westview, Oxford)

CARRUTHERS, I. D., & CLAYTON, E. S., (1977) "Ex-post Evaluation of Agricultural
projects- Its Implications for Planning": A paper presented to the Society's Meeting, 23rd -
27th March, 1977

CASSEN, R. H., & Associates, (1986) Does Aid Work? (Clarendon, Oxford)

CHAMBERS, R., (1983) Rural Development:Putting the Last First, (New York, John Wily
& Sons)

CHAMBERS, R., (1988) "Bureaucratic Reversals and Local diversity" IDS Bulletin,
Vol.19, No.4: 50-56

CHAMBERS, R., (1989) "Editorial Introduction:Vulnerability, Coping and Policy", IDS
Bulletin, Vol.20, No.2: 1-7

CLARK, J, (1986) For Richer for Poorer: An Oxfam Report on Western Connection with
World Hunger (Oxford, Oxfam)

17



CLARK, J., (1991) Democratising Development:The Role of Voluntary Organisations,
(London, Earthscan)

CLEMENTS, P., (1993) "An Approach to Poverty Alleviation for Large International
Development Agencies", World Development Vol. 21, No.10: 1633-1646

CORNIA, G. A., JOLLY, R., & STEWART, F., (eds.) (1987) Adjustment With a Human
Face Vol.1 (Clarendon, Oxford)

DE CONINCK, J., (1992) Evaluating the Impact of NGOs in Rural Poverty Alleviation:
Uganda Country Study Working Paper No.51 (ODI, London)

DE WAAL, A., (1989) "Is Famine Relief Irrelevant to Rural Poor?" IDS Bulletin, Vol.20,
No.2:63-67

DENNIS, C., (1994) “Non-governmental Organisations: A preliminary analysis of their
contribution to gender, population and environmental sustainability debate in Africa” Paper
presented at the International Conference on Gender and Politics of Environmental
Sustainability in Africa, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 25-26 May
1994.

DEVEREUX, S., (1993) Theories of Famine (Harvester Wheatsheaf, London)

DRABEK, A.G., (1987) “Development Alternatives: The Challenge for NGOs - An
overview of the issues” World Development Vol. 15, Supplement

DUFFIELD, M., (1991) "Famine, Conflict and the Internationalisation of Public Welfare" in
Doornbos, M., Cliffe, L., et al (eds.) Beyond Conflict in the Horn: The Prospects for Peace
, Recovery and Development in Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, & Sudan (London, James
Currey)

DUFFIELD, M., (1992) "The Emergence of two-tier Welfare in Africa:Marginalisation or
an opportunity for Reform?" Public Administration and Development. Vol.12: 139-154

DUFFIELD, M., (1993) "NGOs, Disaster Relief and Asset Transfer in the Horn: Political
Survival in a permanent Emergency" Development and Change, Vol.24: 131-158

EDWARD, M., & HULME,D., (eds.) (1992) Making a Difference: NGOs and
Development in a Changing World (London, Earthscan)

EDWARD, M., (1994) "NGOs in the Age of Information" IDS Bulletin Vol.25, No.2: 117-
124

ELLIOTT, C., (1987) "Some Aspects of Relations Between the North and the South in the
NGO Sector" World Development Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 57-77

18



ELSON, D., "From Survival Strategies to Transformation Strategies: Women's and
Structural Adjustment" in Beneria, L., & Feldman, S., (eds) (1992) Unequal Burden:
Economic Crises, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work (Westview Press, Oxford)

FOWLER, A., (1988) "Non-governmental organisations in Africa: achieving comparative
advantage in relief and micro-development", IDS Discussion Paper 249, Sussex

FOWLER, A., (1991a) "The Role of NGOs in Changing State-Society Relations:
Perspectives from Eastern and Southern Africa" Development Policy Review Vol.9, No.1:
53-84

FOWLER, A., (1991b) "Building Partnership between Northern and Southern NGOs:
Issues for the 1990s" Development in Practice Vol.1, No.1: 5-18 (Ofxfam, Oxford)

FOWLER, A., (1992) "Distant Obligations: Speculations on NGO Funding and the Global
Market" Review of African Political Economy" No.55: 9-30

FOX, T. H., (1987) "NGOs from the United States", World Development Vol.15,
supplement (Autumn): 11-19

GALLIS-QUEDNAU, M., (1984) "NGO Support for UNCTAD" IDS Bulletin Vol.15,
No.3: 24-26

GOULET, D., (1989) "Participation in Development:new avenues" World Development
Vol.17, No.2: 165-178

