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Islamic Primary Schools in the
Netherlands
Jaap Dronkers
Chair ‘International comparative research on
educational performance and social
inequality’
Maastricht University
http://www.eui.eu/Personal/Dronkers
 Religious schools can be funded by
Dutch state, given quality
standards.
 Lump sum per pupil, equal to
public school.
 No catchment areas, school
districts.
 No recognized/established
religions.
 Equal quality standards for all
schools.
 First Islamic school in 1988
 Only Islamic primary schools
 2 Islamic secondary schools
closed by inspectorate due to low
quality & fraud.
 Primary Islamic schools less
fundamentalist & ethnic more
heterogeneous (quality board).
 Secondary schools more
complex than primary schools.
Five aspects quality Islamic
schools:
1.Minimum absolute quality
2.Added value math & reading
3.Attitudes, civic knowledge &
values
4.Administrative weakness
5.Islam a negative factor?
Minimum Quality of Primary
Schools in the Netherlands
 Final test obligatory for all schools.
 Score and teacher-
recommendation vital for admission
to higher tracks
 Test scores of all schools are
public.
Added value math & reading
 Inspectorate list weak & very weak
schools
 League tables added values schools,
published by quality papers & TV-
stations
 Inspectorate norm: 527-529 for
schools > 60% low educated parents
 Islamic schools final test score: 531
 Islamic schools positive added value
(Very) weak schools
 %’s very weak or weak (1-10-2010)
 Average: 7,0%
 Catholic: 4,9%
 Protestant: 6,7%
 Neutral non-public: 5,0%
 Reformed liberated: 7,8%
 Reformed orthodox: 7,2%
 Public: 9,2%
 Islamic: 27,5%
Onderwijsverslag 2009/2010 p35.
Explanation quality Islamic
schools
 Educational conservative
(compare Catholic/Protestant
school effect)
 Focus on basic skills
 Ethnically homogenous schools
 Closed to urban culture
 Very low parental socio-economic
background
Attitudes, civic knowledge &
values
 Netherlands multi-religious country:
no national consensus on values, civic
knowledge & values.
 Dates back to within Christianity
differences: catholic, protestant,
liberal
 No national standards
 Islamic schools more closed to
Dutch mainstream culture
Source: Merry & Driessen, 2014
Source: Merry & Driessen, 2014
Administrative Weakness
 Hardly Islamic higher middle class
to act as administrators (contrast
to Dutch Catholics)
 Foreign influence & money:
Turkey & Saudi-Arabia
 Hardly Islamic teachers
 But Hindu & Muslims from
Suriname
Islam religion as negative factor
Migrants’ pupils from Islamic origin
countries (Turkey, Morocco, Pakistan)
have lower scores than comparable
migrants’ pupils from Christian origin
countries (Yugoslavia, Poland,
Russia), who have lower scores than
comparable migrants’ pupils from
non-Islamic Asia (India, Vietnam,
Korea, China).
Dronkers & de Heus, 2013
400
420
440
460
480
500
520
Eastern-Europe
Asianon-Islam
Islam
countries
OECD
countries
Natives
Figure 10: Reading score per region of origin in the
succesive models
indivdual
characteristics
plus school
features
plus
educational
system
Dronkers & de Heus, 2013
Explanations Islam effect?
 Discrimination. In EU other non-
Christian migrants are not less
discriminated (André, Dronkers & Fleischmann, 2009)
 Negative selectivity guest-laborers.
Selectivity not larger than Italian,
Spanish & Portuguese guest-laborers
(Dronkers & Heus, 2010).
Islam religion. Not origin country, but
individual religion (Dronkers & Fleischmann, 2010)
Gender Empowerment Origin Country
explains lower reading scores of migrants’
sons I
After control GEM no significant effects of
Eastern Christianity & Islam relative to Western
Christianity
Source: Dronkers & Kornder, 2014
Religion as factor in educational
performance of migrants’ sons and
daughters II Low gender equality explanation of low
educational performance of male & female
migrants’ pupils from Islam countries.
 Educational performance is largest for
migrants’ children coming from origin countries
without any religion or Hinduism, after
control for gender equality.
Male & female pupils from Hinduism countries
would perform better, if gender norms and
values of Hinduism were more equal.
Dronkers & Kornder, 2014
 Gender norms in Islamic countries
(masculine virility, feminine purity) as
explanation for low performance of male
& female migrant pupils.
 Religion not ‘black box’ cultural
phenomena.
 Adjustment possible: Catholicism
adjusted to capitalism without losing its
critical stance toward gluttony.
 Success not certain: fate of Egyptian,
Roman, Greek & German Gods.
Conclusion
Islamic schools as possible
mean of adjustment to modern
society.
Adjustment does not mean the
same as fully assimilation
Success is not secured.
References
• André, S., J. Dronkers & F. Fleischmann, 2009. “Verschillen in
groepsdiscriminatie, zoals waargenomen door immigranten uit verschillende
herkomstlanden in veertien lidstaten van de Europese Unie.” Mens en
Maatschappij 84: 448-482
• Dronkers, J. & F. Fleischmann, 2010. "The Educational Attainment of
Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin in the EU-
Member-States.” in Quality and Inequality of Education. Cross-national
Perspectives. Dordrecht/ Heidelberg/ London/ New York: Springer.
• Dronkers, J. & M. de Heus, 2010. "Negative selectivity of Europe's guest-
workers immigration? The educational achievement of children of immigrants
compared with the educational achievement of native children in their origin
countries.” in From Information to Knowledge; from Knowledge to Wisedom:
Challenges and Changes facing Higher Education in the Digital Age. London:
Portland Press
• Dronkers, J. & M. de Heus. 2013. “Immigrant Children’s Academic
Performance: the Influence of origin, destination and community” in PISA,
Power, and Policy: the emergence of global educational governance. Oxford:
Symposium Books.
