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The Developmental Aspect of Antisocial Personality Disorder:
                     A Psychosocial Perspective

                                   By Rachel Siehs




                                         Abstract


Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder show an enduring pattern of
disregard for and violation of the rights of others. Antisocial Personality Disorder adults
tend to have substance abuse problems, spend years in prison, have interpersonal and
employment problems and are more likely to die prematurely due to violence. Research
has shown that this pattern of conduct begins in infancy and continues into adulthood.
Antisocial Personality Disorder individuals show symptoms that are similar to those of
other disorders such as Conduct Disorder, Oppositional Defiant Disorder and Attention
Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder throughout their childhood and adolescence.
Environmental factors can lead to the development of antisocial behavior in childhood
and adolescence. A review of developmental literature and early intervention treatments
could suggest ways for the early diagnosis and treatment of Antisocial Personality
Disorder.
INTRODUCTION

       Is there a way to detect earlier and treat lifelong adult delinquency known as

Antisocial Personality Disorder? Antisocial Personality Disorder is a pervasive pattern of

disregard for and violation of the rights of others (American Psychiatric Association,

2000, DSM-IV-TR). Antisocial individuals tend to engage in behaviors that are grounds

for legal action (such as destroying property, harassing others, stealing or pursuing illegal

occupations) and show a lack of remorse or shame for harmful acts committed on others.

Individuals tend to be deceitful and manipulative, irritable and/or aggressive, and

consistently and extremely irresponsible, impulsive by failing to plan ahead, and reckless

in disregard for self or other’s safety (DSM-IV-TR). However, the most problematic

characteristic of Antisocial Personality Disorder is that it is enduring. Approximately

three percent of males and one percent of females exhibit characteristics of Antisocial

Personality Disorder, with an even greater percentage in substance abuse treatment

settings, prisons and forensic settings (DSM-IV-TR). Development of Antisocial

Personality Disorder is more common when one’s first degree biological relatives have

this condition; adoption studies, however, have shown that one’s environment is also a

strong factor in developing antisocial disorders (DSM-IV-TR).

       Antisocial Personality Disorder is usually not diagnosable until adulthood.

However, because many of its symptoms overlap with those of other mental disorders,

such as Conduct Disorder, Oppositional Defiant Disorder and Attention-Deficit/

Hyperactivity Disorder, which are diagnosable in childhood and/or adolescence, early

intervention when a client exhibits symptoms that overlap with those of Antisocial




                                                                                            2
Personality Disorder may help in both diagnosis and treatment of this very serious and

enduring condition.

        This paper analyzes the symptomology of Antisocial Personality Disorder and

other mental health conditions to explore whether and how early intervention can help

treat clients before Antisocial Personality Disorder can be diagnosed, thereby helping

them to avoid this serious condition.

        INFANCY: UNDERSTANDING TEMPERAMENT AND ATTACHMENT

        Temperament and attachment both affect the development of lifelong antisocial

(Damon, & Lerner, 2006) and is one of the first instances of individual expression

(McDevitt & Ormrob, 2008). Attachment is the parent-child relationship that helps form

bonds later in life.

        Temperament is a characteristic describing the reactivity level and self-regulation

of an infant. Temperament becomes stable over time and some researchers believe that

temperament actually develops into ones personality (Caspi, 1998; Rothbart & Bates,

1998; Eisenberg, Damon, & Lerner, 2006). behavior. Temperament is known to be stable

throughout one’s life (Eisenberg, There are six dimensions of temperament: sociability,

sensitivity, adaptability, persistence, emotion intensity, and activity level. An infant with

an “easy temperament” is categorized as approachable, adaptable, mild to moderate

emotional intensity, and socialable. An infant with “difficult temperament” is withdrawn,

emotionally intense, unable to adapt, with negative emotions. Children with difficult

temperament are more likely to be aggressive or withdrawn (Caspi, 1998; Patterson,

2008). An infant who is categorized as having a “slow to warm up temperament” tends to

be predominantly in a negative mood, slow to adapt to new stimuli, and have mildly




                                                                                                3
intense reactions to ones environment (Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Eisenberg, Damon, &

Lerner, 2006).

       An infant’s ability to communicate and move around independently is extremely

limited. Infants rely heavily on their parents for all their basic needs to be met. Because

they are unable to use words to communicate and cannot acquire their physical needs and

wants on their own, they rely on support and attention from their caregivers. This bond

between the caregiver and infant is called attachment. Attachment has an enormous effect

on how the infant perceives people in the world.

       All infants form attachment relationships with their primary caregivers (Bowlby,

1969; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Sroufe, 1979). An infant with secure

attachment to his or her primary caregivers learns trust. Individuals with secure

attachment styles tend to be socially and psychologically skilled as they grow up (Matas,

Arend, & Sroufe, 1978; Sroufe, 1979). An infant develops an insecure-ambivalent

attachment style when a primary caregiver is unavailable when the individual has needs

to be met. Infants who have an insecure-ambivalent attachment display considerable

distress when separated from a parent or caregiver and do not seem comforted by the

return of the parent. At the reunion, the child passively rejects the parent by refusing

comfort, or may openly display direct aggression toward the parent (Ainsworth, Blehar,

Waters, & Wall, 1978; Shorey & Snyder, 2006). Infants with insecure-avoidant

attachment tend to avoid parents and caregivers. Insecure-avoidant infants neither seek

comfort nor contact from primary caregiver, instead they tend to be more independent

(Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Individuals with

insecure-avoidant attachment styles tend to show little investment in social and romantic




                                                                                              4
relationships and usually are unable and unwilling to share their feelings with others

(McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007).

       Infants who develop an insecure-disorganized attachment style have a primary

caregiver who is inconsistent in meeting the needs of the infant (Main & Solomon, 1986,

1990; Shorey & Snyder, 2006). They tend to lack a consistent way of responding to

stressful events (Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Their

actions and responses to caregivers are often a mix of behaviors, including avoidance or

resistance. These children are described as displaying dazed behavior, sometimes

seeming either confused or apprehensive in the presence of a caregiver. In some extreme

cases of insecure-disorganized attachment style children show fear towards their

caregivers (Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Levy & Orlans

(1999, 2000) found that disruptions in attachment during the first 3 years can lead to

“affectionless psychopathy,” which is the inability to form meaningful emotional

relationships, coupled with chronic anger, poor impulse control, and a lack of remorse.

Disorganized attachment styles lead the developing child to behave in ways that are

consistent with how he or she expects to be treated by others (Bowlby, 1969; Shorey &

Snyder, 2006). Children with insecure attachment styles are more likely to be rejected by

peers and have a wide range of emotional and behavioral problems in their future

(Steinberg, 2008). Regardless of whether the infant had a secure attachment or insecure

attachment with his primary caregiver, these styles help the infant know how to perceive

and what to expect from the world (Bowlby, 1969; Shorey & Snyder, 2006).

       It is clear that development of an insecure attachment to one’s parents will affect

one’s later attachment with others later in life. If one has a difficult temperament one may




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also develop antisocial tendencies, including increased aggression and noncompliant

behaviors (DSM-IV-TR; Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997).

                            CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT

       Childhood is the period before sexual maturation, beginning at the age of two and

lasting until about the age of ten. During this period, one develops language that enables

communication with others. Increased motor development allows one to engage in

organized sports. The child’s increased cognitive abilities allow him or her to think about

concrete objects and begin academic learning. All of these events take place during

childhood and influence one’s development into adolescence.

       During childhood, one’s neurological pathways strengthen and become more

efficient. Enhanced motor skills allow the child to move throughout his environment and

explore. Fine motor skills (i.e., writing and manipulation of small objects) allow the child

to communicate with others in newer forms. Language skills explode during childhood.

Children are now able to express thought and receive information from others. The

increase in vocabulary provides labels that enable children to think about objects and

events even when they are not directly in sight. Language acquisition provides children

the ability to communicate and socialize with others (McDevitt & Ormrob, 2008;

Patterson, 2008). Parents who provided a home that supports educational and language

growth have a positive effect on child development; with encouragement, children are

able to flourish. However, in homes where parent-child relationships are poor and parents

lack educational support and motivation, problems may occur in learning and cognitive

development. This is especially the case in families with low economic circumstances

(Hart & Risley, 1995, 1999).




                                                                                             6
Multiple studies have found parental factors, such as abuse and neglect and

parental separation, divorce or loss, as potential contributors to later antisocial behavior

(Reti, Eaton, Bienvenu, Costa & Nestadt, 2002). Parenting styles and lack of parental

monitoring are also factors that influence a child’s development. According to Diane

Baumrind (1967, 1971, 1973, 1991) there are four types of parenting styles: authoritarian,

permissive, authoritative, and disengaged. Authoritarian parents tend to be very

demanding and not responsive. They tend to place a high value on obedience and control

and restrict their child’s autonomy. Children whose parents are Authoritarian tend to be

withdrawn and even seem uninterested in peer interaction. When faced with difficult

tasks, these children tend to become more angered and frustrated than their peers

(Baumrind, 1967; Baumrind & Black, 1967). Permissive parents are very accepting,

warm and more passive. Permissive parents are more concerned about raising a happy

child than an obedient one. Children whose parents are permissive appear to be less

mature than their peers (Baumrind,1967, 1971, 1973; Baumrind & Black, 1967).

Authoritative parents are warm and appreciative but controlling. Authoritative parents

place a high value on development of autonomy and self-direction (Baumrind,

1967,1971, 1973; Baumrind & Black, 1967). Disengaged parents are neither demanding

nor responsive. Disengaged parents care little about their child’s opinion or experiences.

Disengaged parents are more self-centered and primarily structure their lives around

themselves instead of their children (Baumrind, 1973, 1991). Children of disengaged

parents have difficulty relating to other people due to a lack of parental guidance and

encouragement. In some cases, disengaged parenting is a reflection of child maltreatment

and neglect (Baumrind, 1991). These parenting styles have many repercussions on the




                                                                                               7
child’s behavior. Glueck & Glueck (1968) and West & Farrington (1973) found that very

strict and authoritarian parenting style to be associated with a child’s development of

Antisocial Personality Disorder.

       Childhood abuse and neglect also have severe consequences in development.

Abuse and neglect may cause serious long-lasting problems in children’s behavior (i.e.

aggression towards others), peer relations, and self-esteem (Crittenden, Claussen, &

Sugarman, 1994; Strauss & Yodanis, 1996; Sheeber, Hops, Alpert, Davis, & Andrews,

1997; Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). Many social learning theorists, such as Bandura

(1973) and Feshbach (1980), suggest that witnessing violence in the home provides a

model for learning aggressive behavior and the appropriateness of such behavior and,

consequently, produces aggressive-antisocial behaviors in the child. Traumatic and

chaotic parent-child relationships also contribute to emotional and social instability and

underdevelopment, poor personality organization, incapability for self reflection and the

inability to self-reflect, all characteristics of Antisocial Personality Disorder (Martens,

2005). Cicchetti & Barnett (1991) found that children who are abused or neglected earlier

in life are more likely to develop insecure attachment relationships with their primary

caregivers, leading to emotion-regulation difficulties and problem-solving deficits.

Moreover, Celia (1994) pointed out that when a child is exposed to trauma, he or she

might show a lack of ability to form bonds as a consequence of neglectful family factors

and neighborhood aspects. It will be very difficult for him or her to cooperate with people

who want to help or to trust persons who want to give social support.