GRAHAM-BROWN, S., (1991) Education in the developng world (Longman, New York)

HANCOCK, G., (1989) Lords of Poverty (Mandarin, London)

HANLON, J., (1991) Mozambique:Who Calls the Shorts? (James currey, London)

HAYTER, T., (197) Aid as Imperialism (Pluto, London)

HEIJDEN, H., (1987) "The Reconciliation of NGO Autonomy, Program Integrity and
Operational Effectiveness with Accountability to Donors" World Development Vol.15,

HELLINGER, D., (1987) "NGOs and the Large Aid Donors: Changing the terms of
Engagement" World Development Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 135-143

HYDEN, G., (1983) No Shortcuts to Progress (Heinemann, London)

JANSSON, K., HARRIS M., & PENROSE,A., (1987) The Ethiopian Famine (Zed,
London)

19



KAJESE, K., (1987) "An Agenda of Future Tasks for International and Indegenous
NGOs:Views from the South" World Development Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 79-85

KAJESE, K., (1990) "African NGO Decolonisation:A Critical Choice for the 1990s" in
CAS, [1990], Critical Choices for the NGO Community:African Development in the 1990s,
(CAS,University of Edinburgh)

KORTEN, D.C., (1987) "Third Generation NGO Strategies:A Key to People -centered
Development" World Development Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 145-159

KORTEN, D. C., (1989) "The Community: Master or Client?-A Reply" Public
Administration and Development Vol.9: 569-575

KORTEN, D. C., (1990) Getting to the 21st Century: Voluntary Action and the Global
Agenda (Kumarian, USA)

KOTHARI, R., (1986) "NGOs, the State, and World Capitalism" Economic and Political
Weekly 21(50)

LELE, U., & ADU-NYAKO, K., (1991) "Integrated Strategy Approach for Poverty
Alleviation:A Paramount Priority for Africa" African Development Review Vol.3, No.1: 1-
29

McNEILL, D., (1981) The Contradictions of Foreign Aid (Croom Helm, London)

MINEAR, L., (1987a), "The Other Missions Of NGOs: Education and Advocacy" World
Development Vol.15, supplement (Autumn): 201-212

MINEAR, L., (1987b), "Roles of Non-Governmental Organisations in Development" in
Clay, E., & Shaw, J., (eds.) Poverty Development and Food (MacMillian, London)

MOSLEY, P., (1987) Overseas Aid: Its Defence and Reform (Wheatsheaf, Sussex)

MORSS, E. R., (1984) "Institutional Destruction resulting from donor and project
proliferation in sub-Saharan African Countries" World Development Vol.12, No.4: 465-
470

MUSTARD, G., (1990) "NGO-Donor Government Relations:New Challenges, New
Potential" in CAS, Critical Choices for the NGO Community:African Development in the
1990s (CAS, University of Edinburgh)

ODA/Edinburgh University, (1991) Report on Review Visit to Kenya and Tanzania, 29th
August -21st September, 1991

ODA, (1993a) British Overseas Annual Review

20



ODA, (1993b), Policy Information Marker System, 1st September, 1993

ONIMODE, B., (1988) A Political Economy of the African Crisis (Zed, London)

OXFAM, (1986), Oxfam Report and Accounts

OXFAM, (1992-93a), Oxfam: Working for a Fairer World (Oxfam, London)

OXFAM, (1992-93b0, Oxfam Grants List (Oxfam, London)

OXFAM, (1992-93c), Oxfam Oxfam Report and Accounts

OXFAM, (1993), Oxfam News (Autumn)

OXFAM, "Africa, Make or Break:Action for Recovery" Africa Campaign Report, 26th
April, 1993

PALMER, R., & ROSSITER,J., (1990) "Northern NGOs in Southern Africa: Some
Heretical Thoughts" in CAS, Critical Choices For the NGO Community: African
Development in the 1990s (CAS, University of Edinburgh)

PLEASE, S., (1992) "Beyond Structural Adjustment in Africa" Development policy Review
Vol.10, No.3: 289-307

PRATT, B., (1985) TheField Director's handbook:an Oxfam manual for development
workers (Oxfam, London)

RANGER, T., & VAUGHAN, O., (1993) "Post-script: Legitimacy, Civil Society and and
the Return of Europe" in Ranger, T., & Vaughan, O., (eds.) Legitimacy and the State in
Twentieth Century Africa (MacMillian, London)

RAU, B., (1991) From Feast to Famine:Official Cures and Grassroots Remedies to Africa's
Food Crisis (Zed, London)

