DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES .docx

DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES
Public Health Service
Center for Devices and Radiological Heath
Office of Communication, Education and Radiation Programs
Document Mail Center – WO66-G609
10903 New Hampshire Avenue
Silver Spring, MD 20993-0002
Watson Megatech, Inc.
% Chad Watson
Dec 1, 2011
President and CEO
5800 Industrial Blvd
Suite 11
Omaha, NE 68135
Re: P091462
BioBanking
Filed: Jan 9, 2010
Amended: August 5, September 8 and 13, 2010; February 22,
2011; September 22, 2011; October 6, 2011 and November 1,
2011.
Procode: RLD
Dear Mr. Watson:
The Center for Devices and Radiological Health (CDRH) of the
Food and Drug Administration
(FDA) has completed its review of your premarket approval
application (PMA) for the BioBanking Device.
BioBanking is intended to be for sub-dermal use as a radio
frequency (RF) emitter in the prevention of identity theft and

financial fraud. The device will interact with external scanners
through radio frequency to identify the individual as well as
financial account information. The device will also interact with
external encoders for the purposes of addition or removal of
financial account information. The device is solar powered and
does not need internal batteries that would provide potential
medical issues in the PMA review process.
The BioBanking insertion process can be administered by non-
medical personnel trained in the implementation of the product.
Financial institution personnel responsible for this
administration will be trained and certified in application of the
BioBanking device.
The sub-dermal BioBanking device is one element of the total
transaction system. There is also a reader for the RF signals.
Since the reader is a passive device it does not fall under
provisions of the CDRH purview.
We are pleased to inform you that the PMA is approved. You
may begin commercial distribution
of the device in accordance with the conditions of approval
described below. You may continue
commercial distribution of the device upon receipt of this letter.
Page 2 – Mr. Watson
The sale and distribution of this device are governed by The
Radiation Control provisions (originally enacted as the
Radiation Control for Health and Safety Act of 1968) located in
Sections 531 through 542 of the Act. They apply to any
"electronic product" which is defined as: any manufactured or
assembled product (or component, part, or accessory of such
product) which, when in operation,
i. contains or acts as part of an electronic circuit and

ii. emits (or in the absence of effective shielding or other
controls would emit) electronic product radiation.
"Electronic product radiation" is defined as:
i. any ionizing or non-ionizing electromagnetic or particulate
radiation, or
ii. any sonic, infrasonic, or ultrasonic wave, which is emitted
from an electronic product as the result of the operation of an
electronic circuit in such product.
The device is restricted under section 515(d)(l)(B)(ii) of the act
insofar as the labeling must specify the specific training or
experience practitioners need in order to use the device. FDA
has determined that these restrictions on sale and distribution
are necessary' to provide reasonable assurance of the safety and
effectiveness of the device. Your device is therefore a restricted
device subject to the requirements in sections 502(q) and (r) of
the act, in addition to the many other FDA requirements
governing the manufacture, distribution, and marketing of
devices.
Continued approval of this PMA is contingent upon the
submission of periodic reports, required
under 21 CFR 814.84, at intervals of one year (unless otherwise
specified) from the date of
approval of the original PMA. Two copies of this report,
identified as "Annual Report" (please use this title even if the
specified interval is more frequent than one year) and bearing
the applicable PMA reference number, should be submitted to
the address below. The Annual Report should indicate the
beginning and ending date of the period covered by the report
and should include the information required by 21 CFR 814.84.

In addition to the above, and in order to provide continued
reasonable assurance of the safety and
effectiveness of the device, the Annual Report must include,
separately for each model number (if applicable), the number of
devices sold and distributed during the reporting period,
including those distributed to distributors. The distribution data
will serve as a denominator and provide necessary context for
FDA to ascertain the frequency and prevalence of adverse
events, as FDA evaluates the continued safety and effectiveness
of the device.
In addition to the Annual Report requirements, you must
provide the following data in post approval study reports (PAS).
Two copies, identified as "PMA Post-Approval Study Report"
and
bearing the applicable PMA reference number, should be
submitted to the address below.
1. You must conduct a post approval study that will evaluate
whether BioBanking causes adverse skin reaction in the
majority of consumers where it is implemented.
2. The study will be a multi-center, single arm, observational,
prospective study to gather data
on whether the insertion procedures introduce pathogens into
the consumer. The study must be completed on a statistically
relevant set of consumers and the findings independently
verified.
FDA would like to remind you that you are required to submit
separate PAS Progress Reports
every six months during the first two years and annually
thereafter. The reports should clearly be
identified as Post-Approval Study Report. Two copies for each
study, identified as "PMA Post-

Approval Study Report" and bearing the applicable PMA
reference number, should be submitted to the address below.
For more information on post-approval studies, see the FDA
guidance
document entitled, "Procedures for Handling Post-Approval
Studies Imposed by PMA Order"
(www.fda.gov/MedicalDevices/DeviceRegulationandGuidance/
GuidanceDocuments/ucm070974htm#2).
Be advised that the failure to conduct any such study in
compliance with the good clinical
laboratory practices in 21 CFR part 58 (if a non-clinical study
subject to part 58) or the institutional review board regulations
in 21 CFR part 56 and the informed consent regulations in 21
CFR part 50 (if a clinical study involving human subjects) may
be grounds for FDA withdrawal of approval of the PMA.
Within 30 days of your receipt of this letter, you must submit a
PMA supplement that includes a
complete protocol of your post-approval study. Your PMA
supplement should be clearly labeled
as a "Post-Approval Study Protocol" and submitted in triplicate
to the address below. Please
reference the PMA number above to facilitate processing. If
there are multiple protocols being
finalized after PMA approval, please submit each protocol as a
separate PMA supplement. For
more information on post-approval studies, see the FDA
guidance document entitled, "Procedures for Handling Post-
Approval Studies Imposed by PMA Order"
(www.fda.gov/MedicalDevices/DeviceRegulationandGuidance/
GuidanceDocuments/ucm070974.htm#2).
Before making any change affecting the safety or effectiveness
of the device, you must submit a
PMA supplement or an alternate submission (30-day notice) in

accordance with 21 CFR 814.39.
All PMA supplements and alternate submissions (30-day notice)
must comply with the applicable requirements in 21 CFR
814.39. For more information, please refer to the FDA guidance
document entitled, "Modifications to Devices Subject to
Premarket Approval (PMA) - The PMA Supplement Decision-
Making Process"
(wwv.fda.gov/MedicalDevices/DeviceRegulationandGuidance/
GuidanceDocuments/ucm089274.htm).
CDRH will notify the public of its decision to approve your
PMA by making available, among other information, a summary
of the safety and effectiveness data upon which the approval is
based. The information can be found on the FDA CDRH Internet
Home Page located at:
www.fda.gov/RadiologicalDevices/Products/DeviceApprovalsan
dClearances/PMAApprovals/default.htm.
Failure to comply with any post-approval requirement
constitutes a ground for withdrawal of
approval of a PMA. The introduction or delivery for
introduction into interstate commerce of a
device that is not in compliance with its conditions of approval
is a violation of law.
You are reminded that, as soon as possible and before
commercial distribution of your device, you must submit an
amendment to this PMA submission with copies of all approved
labeling in final printed form. Final printed labeling that is
identical to the labeling approved in draft form will not
routinely be reviewed by FDA staff when accompanied by a
cover letter stating that the" final printed labeling is identical to
the labeling approved in draft form. If the final printed labeling
is not identical, any changes from the final draft labeling should
be highlighted and explained in the amendment.

All required documents should be submitted in triplicate, unless
otherwise specified, to the address below and should reference
the above PMA number to facilitate processing. One of those
three copies may be an electronic copy (eCopy), in an electronic
format that FDA can process, review and archive.
U.S. Food and Drug Administration
Center for Devices and Radiological Health
PMA Document Mail Center - WO66-G609
10903 New Hampshire Avenue
Silver Spring, MD 20993-0002
If you have any questions concerning this letter, please contact
Atiq Chowdhury at 301-796-6391.
Sincerely yours,
Christy Foreman
Director
Office of Device Evaluation
Center for Devices and Radiological Health
Food and Drug Administration
Although
one's
identity
may
seem
to
be
a

very
personal
and
individual
decision,
as
we
shall
examine,
there
can
be
many
historical,
socioeconomic,
and
sociological
factors
that
can
directly
or
indirectly
influence
this
decision.
Just
as
there
is
a
wide
range
of

experiences
and
circumstances
within
the
Asian
American
population,
so
too
can
there
be
many
different,
overlapping,
and
simultaneous
forms
of
ethnic
identity
among
Asian
Americans.
The
Fundamentals
of
Ethnic
Identity

Scholars
from
many
different
academic
disciplines
have
generally
categorized
ethnic
identity
formation
along
two
main
theoretical
frameworks:
primordial
versus
situational.
While
these
two
categories
ultimately
represent
a
simplistic
dichotomy
to
characterize
processes
of

ethnic
identity
formation,
they
are
still
very
useful
in
framing
our
analysis
of
ethnic
identity.
The
primordial
(also
known
as
"essentialist")
perspective
argues
that
people
have
an
innate
sense
of
ethnic
identity
-‐-‐

it
is
something
that
people
are
born
with,
is
instinctive
and
natural,
and
is
difficult
if
not
impossible
to
change.
This
is
illustrated
by
the
natural
instinct
to
favor
one's
kin
or
co-‐ethnics
over

non-‐kin
and
non-‐ethnics.
The
persistence
of
ethnocentrism
and
even
outright
conflict
between
different
racial/ethnic
groups
attest
to
the
historical
and
continuing
validity
of
the
primordial
basis
of
ethnic
identity.
On
the
other

hand,
the
situational
perspective
(also
known
as
the
"constructionist"
or
"instrumentalist")
states
that
ethnic
identities
are
socially
defined
phenomena.
That
is,
the
meaning
and
boundaries
of
ethnic
identity
are
constantly
being
renegotiated,
revised,
and

redefined,
depending
on
specific
situations
and
set
of
circumstances
that
each
individual
or
ethnic
group
encounters.
Within
the
situational
perspective,
there
are
several
sub-‐theories
about
how
ethnic
identity
is
formed
and

reformed,
shaped
and
reshaped.
For
example,
sociologists
argue
that
ethnic
identity
can
resurgent
or
emergent.
Resurgent
ethnic
identity
is
the
idea
that
traditional
or
ancestral
identities
can
reemerge
through
historical
events
and
particular
circumstances.