       Approximately one in five marriages ends in divorce (Hetherington, Henderson,

& Reiss, 1999; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2008). During childhood, the parents’ divorce




                                                                                              8
requires adjustment. Hetherington, Cox, & Cox (1978) found that months after a divorce

adjusting can be difficult to both the children and the parents. Divorce can be both

financially and emotionally difficult on the family. Monitoring children decreases and

some divorced parents emotionally withdraw from their children, which may lead to

externalizing behavioral problems to occur (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). A child

repeatedly exposed to marital conflict – especially when it is unresolved, is more likely to

be aggressive and depressed (Cummings, Ballard, El-Sheikh, & Lake, 1991). When

children are recipients of aggressive parenting themselves, they are more likely to imitate

this behavior in their relationships with their siblings (Conger, Conger, & Elder, 1994).

       Siblings provide companionship and support, can be surrogate parents, and

sometimes take on a teaching role. However, siblings also can be bullies or competitors

(Patterson, 2008). Older siblings can influence younger siblings through teaching and

nurture, although studied have shown antisocial conduct of siblings tends to have

negative consequences on the child’s development (Ardelt & Day, 2002; Bullock &

Dishion, 2002; Haynie & McHugh, 2003). Furman & Lanthier (2002) and Brody (1998)

found that siblings’ relationships are positive especially when the child’s relationship

with his parents is positive and the home environment is harmonious. Aggressive and

hostile interactions with siblings, however, provides future practice, observational

learning, and reinforcement of problem behaviors that consequently lead one to

experience failures at school, with peers, and in future relationship (Natsuaki, Ge, Reiss,

& Neiderhiser, 2009).

       During childhood, peer groups begin to form. Parents play an important role in

choice of peer groups (Brown, Mounts, Lamborn, & Steinberg, 1993; Curtner-Smith &




                                                                                              9
MacKinnon-Lewis, 1994; Mason, Cauce, Gonzales, & Hiraga, 1996). Parents, who raise

their children to focus on academics, will have children who are more likely to socialize

with peers who are more academically inclined. This is also the case for children who

exhibit aggressive and antisocial behaviors (Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller & Skinner,

1991; Kim, Hetherington, & Reiss, 1999; Garneir & Stein, 2002; Scaramella, Conger,

Spoth, & Simmons, 2002; Tolan, Gorman-Smith, & Henry, 2003). Problem parent-child

relations, especially ones coercive and hostile, lead to the development of antisocial

disposition in the child. This disposition then contributes to both school failure and

rejection by peers (Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller, & Skinner, 1991; Pardini, Loeber, &

Stouthamer-Loeber, 2005). In childhood, peer groups tend to be gender-segregated (i.e.,

boys socialize more with boys, and girls with girls) (Martin & Fabes, 2001) and peers

tend to share similar characteristics (i.e., behavior, socioeconomic status, and other

demographics) with each other (Kupersmidt, DeRosier, & Patters, 1995; Cassidy, Aikins,

& Chernoff, 2003). Kupersmidt, DeRosier, & Patters (1995) found that well-behaved and

similar socioeconomic status children are likely to play together. Children who are more

socially skilled tend to have more friends.

       Being rejected by peer groups has a negative impact on one’s development.

Children who are rejected by peer groups tend to be children who are feared or disliked

(such as bullies). Rejection in the peer groups predicts later behavior and mental health

outcomes, such as delinquency, drug abuse and depression (Bagwell, Newcomb, &

Bukowski, 1998; Hawker & Boulton, 2000; Kupersmidt & DeRosier, 2004). This occurs

because many rejected children befriend other rejected children (Breiling, Maser, &

Stoff, 1997; Vitaro, Tremblay, Kerr, Pagani, & Bukowski, 1997).




                                                                                            10
Children begin school at the age of five or six. Children must adjust to meeting

new teachers and peers, as well as adapt to a school environment. They must also adjust

to classroom and school rules. Children in smaller classes tend to form warmer, closer

relationships with their teachers, and those who form a more positive relationship with

their teachers are more likely to succeed in school (National Institute of

Child Health and Human Development: Early Childhood Research Network, 2004).

Participation in organized and structured extracurricular activities after school can also

benefit a child’s development (Osgood, Wilson, O’Malley, Bachman, & Johnston, 1996;

Osgood, Anderson, & Shafer, 2005).

       If one is aggressive during childhood, then one is more likely to be aggressive in

adolescence and adulthood (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997; Schaeffer, Kellam, Petras,

Poduska, & Ialongo, 2003). Children living under stressful conditions (e.g., domestic

violence, child abuse/neglect, poor communities) are more likely to develop and model

aggressive behaviors through direct observation from a parent, family members, and, in

some cases, peers (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Children who are aggressive are more

likely to be rejected by there peers and have adjustment and interpersonal problems in the

future (Underwood, 2003; Tremblay et al., 2004; Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006).

       Most children are connected to the media through television, videogames and

internet usage, which have more negative than positive effects on a child’s development.

Children who watch more violent television are more likely to act out more aggressively,

than those who do not (Hopf, Huber, & Weiß, 2008). Elementary school children who

play more violent video games become more aggressive in their behavior over time

(Anderson, Gentile, & Buckley, 2007; Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). These children




                                                                                             11
are more likely to commit more violent crimes as adults than there peers (Anderson,

Gentile, & Buckley, 2007). Although just watching violence through the media does

increase the likelihood of violent behaviors, it is not an entirely causal factor (Breiling,

Maser, & Stoff, 1997).

       The impact of parents, peer groups, and media exposure can be seen in a child’s

development. Marital conflict, maltreatment and disengaged parenting can influence the

child’s social and psychological development. Antisocial siblings and socializing with

antisocial peers can lead to more antisocial behaviors in the future.

                    ANTISOCIAL ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT

       Adolescence is filled with biological changes, social transitions, and cognitive

improvements. During this stage, starting at the age of ten and ending in the early

twenties, adolescents discover who they are, form closer and more caring relationships,

establish a sense of independence, ultimately distance themselves from their parents, and

become members of society. All of these events take place during adolescence and

influence development into adulthood.

       Puberty is the period during which an individual becomes capable of sexual

reproduction (Steinberg, 2008). Other biological changes include increases in height,

weight, muscle and strength. Puberty appearances may increase family conflict and

distance between parents and children. Laursen, Coy, & Collinsm (1998) and Ogletree,

Jones, & Coyle (2002) found that, as children mature from childhood into middle

adolescence, emotional distance between adolescents and their parent’s increases and

conflict intensifies, especially between the adolescents and their mothers. Those who

mature early tend to be more popular and socialize with older peers. Early maturers are




                                                                                               12
more likely to use drugs and alcohol and engage in other risky activities, compared to

their same-aged peers (Wichstrom, 2001). Also, early maturers who use substances early

in adolescence are more likely to have substance abuse problems in the future and be

involved in other problematic behaviors (Dick, Rose, Viken, & Kaprio, 2000). Late-

maturing adolescents, on the other hand, tend to have better coping skills (Steinberg,

2008). The impact of early maturation on adolescents’ antisocial behavior is comparable

among African-American, Mexican-American and Caucasian boys (Cota-Robles, Neiss,

& Rowe, 2002).

       During adolescence, children develop an “executive suite” of capabilities that

permit thinking that is more deliberate and more controlled (Keating, 2004). Adolescents

are better at thinking of what is possible; they think in the abstract, multidimensional, and

hypothetically. Adolescents’ conceptions of interpersonal relationships become more

mature; their understanding of human behavior becomes more advanced and their ideas

of social institutions and organizations become more complex. Adolescents’ ability to

understand what people are thinking is far more developed (Steinberg, 2008).

Adolescents are known to be risk takers. An individual’s susceptibility to peer pressure

increases during early and middle adolescence, and most adolescent risk-taking,

including delinquency, drinking, and reckless behavior, occurs when other teenagers are

present (Steinberg, 2004, 2008). Steinberg (2007) found that late maturation of the

prefrontal cortex (the area of the brain that controls executive functioning – planning,

decision-making, goal setting, etc.) increased the likelihood of risk taking during

adolescence. Individuals with deficits in executive functioning have conflicts in areas of

cognitive control and conflict monitoring (Sadeh & Verona 2008). Other studies have




                                                                                           13
found that, besides deficits in executive functioning, antisocial adolescents also have low

levels of arousal and increased filtering of environmental stimuli, which is linked to

sensation-seeking risk taking behaviors (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Stimulation

deprivation causes an increase in sensation seeking and risk-taking behaviors (Breiling,

Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Impulse control deficits combined with hyperactivity and

inattention dysfunctions are highly related predisposing factors for the presentation of

antisocial behavior (Holmes, Slaughter, & Kashani, 2001).

       Being unable to understand another person’s perspective will hinder the ability to

understand another’s thoughts and feelings and therefore increase the likelihood of

antisocial behaviors such as destroying the property of others, bullying and harming

others and animals. An adolescent’s inability to understand social conventions and

societal norms also increases the chance of antisocial behaviors to form. An individual’s

inability to think about the consequences for their behavior also increases the likelihood

of violations to rules and antisocial behavior.

       Peer groups become one of the most important features in an adolescent’s life;

crowd memberships contribute to one’s identity. Prinstein & Greca (2002) and Sussman,

Dent, McAdams, Stacy, Burton, & Flay (1994) found that the crowd with which an

adolescent affiliates has an important influence on his or her behavior, activities and self-

conception. If one’s crowd is uninterested in academics, one will be disengaged in school

and perhaps more focused on antisocial behaviors. The more substance-using friends an

adolescent has and the closer he or she feels to them, the more the adolescent is likely to

use alcohol and drugs (Hussong & Hicks, 2003). Peer influence is a dominant factor in

predicting whether that individual will be at risk for juvenile offending (Chung &




                                                                                           14
Steinberg, 2006). Adolescents with antisocial friends, who become more antisocial, will

become more delinquent (Werner & Silbereisen, 2003). Gang membership is also

associated with antisocial behavior. Adolescents who belong to gangs are at greater risk

for many types of problems in addition to antisocial behavior, including elevated levels of

psychological distress and exposure to violence (Li, Stanton, Pack, Harris, Cottrell, &

Burns, 2002).

       The neighborhood in which one lives also influences adolescent development. For

most growing up in a poor neighborhood has negative effects on adolescent development

and mental health (McLoyd, 1990; Chung & Steinberg, 2006). Neighborhoods affect

adolescents by influencing norms to which an adolescent is exposed to (i.e., if they see

violence in the neighborhood, they will be believe it is “normal” for violence to occur)

and limited access to economic and institutional resources (Chung & Steinberg, 2006;

Steinberg, 2008). Adolescents who live in poor neighborhoods come into contact with

deviant peers more often, and by seeing nothing but poverty and unemployment in their

communities, they will have little reason to be hopeful about their own future; they may

feel that they have little to lose and therefore, drop out of school or become involved in

criminal activity (Steinberg, 2008). In poor neighborhoods the quality of schools, health

care, transportation, employment opportunities, and recreational services is lower and as

a result, adolescent have fewer chances to engage in activities that facilitate positive

development and fewer chances to receive services when they are having difficulty

(Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2004). Exposure to violence, such as can be witnessed in

their own home, neighborhood, or at school, increase the likelihood that they themselves

will be involved in violent behavior, which could involve hurting themselves or others




                                                                                             15
(Campbell & Schwarz, 1996; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998; Youngstrom, Weist, &

Albus, 2003; Ozer, 2005; Steinberg, 2008). Bingenheimer (2005) found that witnessing

gun violence doubles an adolescent’s risk for committing violence in the future.