RIDDELL, C. R., (1987) Foreign Aid Reconsidered (ODI,London)

RIDDELL, C. R., (1990) "Judging Success: Evaluating NGO Approaches to Alleviating
Poverty in Developing Countries" Working Paper No.37 (ODI, London)

RIDDELL, C. R., (1992) "Losing the 90s: Another Declining Decade for African
Development" CIIR Briefing Papers

RIDDELL, C. R., & ROBINSON, M., (19920 The Impact of NGO Poverty Alleviation
Projects:Results of Case Study Working Paper No.68 (ODI, London)

21



ROBINSON, M., (1991) "An Uncertain Partnership:the Overseas Development
Administration and the Voluntary Sector in the 1980s" in BOSE, A., & BURNELL, P.,
(eds.) Britain's Overseas Aid since 1979 (Mancester, UK)

REVIEW OF AFRICAN POLITICAL ECONOMY [ROAPE]- EDITORIAL, (1992)
"Democracy, Civil Society and NGOs" Review of African Political Economy No.55: 3-7

SANDBROOK, R, (1991) "Economic Crisis, Structural Adjustment and the State in sub-
Saharan Africa" in Ghai, D, (ed.) The IMF and the South: The Social Impact of Crisis and
Adjustment (Zed, London)

SCF/ODI, (198)], Prospects for Africa (Hodder & Stroughton, London)

SCIAF, (1993), SCIAF Annual Report

SCIAF, (1994), Strategic Plan mid-1994-97

SCHNEIDER, B., (1988) The Barefoot Revolution (IT Publications, London)

SEN,B., (1987) "NGO Self-Evaluation:Issues of Concern", World Development Vol.15,

SINGER, H. W, (1993) "The 1980s: The Lost Decade- Develpment in Reverse?" in
Singer, H. W, & Sumit, R, Economic Progress and Prospects in the Third World (Edward
Helgar, England)

SMITH, B. H., (1987) "An Agenda For Future Tasks for International and Indigenous
NGOs: Views from the North" World Development Vol.15, supplement (Autunm): 87-93

STREETEN, P., (1993) "Markets and States: Against Minimalism" World Development
Vol.21, No.8: 1281-1298

TAYLOR, D. R. F., (1992) "Development from Within and Survival in Rural Africa" in
TAYLOR, D. R. F., & MACKENZIE, F.,(eds.) Development From Within: Survival in
Rural Africa (Routledge, London)

TIMBERLAKE, C., (1988) Africa in Crisis (2nd ed.) (Earthscan, London)

TRAINER,T., (1989) Developed to Death: Rethinking Third World Development (Green
Print, London)

UNDP, (1990) Human Development Report (New York)

UNDP, (1993) Human Development Report (New York)

22



UPHOFF, N., (1993) "Grassroots Organisations and NGOs in Rural Development:
Opportunities with Diminishing States and Expanding Markets" World Development Vol.21,
No. :607-622

VALLELY, P., (1990) Bad Samaritans: First World Ethics and Third World Debt (Hodder
& Stoughton, London)

VALLELY, P., (1992) Promised Lands: Stories of Power and Poverty in the Third World
(Hodder & Stoughton, London)

VIVIAN, J, (1994) "NGOs and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: No Magic Bullets"
Development and Change Vol.25, No.1: 167-193]

WANGOOLA, P., (1992) "Africa:Popular Participation in Development" in POSTER, C.,
& ZIMMER, J., [eds.] Community Education in the Third World (Routledge, London)

WHITAKER, B., (1983) A Bridge of People:A Personal View of Oxfam's First Forty
Years (Heinemann, London)

WISER, B., (1988) Power and Need in Africa:Basic Neeeds and Development Policies
(Earthscan, London)

WORLD BANK, (1989) Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth (IBDR,
Washington)

WORLD BANK, (1990) World Bank Report 1990 (Washington, D.C)

WORLD BANK/WFP, (1991) Food Aid in Africa : An Agenda for the 1990s-A Joint
Study by the World Bank and the World Food Programme (Washington DC and Rome)

WFP, (1993) Food Aid Review

WORLD RESOURCES INSTITUTE, (1992) World Resources 1992-93: Towards
Sustainable Development (Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford)

23



24


ngos

Recommandé

Recommandé

Contenu connexe

Tendances

Tendances (19)

En vedette

En vedette (18)

Similaire à ngos

Similaire à ngos (20)

Dernier

Dernier (20)

ngos