One
common
example
is
the
ethnic
identity
of
Japanese
American
after
World
War
II.
Many
Japanese
American
adults
who
were
imprisoned
during
WWII
initially
discarded
their
identity
after
the
end
of
war,

to
avoid
any
association,
shame,
or
embarrassment
with
being
imprisoned.
However,
after
movement
to
demand
compensation
and
redress
for
this
injustice
developed
in
the
1980s,
many
felt
a
newly
resurgent
sense

of
being
Japanese
American
as
they
united
to
fight
for
an
official
apology
and
reparations
from
the
federal
government.
Also,
many
Japanese
American
children
who
were
born
after
the
end
of
the

war
felt
a
resurgent
sense
of
Japanese
American
identity
after
learning
about
their
parents'
imprisonment
experiences
and
identifying
with
their
history
of
perseverance
and
strength.
This
idea
about
resurgent
ethnic
identity
is
sometimes

represented
by
the
famous
quote
"What
the
father
wishes
to
forget,
the
child
wishes
to
remember."
On
the
other
hand,
emergent
ethnic
identity
involves
the
creation
of
new
forms
of
group
identity

due
to
the
convergence
of
particular
circumstances.
More
specifically,
because
of
demographic
changes
or
competition
and
conflict
with
other
groups,
a
new
ethnic
identity
based
on
group
solidarity
and
similarity
of
experiences
might
form.

Some
argue
that
the
identity
of
"Asian
American"
is
a
perfect
example
of
an
emergent
ethnic
identity.
That
is,
prior
to
the
Civil
Rights
Movement,
virtually
no
Asian
ethnic
group
considered
themselves

part
of
a
larger
"Asian
American"
social
group.
Rather,
they
identified
solely
based
on
their
own
national
origins
(Chinese,
Japanese,
Korean,
etc.).
But
building
on
the
Civil
Rights
Movement's
focus
on
racial/ethnic
solidarity
and

group
consciousness,
the
pan-‐
Asian
identity
of
"Asian
Americans"
eventually
emerged,
emphasizing
shared
experiences
and
commonalities
of
having
Asian
ancestry.
Connections
Between
Assimilation
and
Ethnic
Identity
Because
ethnic
identity
among
second

generation
Asian
Americans
is
inevitably
tied
to
the
process
of
assimilation,
we
should
recognize
the
different
forms
of
assimilation
and
how
different
factors
can
affect
assimilation
outcomes.
Among
the
most
famous
conceptions
of

assimilation
is
the
distinction
between
behavioral
assimilation
(otherwise
known
as
"acculturation")
and
structural
or
socioeconomic
assimilation.
Behavioral
assimilation/acculturation
occurs
when
a
newcomer
absorbs
the
cultural
norms,
values,
beliefs,
and
behavior
patterns
of

the
"host"
society.
This
may
also
involve
learning
English
and/or
becoming
an
American
citizen.
Within
this
process,
Asian
Americans
may
choose
to
retain
much
of
their
traditional
Asian
culture,
norms,
and
behaviors
while
still

acquiring
those
of
mainstream
American
society,
or
to
discard
his/her
traditional
forms
of
Asian
culture
entirely
in
favor
of
complete
immersion
and
identification
with
mainstream
American
society.
The

second
major
type
of
assimilation,
structural
or
socioeconomic
assimilation,
refers
to
when
Asian
Americans
enter
and
become
integrated
into
the
formal
social,
political,
economic,
and
cultural
institutions
of
the
host
country
-‐-‐
i.e.,
when

they
begin
to
participate
as
full
members
of
American
society.
Alternatively,
it
can
also
refer
to
when
they
attain
socioeconomic
mobility
and
status
(usually
in
the
form
of
income,
occupation,
residential
integration,
etc.)

equal
to
other
members
of
mainstream
American
society.
The
process
of
undergoing
either
behavioral
or
structural/socioeconomic
assimilation
can
occur
in
a
linear
or
"straight-‐line"
manner
in
which
the
passage
of
time
and
the

succession
of
generations
lead
to
increasing
economic,
cultural,
political,
and
residential
integration
into
American
society.
Or
it
can
happen
in
a
non-‐linear,
circular,
or
"bumpy"
manner
in
which
Asian
Americans
revive
or
retain

old
cultural
traditions,
norms,
and
behaviors
and
choose
to
remain
somewhat
isolated
from
mainstream
American
society
(the
"ethnic
resilience"
model)
or
alternatively,
to
combine
elements
of
both
traditional
Asian
(although
they
may
modify

old
traditions
and
values
to
fit
their
contemporary
circumstances)
and
mainstream
American
culture
(sometimes
referred
to
as
"segmented
assimilation").
Multiple
Factors
and
Multiple
Outcomes
Other
research
has
focused
on

why
why
certain
racial/ethnic
groups
assimilate
faster
than
others.
One
factor
are
racial
differences.
White
immigrants
who
came
to
the
U.S.
back
in
the
1800s
did
experience
prejudice
and
discrimination.
But
because
they
were

White,
they
were
eventually
able
to
integrate
into
American
society
more
quickly
and
easily
than
non-‐White
immigrants
and
minorities.
The
second
factor
is
the
structure
of
the
economy.
During
times
of
economic

prosperity,
there
are
plenty
of
economic
opportunities
to
go
around
for
everyone.
But
in
times
of
economic
difficulties,
there
is
more
economic
competition
and
therefore,
more
hostility
toward
minorities
and
immigrants
who
are

frequently
seen
as
economic
threats.
In
this
situation,
groups
who
are
in
similar
economic
situations
are
likely
to
be
antagonistic
toward
each
other
because
they're
competing
for
the
same
jobs
and
social/economic
resources.

The
final
reason
why
some
immigrants
assimilate
faster
than
others
is
because
of
class
differences.
Some
ethnic
and
immigrant
groups
on
the
whole
have
higher
levels
of
education,
job
skills,
and

English
proficiency
than
others.
This
in
turn
gives
them
specific
advantages
in
achieving
socioeconomic
success
faster
than
others
by
allowing
them
to
get
jobs
that
are
higher-‐paying,
more
stable,
and
that
offer
higher
status.

As
a
result,
they
are
able
to
achieve
socioeconomic
mobility
and
success
faster
than
other
groups.
Sociological
research
has
also
found
that
the
strength
of
the
child's
relationship
with
his/her
parents,
along

with
the
level
of
his/her
attachment
to
the
ethnic
community
also
play
important
roles
in
determining
ethnic
identity
among
second
generation
Asian
Americans.
For
example,
if
child-‐parent
relationship
is
strong
and
healthy,
the
child

is
more
likely
to
take
on
the
parent's
identity,
whatever
that
may
be
(i.e.,
national
origin,
hyphenated
American,
pan-‐Asian,
or
just
"American").
However,
if
the
child
has
conflicts
with
his/her
parents,
the
more

likely
the
child
will
identify
differently
from
the
parent.
Studies
also
show
that
the
strength
of
a
child's
ethnic
community
strongly
affects
his/her
identity.
Those
who
live
within
a
cohesive
ethnic
community
and

who
regularly
participate
in
co-‐ethnic
organizations
and
activities
(i.e.,
peer
groups,
churches,
etc.)
are
more
likely
to
identify
with
a
national
origin
or
hyphenated-‐American
identity,
even
if
the
ethnic
group
tends
to
be

low-‐income
or
working
class.
In
other
words,
socioeconomic
success
is
not
as
important
in
determining
ethnic
identity
as
the
level
of
social
solidarity
within
the
co-‐ethnic
community.
Perceptions
of
racism
and
discrimination

can
also
have
influences
on
Asian
American
second
generation
ethnic
identity.
According
to
the
situational/constructionist/
instrumentalist
perspective,
for
an
Asian
American
to
have
a
strong
attachment
to
traditional
forms
of
ethnic
identity,
it

is
not
enough
to
just
perceive
or
experience
high
levels
of
ethnic
competition,
prejudice,
or
discrimination.
It
is
the
person's
reaction
to
these
perceptions
and
experiences
that
will
determine
how
s/he
identifies.

That
is,
if
s/he
internalizes
these
experiences
of
competition
and
discrimination
and
his/her
self-‐esteem
is
negatively
affected
as
a
result,
s/he
is
more
likely
to
be
embarrassed
to
be
identified
as
Asian
American.
On

the
other
hand,
these
experiences
of
competition
and
discrimination
can
also
lead
to
a
greater
sense
of
unity
and
solidarity
and
as
a
result,
greater
identification
with
his/her
Asian
ethnicity.

The
Personal
and
The
Political
Finally,
one
of
the
most
famous
theories
of
assimilation
comes
from
sociologist
Milton
Gordon.
He
theorized
that
there
are
three
possible
outcomes
of
assimilation.
The
first

is
Anglo
conformity,
which
is
when
the
minority
or
immigrant
is
taught
that
the
norms,
values,
and
institutions
of
the
majority
group
are
superior
and
that
they
should
adopt
them
in
order
to

be
accepted.
This
is
symbolized
as
A+B+C=A.
The
second
outcome
can
be
the
melting
pot,
a
term
that
almost
all
Americans
have
heard
about.
That's
when
different
racial/ethnic
groups
come
together
and
out

of
this
interaction
comes
a
new
culture
that
incorporates
elements
from
all
groups
into
one.
This
can
be
represented
as
A+B+C=D.
The
third
possible
outcome
is
cultural
pluralism,
which
others
have
also

called
the
"salad
bowl."
This
is
when
the
different
racial/ethnic
groups
keep
their
unique
cultural
norms,
traditions,
and
behaviors,
while
still
sharing
common
national
values,
goals,
and
institutions
-‐
-‐
A+B+C=A+B+C.
Gordon
concluded
that

up
to
this
point
in
American
society,
Anglo
conformity
has
best
represented
the
history
of
assimilation
in
America.
In
the
end,
there
are
many
internal
and
external
factors
that
can
affect
how
ethnic

identify
among
second
generation
Asian
Americans.
Research
suggests
that
there
can
be
notably
institutional
patterns
to
this
seemingly
individual
process.
These
identities
can
also
overlap,
change
over
time,
and
even
be
one
of

many
simultaneous
identities
in
effect
at
the
same
time.
Author
Citation
Copyright
©
2001-‐2014
by
C.N.
Le.
Some
rights
reserved.
Suggested
reference:
Le,
C.N.
2014.