       Although it may appear that family is not as important in adolescence, parental

styles, siblings and family changes are shown to have a significant effect on the

adolescent and his or her behaviors. According to Collins & Steinberg (2006) adolescents

who are raised in an authoritative home are more responsible, more self-assured, more

adaptive, more creative, more socially skilled, and more successful in school.

Adolescents raised in an authoritarian homes are more dependent, more passive, less

socially adept, less self-assured, and less intellectually curious. Adolescents raised in an

indulgent households are often less mature, more irresponsible, more conforming to their

peers, and less able to assume positions of leadership. Adolescents raised in an indifferent

homes are often impulsive and more likely to be involved in delinquent behavior and in

precocious experiments with sex, drugs and alcohol. Studies such as Crittenden,

Claussen, & Sugarman (1994), Strauss & Yondanis (1996), Sheeber, Hops, Alpert,

Davis, & Andrews (1997) and Pittman & Chase-Lansdale (2001) have shown that

parenting that is indifferent, neglectful, or abusive has harmful effects on an adolescent’s

mental health and development, leading to depression and antisocial behavioral problems,

including cases of physical abuse and aggression toward others. Adolescents from single-

parent homes, as well as those from uninvolved or less supportive parents are more likely

to be peer oriented and be more susceptible to antisocial pressure (Farrell & White, 1998;

Erickson, Crosnoe, & Dornbusch, 2000; Steinberg, 2008).




                                                                                           16
Changes in family life also can influence antisocial development. As stated

earlier, divorcing parents increases the likelihood of decreased parental monitoring and

increased exposure to martial conflict, both of which can have a maladaptive outcome to

development (Dornbusch et al., 1985; McLanahan & Bumpass, 1988; Moore & Chase-

Landsdale, 2001). Divorce increases an adolescent’s risk of using drug and alcohol,

having more behavioral problems, performing poorer in school and of being more likely

to engage in sexual activity (Allison & Furstenberg, 1989; Astone & McLanahan, 1991;

Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1995).

       Families’ financial strain also can disrupt parenting function and increase

behavioral problems (McLoyd, 1990). Income loss tends to increase the likelihood for an

adolescent to have emotional, academic and interpersonal problems as well as diminish

ones sense of mastery (Lempers, Clark-Lempers, & Simmons 1989; Conger, Conger,

Matthews, & Elder, 1999; Barrera et al., 2002). Conger, Conger, Matthews, & Elder

(1999) found financial strain also affected an adolescent’s psychological development. In

addition, parents who are stressed economically tend to be less involved, less nurturing

and less consistent in their discipline (McLoyd, 1990). This gives rise to a wide range of

psychological and behavioral problems in adolescence.

       Sibling relations can also influence an adolescent’s development. The effect of

sibling relationships in adolescence is similar to its effect in childhood. A positive sibling

relationship in adolescence contributes to positive school competency, sociability,

autonomy, and self-worth (Yeh & Lempers, 2004).

       School has profound effects on an adolescent’s development and behavior

(Steinberg, 2008). Large schools tend to provide adolescents with more classes,




                                                                                           17
extracurricular activities and resources (Lee & Smith, 1995). Small schools increase

adolescent’s involvement in a classroom and gives them a sense of involvement and

obligation (Steinberg, 2008). Although class size does not affect an adolescent’s

academic development, overcrowding in school does provoke potential problems. Over-

crowded schools can be stressful on both students and their teachers and are more likely

to have inadequate resources (Ready, Lee, & Welner, 2004). Educators who provide

opportunities for their students, engage and excite students, are not biased, and set

expectations that are reasonably related to a student’s ability, will promote positive

adolescent academic development (Eccles, 2004; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). That is, a

good teacher resembles a good, authoritative parent (Wentzel, 2002; Pellerin, 2005).

Schmidt (2003) found students who are disengaged in school are more likely to

misbehave.

       Overcrowding in schools increases stress not only in teachers and resources, but

for the students as well. Violence is more common in overcrowded school, especially in

poor urban neighborhoods (Khoury-Kassabri, Benbensihty, Astro & Zeira, 2004).

Students who have low achievement beliefs can also influence antisocial behavior. They

are more likely to drop out of school, which is correlated to living at or near poverty

level, to experience unemployment and be involved in delinquent and criminal activity

(Rumberger, 1995; Steinberg, 2008).

       Most individuals work during adolescence. Often these jobs have very little to do

with future careers and range from fast-food workers to cashiers to manual or skilled

labor. Most adolescents’ salaries go towards needs and activities. The more hours an




                                                                                          18
adolescent works, the less satisfied they feel about life (Fine, Mortimer, & Roberts,

1990).

         Most of an adolescent’s leisure time is involved socializing with peers, playing

sports, watching television and using other forms of the technology (including computer,

cell phones, video games, shopping, playing a musical instrument, etc.). Most

extracurricular activities (i.e., structured activities) have positive influence on an

individual’s development. This is so because it increases contact with peers, teachers and

other school or neighborhood personnel who may reinforce the value of school or

neighborhood and because participation itself may improve students’ self-confidence and

self-esteem (Spreitzer, 1994; Gore, Farrell, & Gordon, 2001; Markstrom, Li, Blackshire,

& Wilfong, 2005; Steinberg, 2008). Unstructured activities, conversely, are associated

with more problem behavior. Simply spending more time with peer’s increases the

likelihood of alcohol and drug use and partying, as well as being more susceptible to peer

pressure (Caldwell & Darling, 1999). Unstructured leisure activities can increase an

adolescent’s exposure to antisocial peers and activities. According to Steinberg (2008)

         “Because most adolescence is a time of heightened peer pressure, and

         heightened susceptibility to peer influence, and because one of the

         strongest deterrents against problem behavior is a presence of an adult, it

         is hardly surprising that unstructured peer activity without adult

         supervision is associated with all sorts of problems – delinquency, drug

         and alcohol use, and precocious sexual activity.” (pp. 250)




                                                                                            19
A lack of structure, absence of adult supervision, and socializing with peers increased the

likelihood of delinquency and other problematic behaviors (Mahoney & Stattin, 2000;

Mahoney, Stattin, & Lord, 2004; Osgood & Anderson, 2004).

       Adolescents’ exposure to the media (such as television, computers, and

magazines) also has a negative influence on an adolescent’s development. Adolescents

spend on average at least seven hours each day using the media, and the time spent is

continuously increasing (Steinberg, 2008). Adolescents are exposed to sexual themes,

violence, the use of drugs and alcohol and misleading messages of beauty and power,

which can cause antisocial behavior, as well as external or internal problems (Cantor,

2000;Ward, 2003; Ward, & Friedman, 2006; Steinberg, 2008). Media can also influence

the development of conduct disorder and antisocial behaviors during adolescence.

Messages on television, websites, and magazines can influence one’s sexual behaviors;

alcohol and drug use, and desensitize adolescents to violence. Consequently, exposure to

these messages can influence one’s behavior (Cantor, 2000; Johnson, Cohen, Smailes,

Kasen, & Brook, 2002; Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003).

       As the foregoing show, adolescence is a period of changes and transitions, growth

and development, as well as privileges and responsibilities. One’s parents, siblings,

environment, peers, and even the media are important factors that can contribute to

normal adult development.

      MENTAL DISORDER HISTORY OF INDIVIDUALS DIAGNOSED WITH
                 ANTISOCIAL PERSONALITY DISORDER

       Antisocial Personality Disorder develops from disorders that occur during

childhood and adolescence. These mental disorders impair an individual’s psychological,

academic and social development. Disruptive Behavioral Disorders such as Conduct and



                                                                                         20
Oppositional Defiant Disorder as well as Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder are the

disorders mostly noted to precede the development of Antisocial Personality Disorder.

       Thirty to forty percent of children diagnosed with Conduct Disorder develop

antisocial personality disorder (Robins, 1966, 1991; Robins, Tipp & Przyberk, 1991).

Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder showed symptoms of

Conduct Disorder before the age of fifteen. Conduct Disorder is a disruptive behavior

disorder that occurs in either childhood or adolescence. They show a repetitive and

persistent pattern of behavior in which they violate social norms or the rights of others

(DSM-IV-TR). There are three types of this disorder: childhood-onset type (diagnosed

prior to age ten), adolescent-onset type (diagnosed after age ten), and unspecified onset

(age is unknown) (DSM-IV-TR). The symptoms of conduct disorder can be either mild

(i.e., lying), moderate (i.e., vandalism) or severe (i.e., physical cruelty)(DSM-IV-TR). To

be diagnosed with conduct disorder one must fall into three or more of the criteria in the

past twelve months with at least one criterion in the past six months (DSM-IV-TR). One

must have shown aggression toward people and/or animals (such as bullying or

intimidating others), deceitfulness and/or theft, and serious violation of the rules (i.e.,

breaking parental rules) and/or destroyed property (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed

with Conduct Disorder tend to engage in aggressive behavior. They may display bullying,

threaten others, initiate physical fights, and deliberately damage others’ property. They

may be deceitful, steal, violate rules set by others or force someone into sexual activities.

       Lahey, Loeber, Burke & Applegate (2005) found that Conduct Disorder is not

always a predictor of the development of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Other

disruptive behavior disorders in childhood, such as Oppositional Defiant disorder (ODD)




                                                                                              21
and Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) may predispose youths to

develop Antisocial Personality Disorder. In a significant percentage of cases,

Oppositional Defiant Disorder is a development antecedent to Conduct Disorder.

However, not all children diagnosed with Oppositional Defiant Disorder develop

Conduct Disorder(DSM-IV-TR). Children with Oppositional Defiant Disorder show

symptoms in recurrent pattern of negativistic, defiant, disobedient, and hostile behavior

toward authority figures. This behavior is evident before the age of eight and includes

frequent loss of temper, arguing with adults, and actively defying or refusing to comply

with the request or rules of others (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with

Oppositional Defiant Disorder tend to lose their temper, argue with adults, actively defy

rules set by adults, are spiteful, blame others for his or her mistakes, and show persistent

stubbornness, resistance to direction , and an unwillingness to compromise, give in or

negotiate with adults or peers (DSM-IV-TR).

       Approximately half of children with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

also have Oppositional Defiant Disorder or Conduct Disorder (DSM-IV-TR). Attention-

deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder is a disruptive behavioral disorder in which the individual

shows a persistent pattern of inattention and/or hyperactivity-impulsivity which results in

impairments at home and at school or work. This disruptive behavior must be present

before the age seven and there must be clear evidence of interference in the development

of appropriate social, academic, or occupational functioning (DSM-IV-TR). Failure to

complete tasks with detail and attention, difficulty to saying on tasks and being extremely

disorganized are indicators of inattention. Hyperactivity is evident when a child is unable

to sit still and talks excessively. Signs of impulsivity include being impatient,




                                                                                            22
continuously interrupting and having difficulty waiting one’s turn (DSM-IV-TR). There

are three subtypes of this disorder: Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: Combined

Type (six symptoms of hyperactivity, six symptoms of inattention), Attention-Deficit/

Hyperactivity disorder: Predominantly Inattentive (six or more symptoms of inattention,

fewer symptoms of hyperactivity), and Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder:

Predominantly Hyperactivity –Impulsive Type (six or more symptoms of hyperactivity,

fewer symptoms of inattention)(DSM-IV-TR). According to the DSM-IV-TR (2000)

       “The rates of co-occurrence of Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

       with these other Disruptive Behavior Disorders are higher than with other

       mental disorders, and this co-occurrence is more likely in the two subtypes

       marked by hyperactivity-impulsivity: Hyperactivity-Impulsive and

       Combined Type.” (pp. 88)

Increased hyperactivity in childhood leads to increase in the likelihood of antisocial

behavior in adulthood (Freidenfelt & af Klinteberg, 2007).

       Oppositional Defiant Disorder co-morbid with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity

Disorder increases the risk for Antisocial Personality Disorder, indirectly by increasing

risk for early-onset and persistent Conduct Disorder. Yet, co-morbidity of Attention-

Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder and Conduct Disorder increases risk for severe Antisocial

Personality Disorder in adulthood beyond what either disorder contributes independently.

However, studies have shown on individuals diagnosed with Attention-

Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and Oppositional Defiant Disorder independently from

Conduct Disorder does not predict the development of Antisocial Personality over time




                                                                                            23
(Lahey, Loeber, Burke, Rathouz & McBurnett, 2002; Lahey, Loeber, Burke, &

Applegate, 2005; Washburn, Romero, Welty, Abram, Teplin, & McClelland, 2007).

                ANTISOCIAL PERSONALITY DISORDER FEATURES

       The development of antisocial behavior continues from childhood into

adolescence and even into adulthood. The more frequent and diverse the childhood

antisocial acts are, the more likely the individual is to develop a life-long pattern of

antisocial behavior (Lynam, 1997). If intervention does not occur, one has a higher

chance of becoming incarcerated. Approximately forty to seventy-five percent of prison

inmates have Antisocial Personality Disorder, although, not all individuals with

Antisocial Personality Disorder are criminals (Hare, 1993; Widiger & Corbitt, 1995).

       To be diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder, one must be at least 18

years old and exhibit some symptoms of Conduct Disorder in adolescence (or in some

cases childhood) (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder fail to

adhere to social norms with respect to being law-abiding citizens and tending to perform

acts repeatedly that are grounds for arrest (DSM-IV-TR). These acts can involve

destroying or vandalizing property, stealing, or physically hurting superiors (e.g., a boss)

and/or animals. These individuals also tend to be deceitful and manipulative in order to

gain personal profit or pleasure (such as to obtain money, sex, or power)(DSM-IV-TR).

Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder are predisposed to be

impulsive and disregard planning for future consequences, which can lead to changes in

jobs, residences, and interpersonal relationships (DSM-IV-TR). Many individuals with

Antisocial Personality Disorder are extremely aggressive and irritable and, therefore, get

into physical fights or even in some cases commit acts of physical assault (i.e., spousal




                                                                                            24
and child abuse). Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder may engage in sexual

behavior or substance use that has a high risk for harmful consequence [i.e. HIV] (DSM-

IV-TR).

       Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder are also characterized

as consistently and extremely irresponsible (DSM-IV-TR). They may show

irresponsibility at work by repeated absences from work or by abandoning jobs. They

may show financial irresponsibility by failing to provide child support or not paying

income taxes. These individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder tend to show little

remorse when it comes the consequences for their actions. According to the DSM-IV-TR

(2000) “They may be indifferent to, or provide a superficial rationalization for, having

hurt, mistreated, or stolen from someone. They may blame their victim for being foolish,

helpless, or deserving their fate.” (pp. 702) Individuals with Antisocial Personality

Disorder tend to be substance abusers (Messina, Farabee, & Rawson, 2003). and have

other mental disorder, such as anxiety disorders, mood disorders, pathological gambling,

or impulse control disorders, as well as somatization disorders (DSM-IV-TR).

       Interpersonally, individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder often come

across as arrogant with a grandiose sense of self-worth. They tend to be callous, which

makes them unable to form strong emotional bonds with others. They tend to be conning

and manipulative through lying. These individuals tend to be irresponsible for not only

themselves but for their children as well (i.e., malnutrition, failure to monitor children).

These interpersonal qualities affect not only their interpersonal relationships but

educational and occupational careers as well.




                                                                                               25
According to the DSM-IV-TR (2000) individuals with Antisocial Personality

Disorder are more likely to

       “receive dishonorable discharges from the armed services, may fail to be

       self-supporting, may become impoverished, or even homeless, or may

       spend many years in penal institutions. Individuals with Antisocial

       personality Disorder are more likely than people in the general population

       to die prematurely by violent means (e.g., suicide, accidents, and

       homicides).” (pp. 703)

       Antisocial Personality Disorder runs a persistent course, but may become less

evident in an individual’s fourth decade of life (DSM-IV-TR). Though this appears to be

the case, individuals diagnosed with this disorder are more likely to spend many years in

penal institutions, be homeless or become impoverished, and fail to be self-supporting

(DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder are also more

likely to die prematurely through violence (DSM-IV-TR).

                         TREATMENT SUGGESTIONS

       Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder usually seek treatment due to a

court order and, therefore, are extremely difficult to treat, as they have not sought

treatment voluntarily. For psychotherapy to work, one must want to change. Being forced

into therapy, one might miss appointments, not complete homework assignments or

devalue the therapist. However, knowing that Antisocial Personality Disorder is enduring

and develops over a lifespan, we can treat the antisocial behaviors early. Token

economies and family therapy, as well as integrative approaches and

psychopharmaceuticals, can help treat antisocial symptoms. Early intervention studies




                                                                                          26
and research demonstrate that that the development of Antisocial Personality Disorder

can be diminished.

       Research has shown that early intervention is an effective way to reduce

problematic behaviors, especially in school settings (Farrell & Meyer, 1997; Flannery,

2000). A neglected child can learn proper social skills and feel more competent in social

situations by improving adult-child relations and through different teaching techniques

(Flannery, 2000; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Teaching children social skills can prevent

peer rejection. Flannery (2000) saw a decrease in aggressive behavior when teachers

encouraged and rewarded prosocial behavior, which in turn decreased antisocial

behaviors. Teachers who promote and develop structured extracurricular activities after

school programs or summer school activities can also decrease antisocial behaviors (Zill,

Nord & Loomis, 1995; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Academically oriented programs

promote positive feelings about school, improve classroom behavior, greater conflict

resolution skills, improve grades and achievement test scores and increase school

attendance in children (McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). This may also influence with whom

the child associates, which indirectly promotes greater investment in school (Zill, Nord &

Loomis, 1995).

       Contingency management theory suggests that human behavior is controlled by

its consequences (Harvey, Luiselli & Wong, 2009). If one’s response is positively

reinforced, one is more likely to repeat that behavior. If one’s response is punished, it is

not likely to happen again (Domjan, 2006). Therefore, contingency management theorists

would suggest that antisocial behavior was constantly positively reinforced early on in

life, and thus it will continue on into adulthood. Token economies target maladaptive




                                                                                           27
behavior by directly reinforcing positive behaviors with tokens and punishing

maladaptive behaviors (i.e., taking tokens away) (Harvey, Luiselli & Wong, 2009). This

type of treatment can be used to target maladaptive behaviors such as aggression and

anger (Flannery, 2000). Because most antisocial individuals are likely to be incarcerated

or in substance abuse programs, which are both controlled environments, the use of token

economies for treatment will be more effective and efficient for behavior change over

time (Harvey, Luiselli & Wong, 2009). Messina, Farabee & Rawson (2003) found

contingency management forms of therapy treatment were more effective for Antisocial

Personality Disorder (as well as Antisocial Personality Disorder individuals with

substance abuse problems) than “talk therapies” (i.e., Psychodynamic) and showed less

relapse rate.

        Psychopharmaceuticals, drugs used in the treatment of mental health disorders,

can also be helpful for treating symptoms of Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Anticonvulsants: phenytoin, carbamazepine, and valproate in particular have been found

to be effective in treating impulsive aggression in Antisocial Personality Disorder

patients (Stanford et al., 2005). Cambell, Gonzales, & Silva (1992), Mattes (1990), and

Stewart, Myers, Burket, & Lyles (1990) found that beta blockers have also proven to

reduce impulsive symptoms found in Conduct Disorder, Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity

Disorder and Explosive Disorder. Propranolol and Pindolo are common beta blockers

used and tend to have very few side effects (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997).

        Because most individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder had family issues

throughout life, family therapy is a way to intervene early. Family therapy is used to

improve parent-child communication (Knox, Care, Kim, & Marciniak, 2004) and can




                                                                                          28
also reduce problematic behaviors (Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh, 2007;

Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh (2007) found

increasing parents’ degree of engagement and teaching them proper monitoring skills

decreased the onset of antisocial behaviors. Increase in parent monitoring also decreased

antisocial peer involvement. In addition, increased school involvement from a parent

decreased involvement in antisocial behaviors(Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh,

2007).

         Using Integrative Psychotherapy, combining Cognitive– Behavioral and

relaxation techniques as well as Psychodynamic techniques, was also found effective in

treating symptoms of violence and antisocial behavior in Antisocial Personality Disorder

(Krampen, 2009). Therefore it can be a helpful way to intervene with early antisocial

children and adolescents. Cognitive behavioral therapy seeks to change behavior and

thinking patterns that contribute to an individual’s problems (Owen, 2009; Johnstone &

Dallos, 2006). Cognitive-behavioral techniques could help individuals decrease antisocial

behavior and reduce anger by teaching individuals skills such as problem identification,

problem solving, decision-making, relaxation techniques and negotiation. Impulse control

and focusing on outcome expectancies can help focus an individual to reduce aggressive

and impulsive tendencies (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997, Johnstone & Dallos, 2006;

Krampen, 2009).

         Adler’s (1964) psychodynamic approach posits that individuals strive to be

superior. They are motivated by inevitable feeling of inferiority to become superior in

one’s environment. One develops lifestyles as means of determining how one lives. A

psychodynamic theorist, such as Adler, would view an Antisocial Personality Disorder




                                                                                          29
individual as someone who lived by maladaptive lifestyle of wanting to attain power as

means of avoiding an inferiority complex of feeling powerless and helpless in one’s

ability control ones environment. This particular approach involves analyzing cognitive

lifestyles (i.e., “nobody cares”) in order to help the client become more fully conscious of

how he or she is directing his or her own life towards a destructive style of life (Adler,

1964; Maker & Buttenheim, 2000; Johnstone & Dallos, 2006).

       The therapeutic relationship in psychodynamic theory is extremely important in

the change process. A therapist’s willingness to relate as a genuine equal increases the

likelihood that the client’s ability to actively contribute to finding solutions to serious

problems (Luborsky, 1984). By a therapist actively listening and being empathetic, an

individual with Antisocial Personality Disorder might replace his or her old style of

thinking and see the world as a more caring and understanding place (Breiling, Maser, &

Stoff, 1997). A psychodynamic approach can also be helpful in treating past feelings of

neglect and help abandon past protective strategies. Krampen (2009) found long-term

outcomes after long-term integrative psychotherapy ended. Symptoms of acting out and

violent behaviors decreased, with only a few relapses. However, Krampen’s work

appears to only work in controlled (in-patient) settings (Krampen, 2009).