"Assimilation
&
Ethnic
Identity"
Asian-‐Nation:
The
Landscape
of
Asian
America.
<http://www.asian-‐nation.org/assimilation.shtml>
(September
24,
2014).
Iranian Women and Gender
Relations in Los Angeles
NAYEREH TOHIDI
In California, the popular face of immigration tends to be either
Latin American or
Asian, but large numbers of immigrants who come from other
regions in the world,
especially the Near East, have been quietly reshaping California
demography. In this

study, Nayereh Tohidi focuses on the Iranians who have come
to Los Angeles in the
wake of the 1979 Iranian revolution, largely middle- and upper-
middle-class Tehrani-
ans who have fled the repressive policies of the current post-
Shah, fundamentalist
regime. But American freedoms have offered particular
challenges to Iranian immi-
grants, especially women, who tend to have "more egalitarian
views of marital roles
than Iranian men," in Tohidi's words, a "discrepancy" that has
led to "new conflicts
between the sexes." Thus, Iranian women immigrants are at
once freer than their
sisters in Iran, more conflicted, and more in need of a "new
identity acceptable to
their ethnic community and appropriate to the realities of their
host country." Tohidi
is an associate professor of women's studies at California State
University, Northridge.
She directs a new program in Islamic Community Studies at
CSUN and is also a re-
search associate at the Center for Near Eastern Studies at the
University of Califor-
nia, Los Angeles. Tohidi's publications include Feminism,
Democracy, and Islamism in
Iran (1996), Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity within
Unity (1998), and Global-
ization, Gender, and Religion: The Politics of Women's Rights
in Catholic and Muslim
Contexts (2001).
I mmigration is a major life change, and the process of adapting
to a newsociety can be extremely stressful, especially when the
new environ-
ment is drastically different from the old. There is evidence that

the im-
pact of migration on women and their roles differs from the
impact of
the same process on men (Espin 1987; Salgado de Snyder 1987).
The mi-
gration literature is not conclusive, however, about whether the
overall
effect is positive or negative. Despite all the trauma and stress
associated
with migration, some people perceive it as emancipatory,
especially for
women coming from environments where adherence to
traditional gen-
der roles is of primary importance. As [one researcher] said,
"When the
traditional organization of society breaks down as a result of
contact and
collision .. . the effect is, so to speak, to emancipate the
individual man.
Energies that were formerly controlled by custom and tradition
are re-
leased" (Furio 1979, 18).
My own observations of Iranians in Los Angeles over the past
eight
years, as well as survey research I carried out in 1990,1 reveal
that Iranian
1 This article draws on a survey of a sample of 134 Iranian
immigrants in Los Angeles, 83
females and 51 males, and on interviews with a smaller sample
of women and men.
149

1 50 The Great Migration: Immigrants in California History
women immigrants in Los Angeles are a homogeneous group,
despite
ethnic diversity. Most of them come from Tehran and represent
an urban
cosmopolitan subculture. And most are educated members of the
upper-
middle and middle classes who oppose the present regime in
Iran and its
repressive policies against women.
Migration has had both costs and benefits for women. Positive
expe-
riences include the sense of freedom, new opportunities and
options,
increased access to education and gainful employment, and a
move to-
ward egalitarian conjugal roles in many Iranian families. On the
negative
side is grief over the loss of the homeland, loved ones, and the
social and
emotional support of the kinship network. Many also feel
marginal and,
at least initially, experience a decline in their own
socioeconomic status
or that of their husbands. Moreover, conflicts between parents
and their
children and between women and men have heightened tension
and led
to an increasing divorce rate.
Migration involves culture shock. Immigrants' experiences of
migra-
tion and the process of adaptation are influenced by a number of

vari-
ables (Dane 1980; Melville 1978; Taft 1977; Salgado de Snyder
1987; Espin
1987; and Shirley 1981). Personal characteristics, such as age,
language
proficiency, educational level, and job skills, influence the
migrants' abil-
ity to adapt. Immigrants are also affected by attitudinal factors,
such as
their own perceptions of the decision to emigrate, their sense of
respon-
sibility for those left behind, and their perceptions of the
conditions in
both home and host countries. Economic factors also play a
role, espe-
cially the immigrants' ability to find a job, their financial
resources, and
their losses or gains in social status or class. Another set of
influential
conditions includes the attitudes of the citizens of the host
country to-
ward the migrant group and the degree of similarity between the
two
cultures. Finally, some personal factors, such as ego strength,
decision-
making skills, resolution of feelings of loss, and the ability to
tolerate
ambiguity (including ambiguity about gender roles), also
influence the
intensity of the culture shock experienced by the immigrants
and their
ability to adapt.
All these factors vary substantially for men and women, with
the result
that the processes of acculturation and adaptation differ for

them as well.
The survey questionnaire consists of a demographic section and
five scales measuring
acculturation, national/ethnic identity, perceived prejudice,
acculturative stress items,
and attitudes toward gender roles. To measure the respondents'
attitudes toward gen-
der roles, a Persian adaptation of the Spence-Helmreich scale
(1978) has been em-
ployed. This scale consists of twenty-five declarative statements
about proper roles and
behavioral patterns for women and men. For each statement
there are four response
alternatives: agree strongly, agree mildly, disagree mildly, and
disagree strongly.
Tohidi • Iranian Women and Gender Relations in Los Angeles 1
51
Acculturation and Changes in Gender Roles
All immigrants experience acculturation, a process involving
changes in
values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. The inevitable
collision of home
and host cultures ensures that some acculturation will take
place. This
does not mean that all values, customs, and behaviors
originating in the
home culture will disappear. In fact, the healthiest experiences
of accul-
turation result in biculturalism or multiculturalism. Not every
individual

immigrant, however, manages to attain a bicultural balance.
Many never
cease feeling alienated in the new society, while others
experience com-
plete assimilation.
As part of the process of acculturation, all immigrants develop a
"new identity" that integrates elements from the host and home
cultures
(Garza-Guerrero 1974). A psychologist who experienced the
challenging
and often painful process of migration firsthand writes:
Immigrants in accepting a new identity (or a new version of the
old one) at
the price of instant identification and intense work must leave
behind not
only old countries but also unlived futures, and not only
enemies to be dis-
avowed but also friends to be left behind—maybe to perish.
What right,
then, does the immigrant have to usurp a new identity?
(Erickson 1974, 77)
For Iranian women, the process of developing a new identity is
perhaps the
most psychologically challenging and delicate aspect of
immigration....
Iranian women and girls are entering North American society at
a
time when the role of women is changing, both here and in their
home-
land. During the peak of the Iranian influx into the United
States, the pro-
gressive forces of revolution, on the one hand, and the

subsequent
character of the Islamic government, on the other, fostered a
transforma-
tion in the role of women. The Islamization of the last decade,
however,
has enforced a uniform identity for Iranian women, based on
traditional
and restricted roles. The difference between appropriate
behavior for
women in Iran and in the United States is much greater than that
for men
in the two societies. The differing demands on men and women
can ei-
ther facilitate acculturation or create confusion and conflicts for
women.
My survey indicates that changes in traditional conceptions of
wom-
anhood, manhood, and marriage—from an autocratic male-
dominated
model to a more egalitarian one—are taking place faster among
Iranian
women than among Iranian men. Studies of Latina immigrants
reveal
similar patterns. Even though the pace of acculturation tended
to be
slower for Latinas in other respects, the women exhibited more
egalitar-
ian attitudes toward gender roles than men (Vazquez-Nuttall,
Romero-
Garcia, and DeLeon 1987; Espin 1987).

In studies of the acculturation of Iranians in the United States,
Ghaf-
farian (1989) found the same patterns; that is, that Iranian male
immi-
grants were more acculturated than females and that despite
their lower
level of overall acculturation, Iranian women migrants had more
egali-
tarian views of marital roles than Iranian men. Such a
discrepancy would
naturally lead to new conflicts between the sexes.
This is not to say that changes in sexual attitudes and family
roles are
the result of migration and acculturation into American society.
Actually,
the cultural collision between modernism and traditionalism,
between
liberalism and conservatism, and between male chauvinism and
femi-
nism had begun in Iran long before the major waves of Iranian
immigra-
tion to the United States. By the turn of the century, growing
urbanization
and the introduction of new industries, new modes of
production, and
new ideas had wrought major changes and raised questions
concerning
the proper role and place of women in the new society, and their
access
both to education and to work outside the home. Long-standing
cultural
and religious traditions, such as the segregation of women's
space from
men's and veiling requirements, were called into question.
During the

1978-1979 revolution, special emphasis was placed on
discovering the
authentic (aseel) identity of Iranian women, especially in
comparison to
"West-struck" or "Westoxicated" (gharb zadek) women. All
these issues
have remained unresolved since the . .. first decade of the
twentieth
century.
Women and the Family in Iran
During the years preceding the 1978-1979 revolution, the
"woman ques-
tion" became part of the Iranian intelligentsia's debate about
national
identity, development, modernization, and cultural and moral
integrity.
Those participating in the discussion included Iranian
nationalists, Is-
lamists, Marxists, and those influenced by the West.
Islam undergirds the patriarchy in Iran, just as Judeo-Christian
ethics justify the same system in the United States. The family,
with its
patrilineal and patriarchal structure, is the basic social unit.
Male and fe-
male roles are organized in a hierarchy based on sex, age, and
experi-
ence. A traditional Iranian woman's place is in the home.
Because her
role and activities are limited to familial and domestic spheres,
she has
no identity outside the family. She is identified only by her
connections
to her male kin—she has status only as the daughter, sister,

wife, and
mother of male family members. As a wife, her status is
determined by
her fertility, especially her ability to give birth to sons. The
wife is always
under her husband's tutelage or, in his absence, that of her
eldest son.
53
Her honor (namus) requires that she never be left unprotected
by her fa-
ther, husband, or other male kin (Nassehi-Behnam 1985, 558).
An old Persian expression illustrates the traditional conception
of
women in Iran: "Woman is a sweetheart when a girl and a
mother when
married." Such a view reduces women to their sexual and
reproductive
capacities.
The gender-based discrimination and double standards that
pervade 15
Iranian social life restrict women's movements, the physical
spaces they
may enter, their work and economic autonomy, their access to
education,
their personal power and authority, their sexual behavior, and
their ability
to express themselves artistically. From childhood, the members
of each
sex are socialized to prescribed roles. Boys are taught to

command, to
protect, and to make a good living for themselves and their
families. Girls
learn to be chaste and beautiful and to find a good husband....
The Impact of Migration
The impact of migration on Iranian women in Los Angeles
depends on
the reasons for their migration and the conditions under which it
took
place....
Some women left Iran (with or without their husbands) to
provide
their children with better education and broader opportunities.
They
found the Islamization of the educational system and the
political indoc-
trination of their children unacceptable. Other women
accompanied
their adolescent sons into exile to ensure that the youths would
not be
drafted during the Iran-Iraq war. Still others came to the United
States
alone, leaving their husbands and other family members behind
because
of economic considerations or to increase the likelihood of their
getting
a U.S. visa. These motivations are reflected in the immigrants'
sense of
marginality, their development of a new identity, and other
aspects of ac-
culturation.
Individual and Political Freedom