       There are many techniques and tools in which we can help treat the early onset

development of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Whether or not we choose to medicate,

intervene in school settings or family therapy, or even try to treat individually through

psychotherapy or counseling, there needs to be more research on how to prevent the onset

of Antisocial Personality Disorder.




                                                                                              30
CONCLUSION

       Antisocial Personality Disorder has enduring symptoms that begin to exhibit

during infancy and through adulthood. A difficult temperament and disengaged,

neglectful parenting influence a child’s development to future antisocial behaviors.

Environmental factors in one’s home, school (especially peer involvement) and

community contribute to how one perceives and becomes involved in the world.

Unsupervised antisocial peer groups and disengagement in school develops into adult

antisocial behaviors such as substance use, stealing and other delinquent acts. Therefore,

there needs to be new ways to intervene with these children and adolescents before the

condition limits their lives. Children with Oppositional Defiant Disorder or Attention-

Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and children or adolescents with Conduct Disorder need

to be treated before it turns into a life-long battle with society and consequently, the law.

Future research is important to find effective and long-lasting psychotherapeutic ways to

treat children and adolescents who exhibit symptoms and to treat adults diagnosed with

Antisocial Personality Disorder in order to help them live their lives in a more socially

responsible way.




                                                                                          31
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Developmental Aspects of Antisocial Personality Disorder

  • 1. The Developmental Aspect of Antisocial Personality Disorder: A Psychosocial Perspective By Rachel Siehs Abstract Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder show an enduring pattern of disregard for and violation of the rights of others. Antisocial Personality Disorder adults tend to have substance abuse problems, spend years in prison, have interpersonal and employment problems and are more likely to die prematurely due to violence. Research has shown that this pattern of conduct begins in infancy and continues into adulthood. Antisocial Personality Disorder individuals show symptoms that are similar to those of other disorders such as Conduct Disorder, Oppositional Defiant Disorder and Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder throughout their childhood and adolescence. Environmental factors can lead to the development of antisocial behavior in childhood and adolescence. A review of developmental literature and early intervention treatments could suggest ways for the early diagnosis and treatment of Antisocial Personality Disorder.
  • 2. INTRODUCTION Is there a way to detect earlier and treat lifelong adult delinquency known as Antisocial Personality Disorder? Antisocial Personality Disorder is a pervasive pattern of disregard for and violation of the rights of others (American Psychiatric Association, 2000, DSM-IV-TR). Antisocial individuals tend to engage in behaviors that are grounds for legal action (such as destroying property, harassing others, stealing or pursuing illegal occupations) and show a lack of remorse or shame for harmful acts committed on others. Individuals tend to be deceitful and manipulative, irritable and/or aggressive, and consistently and extremely irresponsible, impulsive by failing to plan ahead, and reckless in disregard for self or other’s safety (DSM-IV-TR). However, the most problematic characteristic of Antisocial Personality Disorder is that it is enduring. Approximately three percent of males and one percent of females exhibit characteristics of Antisocial Personality Disorder, with an even greater percentage in substance abuse treatment settings, prisons and forensic settings (DSM-IV-TR). Development of Antisocial Personality Disorder is more common when one’s first degree biological relatives have this condition; adoption studies, however, have shown that one’s environment is also a strong factor in developing antisocial disorders (DSM-IV-TR). Antisocial Personality Disorder is usually not diagnosable until adulthood. However, because many of its symptoms overlap with those of other mental disorders, such as Conduct Disorder, Oppositional Defiant Disorder and Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder, which are diagnosable in childhood and/or adolescence, early intervention when a client exhibits symptoms that overlap with those of Antisocial 2
  • 3. Personality Disorder may help in both diagnosis and treatment of this very serious and enduring condition. This paper analyzes the symptomology of Antisocial Personality Disorder and other mental health conditions to explore whether and how early intervention can help treat clients before Antisocial Personality Disorder can be diagnosed, thereby helping them to avoid this serious condition. INFANCY: UNDERSTANDING TEMPERAMENT AND ATTACHMENT Temperament and attachment both affect the development of lifelong antisocial (Damon, & Lerner, 2006) and is one of the first instances of individual expression (McDevitt & Ormrob, 2008). Attachment is the parent-child relationship that helps form bonds later in life. Temperament is a characteristic describing the reactivity level and self-regulation of an infant. Temperament becomes stable over time and some researchers believe that temperament actually develops into ones personality (Caspi, 1998; Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Eisenberg, Damon, & Lerner, 2006). behavior. Temperament is known to be stable throughout one’s life (Eisenberg, There are six dimensions of temperament: sociability, sensitivity, adaptability, persistence, emotion intensity, and activity level. An infant with an “easy temperament” is categorized as approachable, adaptable, mild to moderate emotional intensity, and socialable. An infant with “difficult temperament” is withdrawn, emotionally intense, unable to adapt, with negative emotions. Children with difficult temperament are more likely to be aggressive or withdrawn (Caspi, 1998; Patterson, 2008). An infant who is categorized as having a “slow to warm up temperament” tends to be predominantly in a negative mood, slow to adapt to new stimuli, and have mildly 3
  • 4. intense reactions to ones environment (Rothbart & Bates, 1998; Eisenberg, Damon, & Lerner, 2006). An infant’s ability to communicate and move around independently is extremely limited. Infants rely heavily on their parents for all their basic needs to be met. Because they are unable to use words to communicate and cannot acquire their physical needs and wants on their own, they rely on support and attention from their caregivers. This bond between the caregiver and infant is called attachment. Attachment has an enormous effect on how the infant perceives people in the world. All infants form attachment relationships with their primary caregivers (Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Sroufe, 1979). An infant with secure attachment to his or her primary caregivers learns trust. Individuals with secure attachment styles tend to be socially and psychologically skilled as they grow up (Matas, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978; Sroufe, 1979). An infant develops an insecure-ambivalent attachment style when a primary caregiver is unavailable when the individual has needs to be met. Infants who have an insecure-ambivalent attachment display considerable distress when separated from a parent or caregiver and do not seem comforted by the return of the parent. At the reunion, the child passively rejects the parent by refusing comfort, or may openly display direct aggression toward the parent (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Shorey & Snyder, 2006). Infants with insecure-avoidant attachment tend to avoid parents and caregivers. Insecure-avoidant infants neither seek comfort nor contact from primary caregiver, instead they tend to be more independent (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Individuals with insecure-avoidant attachment styles tend to show little investment in social and romantic 4
  • 5. relationships and usually are unable and unwilling to share their feelings with others (McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Infants who develop an insecure-disorganized attachment style have a primary caregiver who is inconsistent in meeting the needs of the infant (Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990; Shorey & Snyder, 2006). They tend to lack a consistent way of responding to stressful events (Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Their actions and responses to caregivers are often a mix of behaviors, including avoidance or resistance. These children are described as displaying dazed behavior, sometimes seeming either confused or apprehensive in the presence of a caregiver. In some extreme cases of insecure-disorganized attachment style children show fear towards their caregivers (Main & Solomon, 1986, 1990; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Levy & Orlans (1999, 2000) found that disruptions in attachment during the first 3 years can lead to “affectionless psychopathy,” which is the inability to form meaningful emotional relationships, coupled with chronic anger, poor impulse control, and a lack of remorse. Disorganized attachment styles lead the developing child to behave in ways that are consistent with how he or she expects to be treated by others (Bowlby, 1969; Shorey & Snyder, 2006). Children with insecure attachment styles are more likely to be rejected by peers and have a wide range of emotional and behavioral problems in their future (Steinberg, 2008). Regardless of whether the infant had a secure attachment or insecure attachment with his primary caregiver, these styles help the infant know how to perceive and what to expect from the world (Bowlby, 1969; Shorey & Snyder, 2006). It is clear that development of an insecure attachment to one’s parents will affect one’s later attachment with others later in life. If one has a difficult temperament one may 5
  • 6. also develop antisocial tendencies, including increased aggression and noncompliant behaviors (DSM-IV-TR; Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). CHILDHOOD DEVELOPMENT Childhood is the period before sexual maturation, beginning at the age of two and lasting until about the age of ten. During this period, one develops language that enables communication with others. Increased motor development allows one to engage in organized sports. The child’s increased cognitive abilities allow him or her to think about concrete objects and begin academic learning. All of these events take place during childhood and influence one’s development into adolescence. During childhood, one’s neurological pathways strengthen and become more efficient. Enhanced motor skills allow the child to move throughout his environment and explore. Fine motor skills (i.e., writing and manipulation of small objects) allow the child to communicate with others in newer forms. Language skills explode during childhood. Children are now able to express thought and receive information from others. The increase in vocabulary provides labels that enable children to think about objects and events even when they are not directly in sight. Language acquisition provides children the ability to communicate and socialize with others (McDevitt & Ormrob, 2008; Patterson, 2008). Parents who provided a home that supports educational and language growth have a positive effect on child development; with encouragement, children are able to flourish. However, in homes where parent-child relationships are poor and parents lack educational support and motivation, problems may occur in learning and cognitive development. This is especially the case in families with low economic circumstances (Hart & Risley, 1995, 1999). 6
  • 7. Multiple studies have found parental factors, such as abuse and neglect and parental separation, divorce or loss, as potential contributors to later antisocial behavior (Reti, Eaton, Bienvenu, Costa & Nestadt, 2002). Parenting styles and lack of parental monitoring are also factors that influence a child’s development. According to Diane Baumrind (1967, 1971, 1973, 1991) there are four types of parenting styles: authoritarian, permissive, authoritative, and disengaged. Authoritarian parents tend to be very demanding and not responsive. They tend to place a high value on obedience and control and restrict their child’s autonomy. Children whose parents are Authoritarian tend to be withdrawn and even seem uninterested in peer interaction. When faced with difficult tasks, these children tend to become more angered and frustrated than their peers (Baumrind, 1967; Baumrind & Black, 1967). Permissive parents are very accepting, warm and more passive. Permissive parents are more concerned about raising a happy child than an obedient one. Children whose parents are permissive appear to be less mature than their peers (Baumrind,1967, 1971, 1973; Baumrind & Black, 1967). Authoritative parents are warm and appreciative but controlling. Authoritative parents place a high value on development of autonomy and self-direction (Baumrind, 1967,1971, 1973; Baumrind & Black, 1967). Disengaged parents are neither demanding nor responsive. Disengaged parents care little about their child’s opinion or experiences. Disengaged parents are more self-centered and primarily structure their lives around themselves instead of their children (Baumrind, 1973, 1991). Children of disengaged parents have difficulty relating to other people due to a lack of parental guidance and encouragement. In some cases, disengaged parenting is a reflection of child maltreatment and neglect (Baumrind, 1991). These parenting styles have many repercussions on the 7
  • 8. child’s behavior. Glueck & Glueck (1968) and West & Farrington (1973) found that very strict and authoritarian parenting style to be associated with a child’s development of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Childhood abuse and neglect also have severe consequences in development. Abuse and neglect may cause serious long-lasting problems in children’s behavior (i.e. aggression towards others), peer relations, and self-esteem (Crittenden, Claussen, & Sugarman, 1994; Strauss & Yodanis, 1996; Sheeber, Hops, Alpert, Davis, & Andrews, 1997; Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). Many social learning theorists, such as Bandura (1973) and Feshbach (1980), suggest that witnessing violence in the home provides a model for learning aggressive behavior and the appropriateness of such behavior and, consequently, produces aggressive-antisocial behaviors in the child. Traumatic and chaotic parent-child relationships also contribute to emotional and social instability and underdevelopment, poor personality organization, incapability for self reflection and the inability to self-reflect, all characteristics of Antisocial Personality Disorder (Martens, 2005). Cicchetti & Barnett (1991) found that children who are abused or neglected earlier in life are more likely to develop insecure attachment relationships with their primary caregivers, leading to emotion-regulation difficulties and problem-solving deficits. Moreover, Celia (1994) pointed out that when a child is exposed to trauma, he or she might show a lack of ability to form bonds as a consequence of neglectful family factors and neighborhood aspects. It will be very difficult for him or her to cooperate with people who want to help or to trust persons who want to give social support. Approximately one in five marriages ends in divorce (Hetherington, Henderson, & Reiss, 1999; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2008). During childhood, the parents’ divorce 8
  • 9. requires adjustment. Hetherington, Cox, & Cox (1978) found that months after a divorce adjusting can be difficult to both the children and the parents. Divorce can be both financially and emotionally difficult on the family. Monitoring children decreases and some divorced parents emotionally withdraw from their children, which may lead to externalizing behavioral problems to occur (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). A child repeatedly exposed to marital conflict – especially when it is unresolved, is more likely to be aggressive and depressed (Cummings, Ballard, El-Sheikh, & Lake, 1991). When children are recipients of aggressive parenting themselves, they are more likely to imitate this behavior in their relationships with their siblings (Conger, Conger, & Elder, 1994). Siblings provide companionship and support, can be surrogate parents, and sometimes take on a teaching role. However, siblings also can be bullies or competitors (Patterson, 2008). Older siblings can influence younger siblings through teaching and nurture, although studied have shown antisocial conduct of siblings tends to have negative consequences on the child’s development (Ardelt & Day, 2002; Bullock & Dishion, 2002; Haynie & McHugh, 2003). Furman & Lanthier (2002) and Brody (1998) found that siblings’ relationships are positive especially when the child’s relationship with his parents is positive and the home environment is harmonious. Aggressive and hostile interactions with siblings, however, provides future practice, observational learning, and reinforcement of problem behaviors that consequently lead one to experience failures at school, with peers, and in future relationship (Natsuaki, Ge, Reiss, & Neiderhiser, 2009). During childhood, peer groups begin to form. Parents play an important role in choice of peer groups (Brown, Mounts, Lamborn, & Steinberg, 1993; Curtner-Smith & 9
  • 10. MacKinnon-Lewis, 1994; Mason, Cauce, Gonzales, & Hiraga, 1996). Parents, who raise their children to focus on academics, will have children who are more likely to socialize with peers who are more academically inclined. This is also the case for children who exhibit aggressive and antisocial behaviors (Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller & Skinner, 1991; Kim, Hetherington, & Reiss, 1999; Garneir & Stein, 2002; Scaramella, Conger, Spoth, & Simmons, 2002; Tolan, Gorman-Smith, & Henry, 2003). Problem parent-child relations, especially ones coercive and hostile, lead to the development of antisocial disposition in the child. This disposition then contributes to both school failure and rejection by peers (Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller, & Skinner, 1991; Pardini, Loeber, & Stouthamer-Loeber, 2005). In childhood, peer groups tend to be gender-segregated (i.e., boys socialize more with boys, and girls with girls) (Martin & Fabes, 2001) and peers tend to share similar characteristics (i.e., behavior, socioeconomic status, and other demographics) with each other (Kupersmidt, DeRosier, & Patters, 1995; Cassidy, Aikins, & Chernoff, 2003). Kupersmidt, DeRosier, & Patters (1995) found that well-behaved and similar socioeconomic status children are likely to play together. Children who are more socially skilled tend to have more friends. Being rejected by peer groups has a negative impact on one’s development. Children who are rejected by peer groups tend to be children who are feared or disliked (such as bullies). Rejection in the peer groups predicts later behavior and mental health outcomes, such as delinquency, drug abuse and depression (Bagwell, Newcomb, & Bukowski, 1998; Hawker & Boulton, 2000; Kupersmidt & DeRosier, 2004). This occurs because many rejected children befriend other rejected children (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997; Vitaro, Tremblay, Kerr, Pagani, & Bukowski, 1997). 10