In comparison with women living in Iran, migrant and refugee
women
have gained considerable personal and political freedom. Their
basic
human rights are no longer violated by such institutions of
control as the
mandatory veil, strict dress code, and sexual apartheid. Many
middle-
class and professional women who found these repressive
measures in-
tolerable appreciate their new freedom. The sense of relief is
even more
profound for those women who escaped persecution and
imprisonment
in Iran.
Women who migrated alone may feel free of familial control, of
con-
stant surveillance by the kinship network. They may feel free to
experi-
ment with new patterns of behavior and to search for a more
autonomous
personal identity. The opportunity to become self-reliant and to
develop a
personal identity is often considered the most positive
consequence of
migration for women. Many Iranian women who immigrated
alone, how-
ever, feel shame and guilt for developing an American-
influenced identity.
Other Iranian immigrants or family members back home may

criticize
them for not conforming to traditional roles. Although they may
have left
their families behind, the success or failure of individual family
members
reflects on the family as a whole. A woman's misbehavior,
especially sexual
misbehavior, brings shame not only on her, but on all members
of her
family (Barakat 1985).
Iranian women who successfully adapt to American society are
often 20
rejected by the home culture. Iranian immigrants in Los
Angeles, espe-
cially the women, have a reputation for conspicuous
consumption among
other Iranian immigrants in this country and in Europe, as well
as back
home. They are stereotyped as taghooti, a term rooted in
idolatry that in
this context implies decadence, narcissism, immorality, and
hedonism.
The Iranian community in Los Angeles is known in Iran as the
source of
contraband music videos—vulgar and commercial, these
represent the
worst elements of westernization.
Because of love-hate sentiments toward the West in general and
Americans in particular, immigrants in Los Angeles,
particularly the fe-
males, must prove that such stereotypes do not apply to them.
To be
westernized or Americanized has strong negative connotations,
politi-

cally, culturally, and sexually.
Even before the revolution, westernized members of the urban
upper-middle and middle classes were regarded as a fifth
column, pro-
moting imperialism, family disintegration, moral degeneration,
and
cultural erosion. In the campaign against westernization waged
by the
Iranian intelligentsia, particularly the Islamists, westernized
women
were held to epitomize all social ills (Najmabadi 1989; Tohidi
1993).
The clergy cleverly pointed to a few highly visible upper-
middle- and
middle-class women preoccupied with Western fads and
fashions in
condemning all unveiled, nontraditional, and progressive
women as
"Westoxicated." In the Islamic clergy's political discourse,
modern
women were stereotyped as frivolous and westernized and
condemned
as fitna, the erotic agents of social and moral disorder (Mernissi
1975).
The clergy demanded a return to the veiled Islamic model of
woman-
hood. During the Islamic revolution, the Iranian women's rights
move-
ment, which opposed the discriminatory and retrogressive
policies of
the new government, was crushed as an accomplice to
imperialism.

55
With such a political history, Iranian immigrant women have
had to
search for a new identity acceptable to their ethnic community
and ap-
propriate to the realities of their host country. To avoid
becoming mar-
ginal members of both societies, these women are trying to find
their
way along a painful and tangled route between tradition and
modernity.
The quest for personal as well as national and cultural identity
has be-
come a major concern of educated and politically conscious
Iranian
women, immigrant or otherwise. A very difficult challenge for a
migrant
woman is to balance her individuality and personal aspirations
with a
positive ethnic identity.2
Migration studies show that "light-skinned, young, and educated
migrants usually encounter a more favorable reception in the
United
States than dark-skinned, older, and uneducated newcomers"
(Espin
1987, 493). Even though the majority of Iranian women
immigrants in
Los Angeles possess these helpful attributes, hostile political
relations
between Iran and the United States have kept them from being
accepted.
The American bias against Arabs and other Middle Easterners

was com-
pounded by the "hostage crisis," making Iranians one of the
least liked
minority groups in American society.
Nevertheless, Iranian women migrants perceive less ethnic and
25
racial discrimination against them in American society than do
Latinas,
for example. They are less worried about having an Iranian
surname
than Latinas are about having a Spanish surname (Blair 1991).
No signifi-
cant differences were found in the perceived prejudice against
Iranians
in Los Angeles based on gender.
The marginality of Iranian immigrants and the other difficulties
they
encounter in the United States are not without rewards for
women.
Women can wield power from their position as mediators
between the
two cultures. But the positive potential of marginality can be
realized
only by women of the right age, class, and educational status,
with the
right reasons for migrating. For others the cost of being
marginal to both
societies is overwhelming. Isolation from one's family,
especially if the
separation from parents and loved ones is premature and
traumatic, ex-
acerbates the sense of belonging nowhere.
Intergenerational Conflicts Immigrant parents tend to be

distressed by
the rapid pace of their children's acculturation, brought about by
the
media, American schools, and American peers. Whereas
parental au-
thority in the traditional Iranian family is based on the parents'
passing
2 See N. Tohidi, "Identity Politics and the Woman Question in
Iran: Retrospect and
Prospects/' in Identity Politics and Feminism: Cross-National
Perspectives, ed. V. Mo-
gadam (Oxford University Press: forthcoming).
on to their children their own knowledge of life, children in
immigrant
families cannot readily apply their parents' knowledge to their
own new
lives. Instead, roles become somewhat reversed. The children
are the
ones passing on important information to their parents,
correcting their
English, and helping them in their daily interactions with
Americans.
Such role reversals threaten traditional relations in the family
and
create tension. The children's development of an identity
culturally dif-
ferent from that of their parents intensifies intergenerational
conflicts.
The gap is especially wide in families whose children grow up

in Ameri-
can society.
One particular area of conflict concerns children's rights to
privacy
and personal boundaries. For example, reading mail addressed
to an
adolescent son or daughter is considered part of an Iranian
parent's re-
sponsibility rather than an invasion of privacy. Iranian parents
often re-
sist their children's wishes to become financially independent or
to move
into their own apartments once they turn eighteen. While the
children
complain about their parents' interference in their lives, the
parents
complain about their children's lack of respect.
Adolescent girls and young women, especially those who
immigrated
with their families, must decide how to "become American"
without losing
their own cultural heritage, if they decide to "become
American" at all.
Role models of successful and respected bicultural Iranian
American
women are scarce, and for young women the negative cultural
and politi-
cal connotations of being westernized or Americanized are
particularly
problematic. Given the myth prevalent among Iranians that
American
women are sexually loose, being Americanized may be equated
with sex-
ual promiscuity. Conflicts between female adolescents and their

parents
frequently focus on appropriate sexual behavior. Hanassab's
1991 study
of dating and sexual attitudes among younger Iranian
immigrants shows
that the women are torn between two norms: behavior
acceptable to their
American peers, on the one hand, and their parents' expectations
and
their own obligations to their native culture, on the other. Some
young
women rebel against parental pressure by turning their back on
Iranian
culture and customs—changing their Iranian names to American
ones
(Blair 1991), for example, or refusing to speak Persian at home.
Gender Role Conflicts Commentators who cite cultural
collision, eco-
nomic pressures, and sexual freedom as the causes of familial
instability
among Iranian immigrants also blame women for the current
crisis be-
cause of their failure to fulfill their proper role. Women who
have become
"Americanized" are criticized for their loss of originality
(esalat) and
Iranian "female virtues," including obedience (etaat), chastity
(nejabaf),
Tohldi • Iranian Women and Gender Relations in Los Angeles 1
57
patience (saburi), and self-denial (fadakari). Americanization,

which is
equated with individualism and selfishness, undermines the
commit-
ment to family and the endurance needed to withstand the
hardships of
immigration.
In response, some immigrant women, particularly feminists,
criti-
cize Iranian men for failing to adjust their attitudes and
expectations in
the face of new realities. Women criticize their resistance to
egalitarian
relationships and their conscious or unconscious adherence to
tradi-
tional values and patriarchal norms.
Some men actually cling to traditional norms for gender
relations as
a reaction to the perceived threat of women's new independence.
A simi-
lar reaction is also seen among parents who perceive their
children's
faster pace of acculturation and parent-child role reversals as
intolerable
challenges to parental power and authority. When adult
immigrants are
uncertain and confused about what is right and wrong, many
hold on to
the "old ways," which they idealize in defending against a loss
of identity.
This refusal to accept change may intensify both
intergenerational and
gender-role conflicts in the immigrant families (Espin 1987,
493).

Ethnic Variations Such defensive loyalties to the traditional
gender
norms of the home culture seem to be less common among
Muslim im-
migrant families than among the religious and ethnic minorities.
In my
survey, for example, lewish and Armenian Iranians exhibited
more conser-
vative attitudes toward sexual norms and gender roles than their
Muslim
counterparts,3 perhaps in part because Iranian Jews and
Armenians tended
to migrate to the United States as families and kinship groups
rather than
as isolated individuals. Therefore, from the beginning of the
acculturation
process, ethnic pressure and the surveillance of the kinship
network have
reinforced conformity to traditional norms. The very presence
of the kin-
ship network may protect young women so that they need not
develop
self-reliance and autonomy.
Muslim Iranians tend to be more secularized than other Iranian
eth- 35
nic groups. Perhaps they developed an antipathy to Islam and
Islamic
tradition out of their own political and cultural opposition to the
Islamic
theocratic government in Iran and found that it was reinforced
in the
United States by the pervasively negative image of Muslims in
the media
and public opinion. For most Muslim Iranians in Los Angeles,
male and

female alike, language and national culture, rather than religion,
seem to
constitute the primary components of identity (Ansari 1990).
3 The number of other Iranian ethnic or religious groups in the
research sample was
too small to allow any meaningful comparisons.
References
Ansari, M. 1990. "Nasli Dowwm Iranian dar Amrica: Bohrane
Howwiyat meli va
mazhabi" (The second generation of Iranians in America:
National and religious
identity crisis). Iran Times, March 23, 9-12.
Barakat, H. 1985. "The Arab Family and the Challenge of Social
Transformation." In
Women and the Family in the Middle East, edited by E. W.
Fernea. Austin: University
of Texas Press.
Blair, B. A. 1991. "Personal Name Change among Iranian
Immigrants in the U.S.A." In
Iranian Refugees and Exiles since Khomeini, edited by A. Fathi.
Costa Mesa, Calif.:
Mazda Publishers.
Dane, N. 1980. "Social Environment and Psychological Stress in
Latin American Immi-
grant Women." Ph.D. diss., California School of Professional
Psychology, Berkeley.