  • 11. Children begin school at the age of five or six. Children must adjust to meeting new teachers and peers, as well as adapt to a school environment. They must also adjust to classroom and school rules. Children in smaller classes tend to form warmer, closer relationships with their teachers, and those who form a more positive relationship with their teachers are more likely to succeed in school (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development: Early Childhood Research Network, 2004). Participation in organized and structured extracurricular activities after school can also benefit a child’s development (Osgood, Wilson, O’Malley, Bachman, & Johnston, 1996; Osgood, Anderson, & Shafer, 2005). If one is aggressive during childhood, then one is more likely to be aggressive in adolescence and adulthood (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997; Schaeffer, Kellam, Petras, Poduska, & Ialongo, 2003). Children living under stressful conditions (e.g., domestic violence, child abuse/neglect, poor communities) are more likely to develop and model aggressive behaviors through direct observation from a parent, family members, and, in some cases, peers (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Children who are aggressive are more likely to be rejected by there peers and have adjustment and interpersonal problems in the future (Underwood, 2003; Tremblay et al., 2004; Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006). Most children are connected to the media through television, videogames and internet usage, which have more negative than positive effects on a child’s development. Children who watch more violent television are more likely to act out more aggressively, than those who do not (Hopf, Huber, & Weiß, 2008). Elementary school children who play more violent video games become more aggressive in their behavior over time (Anderson, Gentile, & Buckley, 2007; Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). These children 11
  • 12. are more likely to commit more violent crimes as adults than there peers (Anderson, Gentile, & Buckley, 2007). Although just watching violence through the media does increase the likelihood of violent behaviors, it is not an entirely causal factor (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). The impact of parents, peer groups, and media exposure can be seen in a child’s development. Marital conflict, maltreatment and disengaged parenting can influence the child’s social and psychological development. Antisocial siblings and socializing with antisocial peers can lead to more antisocial behaviors in the future. ANTISOCIAL ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT Adolescence is filled with biological changes, social transitions, and cognitive improvements. During this stage, starting at the age of ten and ending in the early twenties, adolescents discover who they are, form closer and more caring relationships, establish a sense of independence, ultimately distance themselves from their parents, and become members of society. All of these events take place during adolescence and influence development into adulthood. Puberty is the period during which an individual becomes capable of sexual reproduction (Steinberg, 2008). Other biological changes include increases in height, weight, muscle and strength. Puberty appearances may increase family conflict and distance between parents and children. Laursen, Coy, & Collinsm (1998) and Ogletree, Jones, & Coyle (2002) found that, as children mature from childhood into middle adolescence, emotional distance between adolescents and their parent’s increases and conflict intensifies, especially between the adolescents and their mothers. Those who mature early tend to be more popular and socialize with older peers. Early maturers are 12
  • 13. more likely to use drugs and alcohol and engage in other risky activities, compared to their same-aged peers (Wichstrom, 2001). Also, early maturers who use substances early in adolescence are more likely to have substance abuse problems in the future and be involved in other problematic behaviors (Dick, Rose, Viken, & Kaprio, 2000). Late- maturing adolescents, on the other hand, tend to have better coping skills (Steinberg, 2008). The impact of early maturation on adolescents’ antisocial behavior is comparable among African-American, Mexican-American and Caucasian boys (Cota-Robles, Neiss, & Rowe, 2002). During adolescence, children develop an “executive suite” of capabilities that permit thinking that is more deliberate and more controlled (Keating, 2004). Adolescents are better at thinking of what is possible; they think in the abstract, multidimensional, and hypothetically. Adolescents’ conceptions of interpersonal relationships become more mature; their understanding of human behavior becomes more advanced and their ideas of social institutions and organizations become more complex. Adolescents’ ability to understand what people are thinking is far more developed (Steinberg, 2008). Adolescents are known to be risk takers. An individual’s susceptibility to peer pressure increases during early and middle adolescence, and most adolescent risk-taking, including delinquency, drinking, and reckless behavior, occurs when other teenagers are present (Steinberg, 2004, 2008). Steinberg (2007) found that late maturation of the prefrontal cortex (the area of the brain that controls executive functioning – planning, decision-making, goal setting, etc.) increased the likelihood of risk taking during adolescence. Individuals with deficits in executive functioning have conflicts in areas of cognitive control and conflict monitoring (Sadeh & Verona 2008). Other studies have 13
  • 14. found that, besides deficits in executive functioning, antisocial adolescents also have low levels of arousal and increased filtering of environmental stimuli, which is linked to sensation-seeking risk taking behaviors (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Stimulation deprivation causes an increase in sensation seeking and risk-taking behaviors (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Impulse control deficits combined with hyperactivity and inattention dysfunctions are highly related predisposing factors for the presentation of antisocial behavior (Holmes, Slaughter, & Kashani, 2001). Being unable to understand another person’s perspective will hinder the ability to understand another’s thoughts and feelings and therefore increase the likelihood of antisocial behaviors such as destroying the property of others, bullying and harming others and animals. An adolescent’s inability to understand social conventions and societal norms also increases the chance of antisocial behaviors to form. An individual’s inability to think about the consequences for their behavior also increases the likelihood of violations to rules and antisocial behavior. Peer groups become one of the most important features in an adolescent’s life; crowd memberships contribute to one’s identity. Prinstein & Greca (2002) and Sussman, Dent, McAdams, Stacy, Burton, & Flay (1994) found that the crowd with which an adolescent affiliates has an important influence on his or her behavior, activities and self- conception. If one’s crowd is uninterested in academics, one will be disengaged in school and perhaps more focused on antisocial behaviors. The more substance-using friends an adolescent has and the closer he or she feels to them, the more the adolescent is likely to use alcohol and drugs (Hussong & Hicks, 2003). Peer influence is a dominant factor in predicting whether that individual will be at risk for juvenile offending (Chung & 14
  • 15. Steinberg, 2006). Adolescents with antisocial friends, who become more antisocial, will become more delinquent (Werner & Silbereisen, 2003). Gang membership is also associated with antisocial behavior. Adolescents who belong to gangs are at greater risk for many types of problems in addition to antisocial behavior, including elevated levels of psychological distress and exposure to violence (Li, Stanton, Pack, Harris, Cottrell, & Burns, 2002). The neighborhood in which one lives also influences adolescent development. For most growing up in a poor neighborhood has negative effects on adolescent development and mental health (McLoyd, 1990; Chung & Steinberg, 2006). Neighborhoods affect adolescents by influencing norms to which an adolescent is exposed to (i.e., if they see violence in the neighborhood, they will be believe it is “normal” for violence to occur) and limited access to economic and institutional resources (Chung & Steinberg, 2006; Steinberg, 2008). Adolescents who live in poor neighborhoods come into contact with deviant peers more often, and by seeing nothing but poverty and unemployment in their communities, they will have little reason to be hopeful about their own future; they may feel that they have little to lose and therefore, drop out of school or become involved in criminal activity (Steinberg, 2008). In poor neighborhoods the quality of schools, health care, transportation, employment opportunities, and recreational services is lower and as a result, adolescent have fewer chances to engage in activities that facilitate positive development and fewer chances to receive services when they are having difficulty (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2004). Exposure to violence, such as can be witnessed in their own home, neighborhood, or at school, increase the likelihood that they themselves will be involved in violent behavior, which could involve hurting themselves or others 15
  • 16. (Campbell & Schwarz, 1996; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998; Youngstrom, Weist, & Albus, 2003; Ozer, 2005; Steinberg, 2008). Bingenheimer (2005) found that witnessing gun violence doubles an adolescent’s risk for committing violence in the future. Although it may appear that family is not as important in adolescence, parental styles, siblings and family changes are shown to have a significant effect on the adolescent and his or her behaviors. According to Collins & Steinberg (2006) adolescents who are raised in an authoritative home are more responsible, more self-assured, more adaptive, more creative, more socially skilled, and more successful in school. Adolescents raised in an authoritarian homes are more dependent, more passive, less socially adept, less self-assured, and less intellectually curious. Adolescents raised in an indulgent households are often less mature, more irresponsible, more conforming to their peers, and less able to assume positions of leadership. Adolescents raised in an indifferent homes are often impulsive and more likely to be involved in delinquent behavior and in precocious experiments with sex, drugs and alcohol. Studies such as Crittenden, Claussen, & Sugarman (1994), Strauss & Yondanis (1996), Sheeber, Hops, Alpert, Davis, & Andrews (1997) and Pittman & Chase-Lansdale (2001) have shown that parenting that is indifferent, neglectful, or abusive has harmful effects on an adolescent’s mental health and development, leading to depression and antisocial behavioral problems, including cases of physical abuse and aggression toward others. Adolescents from single- parent homes, as well as those from uninvolved or less supportive parents are more likely to be peer oriented and be more susceptible to antisocial pressure (Farrell & White, 1998; Erickson, Crosnoe, & Dornbusch, 2000; Steinberg, 2008). 16
  • 17. Changes in family life also can influence antisocial development. As stated earlier, divorcing parents increases the likelihood of decreased parental monitoring and increased exposure to martial conflict, both of which can have a maladaptive outcome to development (Dornbusch et al., 1985; McLanahan & Bumpass, 1988; Moore & Chase- Landsdale, 2001). Divorce increases an adolescent’s risk of using drug and alcohol, having more behavioral problems, performing poorer in school and of being more likely to engage in sexual activity (Allison & Furstenberg, 1989; Astone & McLanahan, 1991; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1995). Families’ financial strain also can disrupt parenting function and increase behavioral problems (McLoyd, 1990). Income loss tends to increase the likelihood for an adolescent to have emotional, academic and interpersonal problems as well as diminish ones sense of mastery (Lempers, Clark-Lempers, & Simmons 1989; Conger, Conger, Matthews, & Elder, 1999; Barrera et al., 2002). Conger, Conger, Matthews, & Elder (1999) found financial strain also affected an adolescent’s psychological development. In addition, parents who are stressed economically tend to be less involved, less nurturing and less consistent in their discipline (McLoyd, 1990). This gives rise to a wide range of psychological and behavioral problems in adolescence. Sibling relations can also influence an adolescent’s development. The effect of sibling relationships in adolescence is similar to its effect in childhood. A positive sibling relationship in adolescence contributes to positive school competency, sociability, autonomy, and self-worth (Yeh & Lempers, 2004). School has profound effects on an adolescent’s development and behavior (Steinberg, 2008). Large schools tend to provide adolescents with more classes, 17
  • 18. extracurricular activities and resources (Lee & Smith, 1995). Small schools increase adolescent’s involvement in a classroom and gives them a sense of involvement and obligation (Steinberg, 2008). Although class size does not affect an adolescent’s academic development, overcrowding in school does provoke potential problems. Over- crowded schools can be stressful on both students and their teachers and are more likely to have inadequate resources (Ready, Lee, & Welner, 2004). Educators who provide opportunities for their students, engage and excite students, are not biased, and set expectations that are reasonably related to a student’s ability, will promote positive adolescent academic development (Eccles, 2004; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). That is, a good teacher resembles a good, authoritative parent (Wentzel, 2002; Pellerin, 2005). Schmidt (2003) found students who are disengaged in school are more likely to misbehave. Overcrowding in schools increases stress not only in teachers and resources, but for the students as well. Violence is more common in overcrowded school, especially in poor urban neighborhoods (Khoury-Kassabri, Benbensihty, Astro & Zeira, 2004). Students who have low achievement beliefs can also influence antisocial behavior. They are more likely to drop out of school, which is correlated to living at or near poverty level, to experience unemployment and be involved in delinquent and criminal activity (Rumberger, 1995; Steinberg, 2008). Most individuals work during adolescence. Often these jobs have very little to do with future careers and range from fast-food workers to cashiers to manual or skilled labor. Most adolescents’ salaries go towards needs and activities. The more hours an 18
  • 19. adolescent works, the less satisfied they feel about life (Fine, Mortimer, & Roberts, 1990). Most of an adolescent’s leisure time is involved socializing with peers, playing sports, watching television and using other forms of the technology (including computer, cell phones, video games, shopping, playing a musical instrument, etc.). Most extracurricular activities (i.e., structured activities) have positive influence on an individual’s development. This is so because it increases contact with peers, teachers and other school or neighborhood personnel who may reinforce the value of school or neighborhood and because participation itself may improve students’ self-confidence and self-esteem (Spreitzer, 1994; Gore, Farrell, & Gordon, 2001; Markstrom, Li, Blackshire, & Wilfong, 2005; Steinberg, 2008). Unstructured activities, conversely, are associated with more problem behavior. Simply spending more time with peer’s increases the likelihood of alcohol and drug use and partying, as well as being more susceptible to peer pressure (Caldwell & Darling, 1999). Unstructured leisure activities can increase an adolescent’s exposure to antisocial peers and activities. According to Steinberg (2008) “Because most adolescence is a time of heightened peer pressure, and heightened susceptibility to peer influence, and because one of the strongest deterrents against problem behavior is a presence of an adult, it is hardly surprising that unstructured peer activity without adult supervision is associated with all sorts of problems – delinquency, drug and alcohol use, and precocious sexual activity.” (pp. 250) 19
  • 20. A lack of structure, absence of adult supervision, and socializing with peers increased the likelihood of delinquency and other problematic behaviors (Mahoney & Stattin, 2000; Mahoney, Stattin, & Lord, 2004; Osgood & Anderson, 2004). Adolescents’ exposure to the media (such as television, computers, and magazines) also has a negative influence on an adolescent’s development. Adolescents spend on average at least seven hours each day using the media, and the time spent is continuously increasing (Steinberg, 2008). Adolescents are exposed to sexual themes, violence, the use of drugs and alcohol and misleading messages of beauty and power, which can cause antisocial behavior, as well as external or internal problems (Cantor, 2000;Ward, 2003; Ward, & Friedman, 2006; Steinberg, 2008). Media can also influence the development of conduct disorder and antisocial behaviors during adolescence. Messages on television, websites, and magazines can influence one’s sexual behaviors; alcohol and drug use, and desensitize adolescents to violence. Consequently, exposure to these messages can influence one’s behavior (Cantor, 2000; Johnson, Cohen, Smailes, Kasen, & Brook, 2002; Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003). As the foregoing show, adolescence is a period of changes and transitions, growth and development, as well as privileges and responsibilities. One’s parents, siblings, environment, peers, and even the media are important factors that can contribute to normal adult development. MENTAL DISORDER HISTORY OF INDIVIDUALS DIAGNOSED WITH ANTISOCIAL PERSONALITY DISORDER Antisocial Personality Disorder develops from disorders that occur during childhood and adolescence. These mental disorders impair an individual’s psychological, academic and social development. Disruptive Behavioral Disorders such as Conduct and 20
  • 21. Oppositional Defiant Disorder as well as Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder are the disorders mostly noted to precede the development of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Thirty to forty percent of children diagnosed with Conduct Disorder develop antisocial personality disorder (Robins, 1966, 1991; Robins, Tipp & Przyberk, 1991). Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder showed symptoms of Conduct Disorder before the age of fifteen. Conduct Disorder is a disruptive behavior disorder that occurs in either childhood or adolescence. They show a repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior in which they violate social norms or the rights of others (DSM-IV-TR). There are three types of this disorder: childhood-onset type (diagnosed prior to age ten), adolescent-onset type (diagnosed after age ten), and unspecified onset (age is unknown) (DSM-IV-TR). The symptoms of conduct disorder can be either mild (i.e., lying), moderate (i.e., vandalism) or severe (i.e., physical cruelty)(DSM-IV-TR). To be diagnosed with conduct disorder one must fall into three or more of the criteria in the past twelve months with at least one criterion in the past six months (DSM-IV-TR). One must have shown aggression toward people and/or animals (such as bullying or intimidating others), deceitfulness and/or theft, and serious violation of the rules (i.e., breaking parental rules) and/or destroyed property (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with Conduct Disorder tend to engage in aggressive behavior. They may display bullying, threaten others, initiate physical fights, and deliberately damage others’ property. They may be deceitful, steal, violate rules set by others or force someone into sexual activities. Lahey, Loeber, Burke & Applegate (2005) found that Conduct Disorder is not always a predictor of the development of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Other disruptive behavior disorders in childhood, such as Oppositional Defiant disorder (ODD) 21
  • 22. and Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) may predispose youths to develop Antisocial Personality Disorder. In a significant percentage of cases, Oppositional Defiant Disorder is a development antecedent to Conduct Disorder. However, not all children diagnosed with Oppositional Defiant Disorder develop Conduct Disorder(DSM-IV-TR). Children with Oppositional Defiant Disorder show symptoms in recurrent pattern of negativistic, defiant, disobedient, and hostile behavior toward authority figures. This behavior is evident before the age of eight and includes frequent loss of temper, arguing with adults, and actively defying or refusing to comply with the request or rules of others (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with Oppositional Defiant Disorder tend to lose their temper, argue with adults, actively defy rules set by adults, are spiteful, blame others for his or her mistakes, and show persistent stubbornness, resistance to direction , and an unwillingness to compromise, give in or negotiate with adults or peers (DSM-IV-TR). Approximately half of children with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder also have Oppositional Defiant Disorder or Conduct Disorder (DSM-IV-TR). Attention- deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder is a disruptive behavioral disorder in which the individual shows a persistent pattern of inattention and/or hyperactivity-impulsivity which results in impairments at home and at school or work. This disruptive behavior must be present before the age seven and there must be clear evidence of interference in the development of appropriate social, academic, or occupational functioning (DSM-IV-TR). Failure to complete tasks with detail and attention, difficulty to saying on tasks and being extremely disorganized are indicators of inattention. Hyperactivity is evident when a child is unable to sit still and talks excessively. Signs of impulsivity include being impatient, 22
  • 23. continuously interrupting and having difficulty waiting one’s turn (DSM-IV-TR). There are three subtypes of this disorder: Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: Combined Type (six symptoms of hyperactivity, six symptoms of inattention), Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity disorder: Predominantly Inattentive (six or more symptoms of inattention, fewer symptoms of hyperactivity), and Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: Predominantly Hyperactivity –Impulsive Type (six or more symptoms of hyperactivity, fewer symptoms of inattention)(DSM-IV-TR). According to the DSM-IV-TR (2000) “The rates of co-occurrence of Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder with these other Disruptive Behavior Disorders are higher than with other mental disorders, and this co-occurrence is more likely in the two subtypes marked by hyperactivity-impulsivity: Hyperactivity-Impulsive and Combined Type.” (pp. 88) Increased hyperactivity in childhood leads to increase in the likelihood of antisocial behavior in adulthood (Freidenfelt & af Klinteberg, 2007). Oppositional Defiant Disorder co-morbid with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder increases the risk for Antisocial Personality Disorder, indirectly by increasing risk for early-onset and persistent Conduct Disorder. Yet, co-morbidity of Attention- Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder and Conduct Disorder increases risk for severe Antisocial Personality Disorder in adulthood beyond what either disorder contributes independently. However, studies have shown on individuals diagnosed with Attention- Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and Oppositional Defiant Disorder independently from Conduct Disorder does not predict the development of Antisocial Personality over time 23
  • 24. (Lahey, Loeber, Burke, Rathouz & McBurnett, 2002; Lahey, Loeber, Burke, & Applegate, 2005; Washburn, Romero, Welty, Abram, Teplin, & McClelland, 2007). ANTISOCIAL PERSONALITY DISORDER FEATURES The development of antisocial behavior continues from childhood into adolescence and even into adulthood. The more frequent and diverse the childhood antisocial acts are, the more likely the individual is to develop a life-long pattern of antisocial behavior (Lynam, 1997). If intervention does not occur, one has a higher chance of becoming incarcerated. Approximately forty to seventy-five percent of prison inmates have Antisocial Personality Disorder, although, not all individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder are criminals (Hare, 1993; Widiger & Corbitt, 1995). To be diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder, one must be at least 18 years old and exhibit some symptoms of Conduct Disorder in adolescence (or in some cases childhood) (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder fail to adhere to social norms with respect to being law-abiding citizens and tending to perform acts repeatedly that are grounds for arrest (DSM-IV-TR). These acts can involve destroying or vandalizing property, stealing, or physically hurting superiors (e.g., a boss) and/or animals. These individuals also tend to be deceitful and manipulative in order to gain personal profit or pleasure (such as to obtain money, sex, or power)(DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder are predisposed to be impulsive and disregard planning for future consequences, which can lead to changes in jobs, residences, and interpersonal relationships (DSM-IV-TR). Many individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder are extremely aggressive and irritable and, therefore, get into physical fights or even in some cases commit acts of physical assault (i.e., spousal 24
  • 25. and child abuse). Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder may engage in sexual behavior or substance use that has a high risk for harmful consequence [i.e. HIV] (DSM- IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder are also characterized as consistently and extremely irresponsible (DSM-IV-TR). They may show irresponsibility at work by repeated absences from work or by abandoning jobs. They may show financial irresponsibility by failing to provide child support or not paying income taxes. These individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder tend to show little remorse when it comes the consequences for their actions. According to the DSM-IV-TR (2000) “They may be indifferent to, or provide a superficial rationalization for, having hurt, mistreated, or stolen from someone. They may blame their victim for being foolish, helpless, or deserving their fate.” (pp. 702) Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder tend to be substance abusers (Messina, Farabee, & Rawson, 2003). and have other mental disorder, such as anxiety disorders, mood disorders, pathological gambling, or impulse control disorders, as well as somatization disorders (DSM-IV-TR). Interpersonally, individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder often come across as arrogant with a grandiose sense of self-worth. They tend to be callous, which makes them unable to form strong emotional bonds with others. They tend to be conning and manipulative through lying. These individuals tend to be irresponsible for not only themselves but for their children as well (i.e., malnutrition, failure to monitor children). These interpersonal qualities affect not only their interpersonal relationships but educational and occupational careers as well. 25
  • 26. According to the DSM-IV-TR (2000) individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder are more likely to “receive dishonorable discharges from the armed services, may fail to be self-supporting, may become impoverished, or even homeless, or may spend many years in penal institutions. Individuals with Antisocial personality Disorder are more likely than people in the general population to die prematurely by violent means (e.g., suicide, accidents, and homicides).” (pp. 703) Antisocial Personality Disorder runs a persistent course, but may become less evident in an individual’s fourth decade of life (DSM-IV-TR). Though this appears to be the case, individuals diagnosed with this disorder are more likely to spend many years in penal institutions, be homeless or become impoverished, and fail to be self-supporting (DSM-IV-TR). Individuals diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder are also more likely to die prematurely through violence (DSM-IV-TR). TREATMENT SUGGESTIONS Individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder usually seek treatment due to a court order and, therefore, are extremely difficult to treat, as they have not sought treatment voluntarily. For psychotherapy to work, one must want to change. Being forced into therapy, one might miss appointments, not complete homework assignments or devalue the therapist. However, knowing that Antisocial Personality Disorder is enduring and develops over a lifespan, we can treat the antisocial behaviors early. Token economies and family therapy, as well as integrative approaches and psychopharmaceuticals, can help treat antisocial symptoms. Early intervention studies 26
  • 27. and research demonstrate that that the development of Antisocial Personality Disorder can be diminished. Research has shown that early intervention is an effective way to reduce problematic behaviors, especially in school settings (Farrell & Meyer, 1997; Flannery, 2000). A neglected child can learn proper social skills and feel more competent in social situations by improving adult-child relations and through different teaching techniques (Flannery, 2000; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Teaching children social skills can prevent peer rejection. Flannery (2000) saw a decrease in aggressive behavior when teachers encouraged and rewarded prosocial behavior, which in turn decreased antisocial behaviors. Teachers who promote and develop structured extracurricular activities after school programs or summer school activities can also decrease antisocial behaviors (Zill, Nord & Loomis, 1995; McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). Academically oriented programs promote positive feelings about school, improve classroom behavior, greater conflict resolution skills, improve grades and achievement test scores and increase school attendance in children (McDevitt & Ormrob, 2007). This may also influence with whom the child associates, which indirectly promotes greater investment in school (Zill, Nord & Loomis, 1995). Contingency management theory suggests that human behavior is controlled by its consequences (Harvey, Luiselli & Wong, 2009). If one’s response is positively reinforced, one is more likely to repeat that behavior. If one’s response is punished, it is not likely to happen again (Domjan, 2006). Therefore, contingency management theorists would suggest that antisocial behavior was constantly positively reinforced early on in life, and thus it will continue on into adulthood. Token economies target maladaptive 27
  • 28. behavior by directly reinforcing positive behaviors with tokens and punishing maladaptive behaviors (i.e., taking tokens away) (Harvey, Luiselli & Wong, 2009). This type of treatment can be used to target maladaptive behaviors such as aggression and anger (Flannery, 2000). Because most antisocial individuals are likely to be incarcerated or in substance abuse programs, which are both controlled environments, the use of token economies for treatment will be more effective and efficient for behavior change over time (Harvey, Luiselli & Wong, 2009). Messina, Farabee & Rawson (2003) found contingency management forms of therapy treatment were more effective for Antisocial Personality Disorder (as well as Antisocial Personality Disorder individuals with substance abuse problems) than “talk therapies” (i.e., Psychodynamic) and showed less relapse rate. Psychopharmaceuticals, drugs used in the treatment of mental health disorders, can also be helpful for treating symptoms of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Anticonvulsants: phenytoin, carbamazepine, and valproate in particular have been found to be effective in treating impulsive aggression in Antisocial Personality Disorder patients (Stanford et al., 2005). Cambell, Gonzales, & Silva (1992), Mattes (1990), and Stewart, Myers, Burket, & Lyles (1990) found that beta blockers have also proven to reduce impulsive symptoms found in Conduct Disorder, Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and Explosive Disorder. Propranolol and Pindolo are common beta blockers used and tend to have very few side effects (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Because most individuals with Antisocial Personality Disorder had family issues throughout life, family therapy is a way to intervene early. Family therapy is used to improve parent-child communication (Knox, Care, Kim, & Marciniak, 2004) and can 28
  • 29. also reduce problematic behaviors (Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh, 2007; Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh (2007) found increasing parents’ degree of engagement and teaching them proper monitoring skills decreased the onset of antisocial behaviors. Increase in parent monitoring also decreased antisocial peer involvement. In addition, increased school involvement from a parent decreased involvement in antisocial behaviors(Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh, 2007). Using Integrative Psychotherapy, combining Cognitive– Behavioral and relaxation techniques as well as Psychodynamic techniques, was also found effective in treating symptoms of violence and antisocial behavior in Antisocial Personality Disorder (Krampen, 2009). Therefore it can be a helpful way to intervene with early antisocial children and adolescents. Cognitive behavioral therapy seeks to change behavior and thinking patterns that contribute to an individual’s problems (Owen, 2009; Johnstone & Dallos, 2006). Cognitive-behavioral techniques could help individuals decrease antisocial behavior and reduce anger by teaching individuals skills such as problem identification, problem solving, decision-making, relaxation techniques and negotiation. Impulse control and focusing on outcome expectancies can help focus an individual to reduce aggressive and impulsive tendencies (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997, Johnstone & Dallos, 2006; Krampen, 2009). Adler’s (1964) psychodynamic approach posits that individuals strive to be superior. They are motivated by inevitable feeling of inferiority to become superior in one’s environment. One develops lifestyles as means of determining how one lives. A psychodynamic theorist, such as Adler, would view an Antisocial Personality Disorder 29
  • 30. individual as someone who lived by maladaptive lifestyle of wanting to attain power as means of avoiding an inferiority complex of feeling powerless and helpless in one’s ability control ones environment. This particular approach involves analyzing cognitive lifestyles (i.e., “nobody cares”) in order to help the client become more fully conscious of how he or she is directing his or her own life towards a destructive style of life (Adler, 1964; Maker & Buttenheim, 2000; Johnstone & Dallos, 2006). The therapeutic relationship in psychodynamic theory is extremely important in the change process. A therapist’s willingness to relate as a genuine equal increases the likelihood that the client’s ability to actively contribute to finding solutions to serious problems (Luborsky, 1984). By a therapist actively listening and being empathetic, an individual with Antisocial Personality Disorder might replace his or her old style of thinking and see the world as a more caring and understanding place (Breiling, Maser, & Stoff, 1997). A psychodynamic approach can also be helpful in treating past feelings of neglect and help abandon past protective strategies. Krampen (2009) found long-term outcomes after long-term integrative psychotherapy ended. Symptoms of acting out and violent behaviors decreased, with only a few relapses. However, Krampen’s work appears to only work in controlled (in-patient) settings (Krampen, 2009). There are many techniques and tools in which we can help treat the early onset development of Antisocial Personality Disorder. Whether or not we choose to medicate, intervene in school settings or family therapy, or even try to treat individually through psychotherapy or counseling, there needs to be more research on how to prevent the onset of Antisocial Personality Disorder. 30
  • 31. CONCLUSION Antisocial Personality Disorder has enduring symptoms that begin to exhibit during infancy and through adulthood. A difficult temperament and disengaged, neglectful parenting influence a child’s development to future antisocial behaviors. Environmental factors in one’s home, school (especially peer involvement) and community contribute to how one perceives and becomes involved in the world. Unsupervised antisocial peer groups and disengagement in school develops into adult antisocial behaviors such as substance use, stealing and other delinquent acts. Therefore, there needs to be new ways to intervene with these children and adolescents before the condition limits their lives. Children with Oppositional Defiant Disorder or Attention- Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and children or adolescents with Conduct Disorder need to be treated before it turns into a life-long battle with society and consequently, the law. Future research is important to find effective and long-lasting psychotherapeutic ways to treat children and adolescents who exhibit symptoms and to treat adults diagnosed with Antisocial Personality Disorder in order to help them live their lives in a more socially responsible way. 31
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