Erikson, E. H. 1974. Dimensions of a New Identity. New York:
Norton.
Espin, O. 1987. "Psychological Impact of Migration on
Latinas." Psychology of Women
Quarterly 11:489-503.
Furio, Colomba Marie. 1979. "Immigrant Women and Industry:
A Case Study, the Ital-
ian Immigrant Women and the Garment Industry, 1880-1950."
Ph.D. diss., New York
University.
Garza-Guerrero, C. 1974. "Culture Shock: Its Mourning and the
Vicissitudes of Iden-
tity." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 22:
408-429.
Ghaffarian, S. 1989. "The Acculturation of Iranian Immigrants
in the United States and
the Implications for Mental Health." Ph.D. diss., California
School of Professional
Psychology, Los Angeles.
Hanassab, S. 1991. "Acculturation and Young Iranian Women:
Attitudes toward Sex
Roles and Intimate Relationships." The Journal of Multicultural
Counseling and De-
velopment 19: 11-21.
Melville, M. B. 1978. "Mexican Women Adapt to Migration."
International Migration
Review 12: 225-235.
Mernissi, F. 1975. Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in a

Modern Muslim Society.
Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing.
Najmabadi, A. 1989. "Power, Morality, and the New Muslim
Womanhood." Paper pre-
sented at a workshop on Women and the State in Afghanistan,
Iran, and Pakistan,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Center for International
Studies.
Nassehi-Behnam, V. 1985. "Change and the Iranian Family."
Current Anthropology 26,
no. 5 (December): 557-562.
Salgado de Snyder, V. N. 1987. "Factors Associated with
Acculturative Stress and De-
pressive Symptomatology among Married Mexican Immigrant
Women." Psychology
of Women Quarterly 11: 475-488.
Shirley, B. 1981. "A Study of Ego Strength: The Case of the
Latina Immigrant Woman in
the United States." Ph.D. diss., Boston University.
Taft, R. 1977. "Coping with Unfamiliar Cultures." In Studies in
Cross-Cultural Psychol-
ogy, edited by N. Warren. New York: Academic Press.
Tohidi, N. 1993. "Gender, Modernization, and Identity Politics
in Iran." In Gender and
National Identity: The Woman Question in Algeria, Iran,
Afghanistan, and Palestine,
edited by V. Moghadam. London: Zed Books.
Vazquez-Nuttall, E. V, L. Romero-Garcia, and B. DeLeon.
1987. "Sex Roles and Percep-

tions of Femininity and Masculinity of Hispanic Women: A
Review of the Literature,"
Psychology of Women Quarterly 11: 409-425.
Of Choios and Surfers
JACK LOPEZ
On the West Side of LA., where the population has traditionally
been Anglo, lies
the ocean. On the East Side, far from the beach but close to the
original center of
Mexican Los Angeles, dwell the descendants of the first
Angelinos, as well as many
new arrivals from Mexico. Born into the East L.A. community,
Jack Lopez (b.
1950) writes here of the loyalties he feels for his birth
community, even as he feels
the lure of assimilation, of joining the world of surfing that has
come to symbolize
white culture and privilege. A fiction writer and essayist whose
works include Cho-
los & Surfers: A Latino Family Album (1998), Lopez is a
professor of English at Cal-
ifornia State University, Northridge.
T~"he only store around that had this new magazine was a Food
Giant on
1 Vermont Avenue, just off Imperial. Surfer Quarterly, it was
then called.
Now it's Surfer Magazine and they've celebrated their thirtieth
anniver-

sary. Sheldon made the discovery by chance when he'd gone
shopping
with his mother, who needed something found only at Food
Giant. Nor-
mally we didn't go that far east to shop; we went west toward
Crenshaw,
to the nicer part of town.
We all wanted to be surfers, in fact called ourselves surfers
even
though we never made it to the beach, though it was less than
ten miles
away. One of the ways you could become a surfer was to own an
issue of
Surfer Quarterly. Since there had been only one prior issue, I
was hot to
get the new one. To be a surfer you also had to wear baggy
shorts, large
Penney's Towncraft T-shirts, and go barefoot, no matter how
much the
hot sidewalks burned your soles.
That summer in the early sixties I was doing all sorts of odd
jobs
around the house for my parents: weeding, painting the eaves,
baby-
sitting during the daytime. I was earning money so that I could
buy Lenny
Muelich's surfboard, another way to be a surfer. It was a Velzy-
Jacobs, ten
1 2 Introduction: California—The Bellwether State
feet six inches long, twenty-four inches wide, and it had the

coolest red
oval decal. Lenny was my across-the-street neighbor, two years
older
than I, the kid who'd taught me the facts of life, the kid who'd
taught me
how to wrestle, the kid who'd played army with me when we
were chil-
dren, still playing in the dirt.
Now we no longer saw much of each other, though he still
looked
out for me. A strange thing happened to Lenny the previous
school year.
He grew. Like the Green Giant or something. He was over six
feet tall and
the older guys would let him hang out with them. So Lenny had
become
sort of a hood, wearing huge Sir Guy wool shirts, baggy khaki
pants with
the cuffs rolled, and French-toed black shoes. He drank wine,
even get-
ting drunk in the daytime with his hoodlum friends. Lenny was
now re-
spected, feared, even, by some of the parents, and no longer
needed or
desired to own a surfboard—he was going in the opposite
direction.
There were two distinct paths in my neighborhood: hood or
surfer.
I was entering junior high school in a month, and my best
friends
were Sheldon Cohen and Tom Gheridelli. They lived by
Morningside
Heights, and their fathers were the only ones to work, and their
houses

were more expensive than mine, and they'd both been surfers
before I'd
aspired toward such a life. Sheldon and Tom wore their hair
long, con-
stantly cranking their heads back to keep their bangs out of their
eyes.
They were thirteen years old. I was twelve. My parents wouldn't
let hair
grow over my ears no matter how much I argued with them. But
I was
the one buying a surfboard. Lenny was holding it for me. My
parents
would match any money I saved over the summer.
Yet Surfer Quarterly was more tangible since it only cost one
dollar.
Lenny's Velzy-Jacobs was forty-five dollars, quite a large sum
for the time.
The issue then became one of how to obtain the object of desire.
The
Food Giant on Vermont was reachable by bike, but I was no
longer al-
lowed to ride up there. Not since my older brother had gone to
the
Southside Theatre one Saturday and had seen a boy get knifed
because
he wasn't colored. Vermont was a tough area, though some of
the kids I
went to school with lived up there and they weren't any
different from us.
Yet none of them wished to be surfers, I don't think.
What was needed was for me to include my father in the
negotia-
tion. I wasn't allowed to ride my bike to Vermont, I reasoned
with him.

Therefore, he should drive me. He agreed with me and that was
that. Ex-
cept I had to wait until the following Friday when he didn't have
to work.
My father was a printer by trade. He worked the graveyard shift.
I
watched my younger brother and sister during the day (my older
brother, who was fifteen years old, was around in case anything
of con-
sequence should arise, but we mostly left him alone) until my
mother
Lopez • Of Cholos and Surfers 1 3
returned from work—Reaganomics had hit my family decades
before
the rest of the country. Watching my younger sister and brother
con-
sisted of keeping them quiet so my father could sleep.
In the late afternoons I'd go to Sportsman's Park, where I'd
virtually
grown up. I made the all-stars in baseball, basketball, and
football. Our
first opponent on the path to the city championships was always
Will
Rogers Park in Watts. Sheldon and Tom and I had been on the
same
teams. Sometimes I'd see them in the afternoons before we'd all
have to
return home for dinner. We'd pore over Sheldon's issue of
Surfer while sit-
ting in the bleachers next to the baseball diamond. If it was too

hot we'd
go in the wading pool, though we were getting too old for that
scene,
since mostly women and kids used it.
When Friday afternoon arrived and my father had showered and
my i o
mother had returned from work, I reminded my father of our
agreement.
We drove the neighborhood streets up to Vermont, passing
Washington
High School, Normandie Avenue, Woodcrest Elementary
School, and so
on. We spoke mostly of me. Was I looking forward to attending
Henry Clay
Junior High? Would I still be in accelerated classes? My
teachers and the
principal had talked with my parents about my skipping a grade
but my
parents said no.
Just as my father had exhausted his repertoire of school
questions,
we arrived at the Food Giant. After parking in the back lot, we
entered
the store and made for the liquor section, where the magazines
were
housed. I stood in front of the rack, butterflies of expectation
overtaking
my stomach while my father bought himself some beer. I knew
immedi-
ately when I found the magazine. It looked like a square of
water was
floating in the air. An ocean-blue cover of a huge wave
completely en-
gulfing a surfer with the headline BANZAI PIPELINE. I held

the magazine
with great reverence, as if I were holding something of spiritual
value,
which it was.
"Is that it?" my father asked. He held a quart of Hamm's in each
hand, his Friday night allotment.
"Yes." I beamed.
At the counter my father took the magazine from me, leafing
through it much too casually, I thought. I could see the bulging
veins in
his powerful forearms, and saw too the solid bumps that were
his biceps.
"Looks like a crazy thing to do," he said, finally placing the
magazine 15
on the counter next to the beer. My father, the practical
provider, the
person whose closet was pristine for lack of clothes—although
the ones he
did own were stylish, yet not expensive. This was why he drank
beer from
quart bottles—it was cheaper that way. I know now how
difficult it must
have been raising four children on the hourly wages my parents
made.
1 4 Introduction: California—The Bellwether State
The man at the counter rang up the purchases, stopping for a
mo-
ment to look at the Surfer. He smiled.

"tEres mexicano?" my father asked him.
"Si, tcomo no?"the man answered.
Then my father and the store clerk began poking fun at my
magazine
in Spanish, nothing too mean, but ranking it as silly adolescent
nonsense.
When we got back in the car I asked my father why he always
asked 20
certain people if they were Mexican. He only asked men who
obviously
were, thus knowing in advance their answers. He shrugged his
shoulders
and said he didn't know. It was a way of initiating conversation,
he said.
Well, it was embarrassing for me, I told him. Because I held the
magazine
in my lap, I let my father off the hook. It was more important
that I give it
a quick thumb-through as we drove home. The Surfer was far
more inter-
esting for me as a twelve-year-old than larger issues of race.
I spent the entire Friday evening holed up in my room, poring
over the
magazine, not even interested in eating popcorn or watching 77
Sunset
Strip, our familial Friday-night ritual. By the next morning I
had almost
memorized every photo caption and their sequence. I spoke with
Sheldon
on the phone and he and Tom were meeting me later at
Sportsman's Park.
I did my chores in a self-absorbed trance, waiting for the time

when I
could share my treasure with my friends. My mother made me
eat lunch
before I was finally able to leave.
Walking the long walk along Western Avenue toward Century
and
glancing at the photos in the magazine, I didn't pay attention to
the cholo
whom I passed on the sidewalk. I should have been more aware,
but was
too preoccupied. So there I was, in a street confrontation before
I knew
what had happened.
"You a surfer?" he said with disdain. He said it the way you
start to
say chocolate. Ch, like in choc—churfer. But that didn't quite
capture it,
either.
I stopped and turned to face him. He wore a wool watch cap
pulled
down onto his eyebrows, a long Sir Guy wool shirt with the top
button
buttoned and all the rest unbuttoned, khaki pants so long they
were
frayed at the bottoms and so baggy I couldn't see his shoes. I
wore
Bermuda shorts and a large Towncraft T-shirt. I was barefoot.
My parents
wouldn't let hair grow over my ears. Cholo meets surfer. Not a
good thing.
As he clenched his fists I saw a black cross tattooed onto the
fleshy part
of his hand.

His question was not like my father's. My father, I now sensed,
25
wanted a common bond upon which to get closer to strangers.
This guy
was Mexican American, and he wanted to fight me because I
wore the
outfit of a surfer.
Lopez • Of Cholos and Surfers 1 5
I rolled the magazine in a futile attempt to hide it, but the cholo
viewed this action as an escalation with a perceived weapon. It
wasn't
that I was overly afraid of him, though fear can work to your
advantage if
used correctly. I was big for my age, athletic, and had been in
many
fights. The problem was this: I was hurrying off to see my
friends, to
share something important with them, walking on a summer
day, and I
didn't feel like rolling on the ground with some stranger because
he'd de-
cided we must do so. Why did he get to dictate when or where
you would
fight? There was another consideration, one more utilitarian:
Who knew
what sort of weapons he had under all that baggy clothing? A
rattail
comb, at the least. More likely a knife, because in those days
guns weren't
that common.

At Woodcrest Elementary School there was a recently arrived
Dutch
Indonesian immigrant population. One of the most vicious
fights I had
ever seen was the one when Victor VerHagen fought his own
cousin. And
the toughest fight I'd ever been in was against Julio, something
during a
baseball game. There must be some element of self-loathing that
propels
us to fight those of our own ethnicity with a particular ferocity.
Just before the cholo was going to initiate the fight, I said, "I'm
Mexi-
can." American of Mexican descent, actually.
He seemed unable to process this new information. How could
someone be Mexican and dress like a surfer? He looked at me
again, this
time seeing beyond the clothes I wore. He nodded slightly.
This revelation, this recognition verbalized, molded me in the
years so
to come. A surfer with a peeled nose and a Karmann Ghia with
surf racks
driving down Whittier Boulevard in East L.A. to visit my
grandparents.
The charmed life of a surfer in the midst of cholos.
When I began attending junior high school, there was a boy
nick-
named Nino, who limped around the school yard one day. I
discovered
the reason for his limp when I went to the bathroom and he had
a rifle
pointed at boys and was taking their money. I fell in love with a

girl
named Shirley Pelland, the younger sister of a local surfboard
maker. I
saw her in her brother's shop after school, but she had no idea I
loved her.
That fall the gang escalation in my neighborhood became so
pronounced
my parents decided to move. We sold our house very quickly
and moved
to Huntington Beach, and none of us could sleep at night for the
quiet.
We were surrounded by cornfields and strawberry fields and
tomato
fields. As a bribe for our sudden move my parents chipped in
much more
than matching funds so I could buy Lenny Muelich's surfboard.
I almost
drowned in the big waves of a late-autumn south swell, the first
time I
went out on the Velzy-Jacobs. But later, after I'd surfed for a
few years, I
expertly rode the waves next to the pier, surfing with new
friends.
16 Introduction: California—The Bellwether State
But I've got ahead of myself. I must return to the cholo who is
about
to attack. But there isn't any more to tell about the incident. We
didn't
fight that summer's day over thirty years ago. In fact, I never
fought an-
other of my own race and don't know if this was a conscious
decision or

if circumstances dictated it. As luck would have it, I fought
only a few
more times during my adolescence and did so only when
attacked.
My father's question, which he'd asked numerous people so long
ago, taught me these things: The reason he had to ask was
because he
and my mother had left the safe confines of their Boyle Heights
upbring-
ing. They had thrust themselves and their children into what
was called
at the time the melting pot of Los Angeles. They bought the
post-World
War II American dream of assimilation. I was a pioneer in the
sociologi-
cal sense that I had no distinct ethnic piece of geography on
which my
pride and honor depended. Cast adrift in tfie~city streets.
Something
gained, something lost. I couldn't return to my ethnic
neighborhood, but
I could be a surfer. And I didn't have to fight for ethnic pride
over my city
street. The neighborhood kids did, however, stick together,
though this
was not based upon race. It was a necessity. The older guys
would step
forward to protect the younger ones. That was how it was done.
The most important thing I learned was that I could do just
about
anything I wished, within reason. I could be a surfer, if I chose,
and even
cholos would respect my decision. During my adolescence I
went to my

grandparents' house for all the holidays. They lived in East Los
Angeles.
When I was old enough to drive I went on my own, sometimes
with a
girlfriend. I was able to observe my Los Angeles Mexican
heritage, taking
a date to the placita for Easter service and then having lunch at
Olvera
Street. An Orange County girl who had no idea this part of Los
Angeles
existed. I was lucky; I got the best of both worlds. v~_
UNDERSTANDING THE TEXT
1. What symbolic significance did being a surfer hold for Lopez
and his
friends?
2. How did Lopez's attitude toward his Mexican heritage
compare with that
of his father?
3. Why does the cholo object to Lopez's surfer clothing?
4. How did Lopez eventually reconcile his surfer and his
Mexican American
identities?
5. What did Lopez gain and lose through assimilation into
mainstream
California culture?
“Are Fingerprints the New Check?”
Dis associated Press
Omaha, NE (DP) – Watson MegaTech one of the world’s largest

technology development companies announced a new product
aimed at stopping the identity theft epidemic. The product is
called BioBanking and uses a combination of Radio Frequency
technology and personal attributes to uniquely identify a person
making a financial transaction.
The technology works by embedding a patented nano-scale RF
transmitter in the finger of a banking customer. The RF
transmitter then fuses with the fingerprint structure and the
epidermal blood flow to become cybernetic. Each time a
customer wants to make a transaction they simply press their
finger in a reader and less than a second later the transaction is
approved. The transmitter is also a receiver and new accounts
can be added at a financial institution by simply encoding the
new account information to the BioBanking device. Each of the
transaction readers will be attached to the global financial
network allowing basic transactions in stores as well at
Automated Teller Machine (ATM) transactions.
A variety of financial accounts can be embedded on the
BioBanking device. This includes regular banking type accounts
or line of credit accounts. The device enables features that
allow the use of multiple accounts to pay for a single
transaction, something that is difficult to accomplish with
current card technologies. Company spokesman and CEO Chad
Watson says “With this technology you can buy a $500 item and
split the payment up to be $100 from your bank account and the
remainder on a credit account. This is a significant leap forward
in financial transaction flexibility”.
The nano-scale device works like a cell phone in that it can be
reprogrammed when the customer changes banks or accounts. A
cell phone receives a reprogrammed sim card and the new
carrier information is embedded in the phone. If a customer
changes banks the new bank will encode their transaction codes
and the account information to the transmitter. Currently the
BioBanking device will accept up to five different financial
institution codes. If demand suggests more are necessary the
company has the ability to increase the count.

Watson MegaTech has cleared compliance hurdles with the US
Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for embedded devices.
The device interacts with the user’s finger anatomy to preclude
invasive theft of the device. The BioBanking device uses the
fingerprint as identification but also requires the temperature to
be within limits for the human body to operate. This is intended
to stop a thief from cutting off the finger to steal the account
information.
Initial deployment for BioBanking would be targeted at
locations that currently accept any type of payment card. In the
future a home reader for online purchases is planned and will be
available as the technology gains momentum. Chad Watson
believes “this device will be a revolutionary step forward in
preventing identity theft”.
Chad Watson CIS 629 Term Project BioBanking
Technology Description
BioBanking Marketing Strategy Attachment A
Technology Description
Chad Watson – Watson MegaTech
President and CEO
Biobanking Intended Usage
As described in the Marketing Strategy this is a product that is
intended for control and execution of personal financial
transactions. The device and supporting technologies will

reduce and eventually eliminate identity theft.
The application will be a sub-dermal nano-scale microchip,
called “The BioBanking Insert” that interacts with active
fingerprint reader devices and the user’s fingerprint to ensure
two factor authentication. The insert device will store user
account information and allow for modification or deletion of
accounts very much like the way cell phone providers change
the information on a phone when vendors are changed.
Lastly, the BioBanking system will allow payment flexibility.
The consumer will be able to pick any account or combination
of accounts encoded on their device and allocate portions of the
payment among them. Current technologies allow a consumer to
use only one account that is associated with a specific card.
Since BioBanking is associated with an individual all financial
account are fair game to use in purchasing systems. This
includes, for example, using two bank accounts from two
completely different banks to pay for one item. This is a
significant leap forward in transaction flexibility.BioBanking
Technology
There are several components that make up the BioBanking
system. Some of these are the main technology enhancements
and some are supporting technologies. The supporting
technologies come in two categories:
· Current existing technology that will be modified to integrate
with BioBanking system components
· Current technology that the BioBanking system will overlay
(e.g. the financial network)
The entire system is centered on the most advanced nano-scale
technology invented to date – The BioBanking Insert. The Insert
device is a 50 mm by 50 mm chip that has self-contained power,
power distribution, on-board memory and processing, and an
active radio frequency (RF) array for active transmit and
receive. The active transmit and receive are giant leaps forward
in financial transaction security. This takes the convenience of
RFID credit and debit cards and adds the security of biometric
scanners.

Figure 1 depicts the details of the BioBanking Insert and assists
in the description of the salient points of the technologies.
Figure 1: BioBanking Insert Full Layout
Insert Architecture
The Insert architecture is built upon a bio engineered substrate
that will not introduce pathogens into the host user. This is not
new technology but it is important for the long-term safety of
the device. Watson MegaTech worked with substrate developers
to apply nano-scale circuit imprints on the device through
electron level etching.
The Insert is a set of concentric squares starting at the outside
of the device and working inward. The intent was to collect
power at the outermost parts of the device and store it close to
the distribution so there was minimal power loss in
transmission. The power distribution is a square array that
surrounds the main parts of the chip that use the power: the RF
array and the main processor. This architecture offered the most
efficiency in the smallest footprint.
Insert Power Technology
It was imperative that the Insert not have to be replaced or need
regular maintenance. Since it is a sub-dermal device this would
pose an undue hardship on our customers. Therefore, the design
team opted to use solar power as the power source. Since the
device is only sub-dermal there is still significant light intensity
to achieve photo-voltaic energy collection. The solar technology
in the Insert is very similar to the Eco-Drive technology used in
Citizen watches.
Shown in Figure 1, the solar energy is stored directly adjacent
to the solar collectors and the power distribution in tiny solar
collection capacitors. The power is transformed to 12 Volts
Direct Current (DC) power for the on-board equipment
requiring power.
The power distribution grid is the next concentric square in the

device and is immediately adjacent to the RF Array and
Processor/Memory Array. This proximity prevents line loss and
ensures the most power is delivered to the heart of the device
with the most efficiency.
This power architecture offers the most efficiency with zero
long-term maintenance. For an implanted device this is the best
architecture that is available.
Insert RF Array
The heart of the Insert and the most important part is the active
transmit and receive RF Array. Figure 2 depicts the features of
this part of the device.
Figure 2: BioBanking Insert Active RF Array Architecture
· The most advanced technology and the heart of the Insert are
the Transmit and Receive RF Arrays. These are the smallest
phased-array guided RF antennae in the world. The transmission
array covers 180 degrees with small side lobes so the readers
can pick up the signal with almost any finger presentation
angle. This will alleviate much frustration experienced by
previous implementation of simple passive fingerprint scanners.
· The RF Receive Array is where information is received for
encoding in the device. This allows addition, deletion, and
modification of account information.
· The RF Array has local power distribution that is strictly
dedicated to the RF Array. This adds efficiency as the array
does not have to share power with other devices.
· The control and emission of the RF Array is governed by the
RF Control Processor and the Frequency Modulators. The RF
Control processor is responsible for beam steering and signal
processing of the returned signals. The frequency controls are to
keep the two arrays from interfering and to control the timing
and execution of the RF pulses.
Insert Master Processor/Memory Module
Any device of this complexity needs on-board processing. Since

the Insert also stores account information for retransmit, there
must be addressable on-board storage that is read and write
memory. Figure 1 shows this module directly adjacent to the RF
Array and the power distribution. This placement was for
efficiency of signal travel and signal loss prevention. Both the
processor and memory module are electron etched integrated
circuits offering 1 GHz clock speed and 20 Gigabytes of
Memory. The memory module applies RAID-type striping
across three memory components for redundancy. BioBanking
Enabling Technology
The Insert alone would not work without many enabling
devices. Additionally, there must be a gradual sun setting of
current technology as BioBanking matures and become the
accepted personal transaction method. So BioBanking will be
enabled by some current technologies some of which will need
modification while others will simply need upgrade but would
be cost prohibitive to replace.
Current Financial Technologies Requiring Modification
Currently almost all financial transactions are completed using
magnetic tape reader machines. The market for RFID tagged
cards is growing rapidly but has not yet overtaken the magnetic
card paradigm due to some recurring security concerns.
However, there are many places where the RFID reader and the
Magnetic strip readers are adjacent or are integrated. This is the
vision for the BioBanking active RF interrogators.
Figure 3 shows a prototype BioBanking Reader. The device has
the fingerprint reader and a key pad that enables the customer to
select the account or set of accounts with which they wish to
pay.
Figure 3: BioBanking Active Interrogator
The Active Interrogator will initially be placed alongside
current transaction devices. Within one year, all Active
Interrogators will also have magnetic reader devices integrated
and will replace current technology devices.

The second major current technology that will be modified for
BioBanking use is an encoder device. The Insert requires active
RF signal to encode accounts. The Encoder will be a
modification of the devices that encode RFID tags in consumer
goods. The modification will be to adapt to financial industry
network protocols and use fingerprint authentication for identity
purposes. These will be deployed at all financial institutions
that employ BioBanking.
Current Financial Technologies That Will Remain
There is simply no way to replace the current financial network
with something new. Therefore, the BioBanking system will use
this current financial network as its transport mechanism. Since
the vision is to integrate magnetic card readers into Active
Interrogators, this should be a simple overlay to the current
financial network.
The only major changes to the network will come in need for
additional speed and protocol changes. Currently the protocols
are to read the transaction information and do a singular
authentication based on account information. With the added
payment flexibility, the protocol must now account for
interrogation and authentication of several accounts with a
summary transaction approval. This will require more speed in
the network to ensure this process does not bog down
transaction times and frustrate customers.BioBanking
Technology Safeguards
BioBanking deals mostly with digital security but it is evident
that physical security of the devise is also paramount for
customer satisfaction. The Insert has three major safety features
that safeguard the technology as well as the use of the device.
Refer to Figure 4 for details of these features. Figure 4 has
highlighted areas showing locations of the salient physical
security features.
Figure 4: BioBanking Technology Safeguards
· The first major protection is from physical device injury. The

consideration was if a customer cut their finger and the
resultant injury to the device and the repercussions to the
customer. To combat this concern, the entire Insert is coated in
an acrylic epoxy. This limits physical damage to the device in a
personal injury situation. The epoxy also has the added benefit
of RF signal amplification so it actually enhances performance
of the Insert while protecting it.
· The second major technology safeguard was to protect the
device from electric power surge. This could come from static
electricity or from a small shock event where the user crossed
paths with an electrical current. This could be detrimental to the
unit and cause it to need replacement which would be an
inconvenience to customers as well as a potential safety issue.
Therefore, the Insert has self-grounding electromagnetic
absorbers. These are shown in the black dotted box in Figure 4
labeled surge protection. These devices protect for both static
and kinetic electrical shock. The ingenious design also allows
the Insert to store the absorbed energy in the storage array for
future use. This provides both protection and performance
enhancement.
· The last major concern was for the safety of the individual.
There is an element of the population that would likely sever
fingers to gain access to personal account information. To
combat this, the BioBanking Insert must be regulated at +/- 2
degrees Fahrenheit from the nominal body temperature of the
user. This varies from human to human and is an added security
marker. The device has a factory default to 98.6 degrees, but
adjusts to the nominal body temperature of the user over the
first three months. If the ambient temperature falls outside this
range the Insert shuts down. This is accomplished by using
temperature sensors embedded in the Insert. These are shown in
Figure 4 within the red dotted lines at the extreme edges of the
device.
These safety enhancements allow convenience and protection
for BioBanking customers. They also are used to enhance the
performance of the device so these are winning additions to the

technology and everyone benefits. Conclusion
BioBanking represents significant technology innovation and
improved customer benefit. The system offer security that will
virtually eradicate identity theft. The system offers greatly
enhanced payment flexibility for customers. Lastly the system
implements several technology firsts and is patented under US
Patent 9,998,473.
This information is proprietary and protected by US Patent
Laws. Any disclosure of this information violates required non-
disclosure agreements and is punishable by applicable laws
Chad Watson
Patent Agent
U.S. Patent & Trademark Office Registration Number 38449
United States Patent Patent Number:
9,998,473
Watson Date of Patent: Dec.
15, 2009
_____________________________________________________
______________________
BioBanking Biometric Insert
Inventor: Chad Watson, 5800 Industrial Blvd, Omaha, NE,
68135
Appl. No: 658,232
Filed: June, 11, 2007
Int. Cl. ………………. C38J 44/14
U.S. Cl. ……………… 83/169.5;83/170.1

Field of Search ………. 83/167, 168, 169.1, 169.2,
83/170.1, 83/169.5
References Cited
US Patent Documents
4,185,318 1/1997 Xiu . .………… 83/171
6,143,270 12/2002 Long ………… 83/171
7,083,614 7/2005 Koeppel ………. 83/167
Foreign Patent Documents
None Noted
Primary Examiner – Randolph J. Scott
Assistant Examiner – Mortimer Snifflehause
Attorney, Agent, or Firm – Chad Watson
Abstract
The BioBanking Insert is a radio frequency device that is
installed in the finger of a human to enable financial
transactions in a more secure manner. The device is encoded
with account identification information and the fingerprint of
the individual is used as the authentications mechanism. All
processing and power are included in the device.
Chad Watson
Patent Agent
U.S. Patent Dec. 15, 2009 Sheet 1 of 2
9,998,473

Chad Watson
Patent Agent
U.S. Patent Dec. 15, 2009 Sheet 2 of 2
9,998,473
Chad Watson
Patent Agent
9,998,473
BioBanking Insert
Background of the Invention
The present invention relates generally to biometric readers
designed for security purposes. These readers have always been
passive and interrogated the biometric feature of the individual
to be authenticated.
This inventions specifically relates to biometric security
scanners that use fingerprints as an authentication mechanism.
These are now common throughout security systems worldwide.
Some examples of fingerprint scanners are seen in the following
US patents:
Xiu, US Patent No. 4,185,318 illustrates a fingerprint scanner
based on basic 14-point outline and contour mapping. The
device had an analog output that could be mis-interpreted by the
security system it interfaces with.
Long, US Patent No. 6,143,270 further evolved the passive
fingerprint scanner with a digital interface that could allow

longer range transmission of the fingerprint data. However, no
further refinement was made in the passive interrogation
techniques for the fingerprints.
Koeppel, US Patent No. 7,083,614 refined identification
techniques for financial transaction security with biometric
identifiers in debit and credit cards. These mechanisms allowed
bank cards to be manufactured with specific biometric markers
for each end user. However, these markers did not preclude
identity theft as it was a one-time encoding.
Summary of Current Invention
The object of the present inventions is to advance financial
transaction security by requiring both active biometric
interrogation with RF account information simultaneously.
Without both elements the transaction will fail.
The device is a small implanted device in the finger of the user
coupled with a modified fingerprint reader. The third element in
the system is an RF encoder to imprint or modify account
information once the device has been implanted.
Another technological evolution is the fact that the BioBanking
insert device requires precise biological monitoring that will
preclude it from working should the device become detached
from the host.
The BioBanking system represents a significant step forward in
reducing or eliminating identity theft and financial fraud.
Chad Watson
Patent Agent
9,998,473
Brief Description of the Drawing
The invention will be more clearly understood and the

technological advances more clearly understood with a detailed
description using the accompanying drawings.
Fig. 1 is an overall drawing of the biometric insert device with
the salient features pointed out.
Fig. 2 is a detailed drawing depicting the RF arrays and controls
for the active RF send and receive.
Fig. 3 shows the general placement and relative size of the
implanted device.
Fig. 4 clearly shows the exact placement within the fingerprint
structure for best resolution of the authentication mechanisms.
Description of the Preferred Embodiments
Referring to the drawings and especially to FIGS 1 and 2 we see
the features that enable operation of the BioBanking device.
The desire is to have onboard power that is not dangerous to the
wearer of the device. Additionally, the power system had to
meet the requirements of fitting into a very small space.
References 22 and 34 in Fig. 1 show the location of the solar
energy collection grid and the solar energy storage module.
Since the device is sub-cutaneous there is enough light
penetration to power the device. The technology is similar in
nature to the watch Eco-Drive solar technology.
Fig. 1 reference 35 shows the location of the main power
conversion and distribution system. The power distribution
system converts the solar energy into 12 volt direct current
(DC) power for efficiency and distributes it to the ambient
temperature sensors and the RF array.
Fig. 1 references 38 and 41 and Fig. 2 show the placement and
details of the heart of the device which are the RF transmit and
receive arrays. Fig. 2 references 14, 18, and 21 show the power
and control systems for the RF array. The Frequency Modulator
[14] and RF Control Processor [21] handle the operation of the
RF array to achieve 110 degrees of coverage for receive and 180
degrees of coverage on transmit. This range of coverage is
required when the device is presented in off-angle situations to
ensure high probability of transaction success.
Fig. 2 references 16 and 20 are the transmit and receive arrays

respectively. The RF arrays use wafer technology to allow the
Chad Watson
Patent Agent
9,998,473
most transmit surface area in the least amount of space.
The final technical feature of the device is depicted in Fig. 1 at
reference 42. This is the ambient temperature sensors that make
the device unique in the fingerprint authentication market. With
other fingerprint biometric devices the severed finger might be
used to gain unauthorized access to the security system. The
ambient temperature sensors ensure that the device is in a very
precise temperature band environment centered on the 98.6
degree nominal human body temperature.
Now we turn the attention to placement of the device in the
user. Fig. 3 and Fig. 4 define overall size and placement of the
insert for maximum effectiveness. The device size is small
enough to be implemented without a surgical procedure by a
person trained in the procedure. The device size requirements
were to not exceed 50 millimeters in length and width. The
optimal placement is in the right index finger as it has the most
range of motion of any of the digits. Fig. 4 shows an enlarged
image of the device just below the main central swirls of the
finger print. This is the most optimal placement due to this area
being central to most 14 point interrogation systems for
fingerprint analysis. This keeps the device in line with current
fingerprint identification technology.
*******

Figure 21816212014
22 –Solar Collectors34 –Solar Storage35 –Power Distribution38
–RF Transmission Array41 –RF Receive Array42 –Ambient
Temperature Sensors
Figure 1223834354142
16 –180 degree Transmission Array18 –RF Power
Distribution20 –110 degree Receive Array14 –Frequency
Modulators21 –RF Control Processor
“Biometric Security Comes to Banking”
Ramrod Biggerstaff for the Associated Press
Omaha, NE (AP) – Watson MegaTech one of the world’s largest
technology development companies announced a partnership
with three of the country’s major financial institutions for
deployment of its BioBanking system. The product is a giant
leap forward in transaction security for the individual consumer.
Watson MegaTech is teaming with Citigroup Financial, Bank of
America, and Wells Fargo & Company to make initial
deployment of this importnt technology. Wells Fargo spokesman
Leroy Schnitterfleuffelhoferinstein states “Deployment and
maturation of this technology will virtually eliminate identity
theft and financial tranaction fraud. This will allow corporate
banks to focus attention on corporate transaction security. This
is also a great benefit to our customers because of the payment
flexibility and guaranteed security”
Initial deployment of the BioBanking technology will be limited

to main branches and headquarters. Deployment to all branches
and point of sale devices will begin in about a year and be
complete in roughly 14 months after start.
Chad Watson CIS 629 Term Project BioBanking Marketing
Strategy
Marketing Strategy
BioBanking Financial Transaction Security System
Watson MegaTech Inc.
Chad Watson President and CEO
Target Market
BioBanking is a revolutionary approach to minimize fraud and
identity theft that affects consumers and companies alike.
Financial crimes are at epidemic proportions and many
organizations must come together to put an end to this heinous
invasion of the financial markets.
There are many points of invasion of the financial system. Many
of these invasion points involve activity by individuals. It is
this human vulnerability that BioBanking seeks to influence and
stop. Many things like identity theft, money laundering, and
terrorism funding can be significantly reduced with

implementation of the BioBanking technology and long-term
implementation strategy.
Identity Theft and Fraud Epidemic
Identity theft has been the number one reported consumer crime
over the last five years according to the Center for Identity
Management and Information Protection (CIMIP). The CIMIP
uses data from the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Consumer
Sentinel Network (CSN) to track cases of identity theft among
the many consumer complaints. Figure 1 shows the total identity
theft and consumer fraud complaints reported over the last five
years.
Federal Trade Commission
Consumer Sentinel Network Data Book Report
Year
Fraud and Identity theft Complaints
Identity Theft Complaints
2006
670,000
241,200
2007
800,000
256,000
2008
1,200,000
312,000
2009
1,300,000
273,000
2010
1,300,000
247,000
Figure 1: FTC CSN Reported Identity Theft
Out of this total number of complaints a large percentage relate
directly to bank cards, consumer loans, and government
document/benefits fraud. All of these are financial crimes and

cost consumers or company’s money.
Another key area of fraud involving individuals is money
laundering. This includes both the organized crime element and
for terrorist activities. In money laundering cases there is
usually an individual or group of individuals completing
legitimate transactions of ill-gotten money. To combat this
transactions must be controlled and accounted for at the
individual level. (Gordon & Wilcox, 2003)
BioBanking in the Financial Sector
Control of financial transactions at the individual level is where
a technology like BioBanking can really make an impact. The
use of individually coded biometric devices to authenticate,
audit, and complete financial transactions will greatly reduce
the ability of unscrupulous individuals to perform acts of
financial fraud.
The greatest benefit will be to financial institutions that are left
with the loss in most cases of fraud of any form. Data suggests
that fraudulent financial activities cost financial institutions
more than $48 billion per year. This is a substantial amount and
well worth investing in new technologies to prevent.
BioBanking for Individual Protection
The second main target market for BioBanking is the individual.
Having an identity stolen can be devastating and cause complete
upheaval in a person’s life. Getting all their identification
papers changed, their accounts closed and reopened, and
clearing up their credit reports can take months or years. There
are three main types of identity fraud/theft against and
individual:
· Identity Theft involves the theft of another person’s personal
information specifically for establishing an identity for criminal
activity or financial gain.
· Account Takeover occurs when a fraudster obtains an
individual's personal information (account number and social

security number), and then uses that information to change that
individual's mailing address with the financial institution. Once
this is accomplished, the fraudster can perform transactions
without the victim's knowledge.
· Transaction Fraud includes schemes that may or may not
utilize identity fraud. Examples include: Credit Card Fraud, as
when someone uses a credit card account without the intention
to pay the bills incurred; Check Fraud, which describes various
activities such as check kiting, counterfeiting, forgery and
writing checks on closed accounts (paperhanging). (Yaeger,
2005)
All of these activities can be combatted with the use of the
BioBanking technology. The combination of both biometric
authentication and encoded account information make each of
these individual fraud mechanisms obsolete. Technology
Overview
BioBanking is not a singular technology but is a combination of
three key components that can initially overlay the current
financial transaction network. The three major components of
BioBanking are the Insert, the Active Reader, and the Device
Encoder. The insert is the part of the system that represents the
greatest technological leap forward in security authentication
mechanisms. The reader and encoder are modifications to
existing technologies to try and account for some industry
disruption with the new paradigm.
The patented BioBanking Insert is the heart of the system. This
is a 50 mm x 50 mm device that is implanted in the sub-
cutaneous area of the finger roughly in the center of the finger
print. Figure 2 shows the enlarged view of the product and the
associated structures in this nano-scale device.
Figure 2: BioBanking Patented Insert Device
The insert has both transmit and receive radio frequency (RF)
arrays to perform system actions. These arrays are powered by

solar power. This is done to eliminate the need for battery
replacement in the device so it is a long-term stable and viable
insert. The solar technology used is similar to the Eco-Drive
patented technology used in watches. The Insert also has on-
board processors and memory for account information and
control of the RF transmit and receive. Lastly, the device has
ambient temperature sensors to ensure the device transitions to
shut down if the user’s finger is severed. The ambient
temperature sensors are another layer in the defense in depth
security offered by BioBanking.
The second major part of the technology is an active RF
interrogation fingerprint reader. This device both reads the
swirls and points of the fingerprint as well as reads the RF
transmission from the Insert device. The Interrogator allows the
opportunity to select active accounts as well as mix accounts,
both credit and debit, for payment.
Figure 3: BioBanking Active Interrogator
The last major component of the system is the Account Encoder.
This device allows banks or financial institutions to transmit RF
signals with account information encoded on them. This account
information is then encoded in the memory of the Insert device
like firmware. Overwriting the account information for a new
bank is easily accomplished with the appropriate security
overwrite code.
A complete description of the technology is included in
Attachment A: Technology Description. Financial Industry
Transformation
Currently almost all individual financial transactions use a card
media and short passcode of some sort. Many now offer RF
proximity swiping for ease of use. These technologies are
convenient to the customer but are extremely convenient to the
identity thief as well. Stealing a card and using it is very simple
with the advent of online purchasing where the identity of the
consumer is anonymous. The RF card material is often picked
by a simple RF scanner waved over the user’s person without

DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES .docx

DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES .docx

Recommandé

Recommandé

Contenu connexe

Similaire à DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES .docx

Similaire à DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES .docx (20)

Plus de theodorelove43763

Plus de theodorelove43763 (20)

Dernier

Dernier (20)

DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES .docx