• Dronkers. J. & N. Kornder. 2014. “Can gender differences in educational
performance of 15-year-old migrant pupils be explained by societal gender
equality in origin and destination countries?” Compare: A Journal of
Comparative and International Education
•Merry, M.S. & Driessen, G. 2014. “On the right track? Islamic schools in the
Netherlands after an era of turmoil” Race, Ethnicity and Education (on line)

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Kwaliteitsproblemen islamitische scholen

  • 1. Islamic Primary Schools in the Netherlands Jaap Dronkers Chair ‘International comparative research on educational performance and social inequality’ Maastricht University http://www.eui.eu/Personal/Dronkers
  • 2.  Religious schools can be funded by Dutch state, given quality standards.  Lump sum per pupil, equal to public school.  No catchment areas, school districts.  No recognized/established religions.  Equal quality standards for all schools.
  • 3.  First Islamic school in 1988  Only Islamic primary schools  2 Islamic secondary schools closed by inspectorate due to low quality & fraud.  Primary Islamic schools less fundamentalist & ethnic more heterogeneous (quality board).  Secondary schools more complex than primary schools.
  • 4. Five aspects quality Islamic schools: 1.Minimum absolute quality 2.Added value math & reading 3.Attitudes, civic knowledge & values 4.Administrative weakness 5.Islam a negative factor?
  • 5. Minimum Quality of Primary Schools in the Netherlands  Final test obligatory for all schools.  Score and teacher- recommendation vital for admission to higher tracks  Test scores of all schools are public.
  • 6.
  • 7. Added value math & reading  Inspectorate list weak & very weak schools  League tables added values schools, published by quality papers & TV- stations  Inspectorate norm: 527-529 for schools > 60% low educated parents  Islamic schools final test score: 531  Islamic schools positive added value
  • 8. (Very) weak schools  %’s very weak or weak (1-10-2010)  Average: 7,0%  Catholic: 4,9%  Protestant: 6,7%  Neutral non-public: 5,0%  Reformed liberated: 7,8%  Reformed orthodox: 7,2%  Public: 9,2%  Islamic: 27,5% Onderwijsverslag 2009/2010 p35.
  • 9. Explanation quality Islamic schools  Educational conservative (compare Catholic/Protestant school effect)  Focus on basic skills  Ethnically homogenous schools  Closed to urban culture  Very low parental socio-economic background
  • 10. Attitudes, civic knowledge & values  Netherlands multi-religious country: no national consensus on values, civic knowledge & values.  Dates back to within Christianity differences: catholic, protestant, liberal  No national standards  Islamic schools more closed to Dutch mainstream culture
  • 11. Source: Merry & Driessen, 2014
  • 12. Source: Merry & Driessen, 2014
  • 13. Administrative Weakness  Hardly Islamic higher middle class to act as administrators (contrast to Dutch Catholics)  Foreign influence & money: Turkey & Saudi-Arabia  Hardly Islamic teachers  But Hindu & Muslims from Suriname
  • 14. Islam religion as negative factor Migrants’ pupils from Islamic origin countries (Turkey, Morocco, Pakistan) have lower scores than comparable migrants’ pupils from Christian origin countries (Yugoslavia, Poland, Russia), who have lower scores than comparable migrants’ pupils from non-Islamic Asia (India, Vietnam, Korea, China). Dronkers & de Heus, 2013
  • 15. 400 420 440 460 480 500 520 Eastern-Europe Asianon-Islam Islam countries OECD countries Natives Figure 10: Reading score per region of origin in the succesive models indivdual characteristics plus school features plus educational system Dronkers & de Heus, 2013
  • 16. Explanations Islam effect?  Discrimination. In EU other non- Christian migrants are not less discriminated (André, Dronkers & Fleischmann, 2009)  Negative selectivity guest-laborers. Selectivity not larger than Italian, Spanish & Portuguese guest-laborers (Dronkers & Heus, 2010). Islam religion. Not origin country, but individual religion (Dronkers & Fleischmann, 2010)
  • 17. Gender Empowerment Origin Country explains lower reading scores of migrants’ sons I After control GEM no significant effects of Eastern Christianity & Islam relative to Western Christianity Source: Dronkers & Kornder, 2014
  • 18. Religion as factor in educational performance of migrants’ sons and daughters II Low gender equality explanation of low educational performance of male & female migrants’ pupils from Islam countries.  Educational performance is largest for migrants’ children coming from origin countries without any religion or Hinduism, after control for gender equality. Male & female pupils from Hinduism countries would perform better, if gender norms and values of Hinduism were more equal. Dronkers & Kornder, 2014
  • 19.  Gender norms in Islamic countries (masculine virility, feminine purity) as explanation for low performance of male & female migrant pupils.  Religion not ‘black box’ cultural phenomena.  Adjustment possible: Catholicism adjusted to capitalism without losing its critical stance toward gluttony.  Success not certain: fate of Egyptian, Roman, Greek & German Gods.
  • 20. Conclusion Islamic schools as possible mean of adjustment to modern society. Adjustment does not mean the same as fully assimilation Success is not secured.
  • 21. References • André, S., J. Dronkers & F. Fleischmann, 2009. “Verschillen in groepsdiscriminatie, zoals waargenomen door immigranten uit verschillende herkomstlanden in veertien lidstaten van de Europese Unie.” Mens en Maatschappij 84: 448-482 • Dronkers, J. & F. Fleischmann, 2010. "The Educational Attainment of Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin in the EU- Member-States.” in Quality and Inequality of Education. Cross-national Perspectives. Dordrecht/ Heidelberg/ London/ New York: Springer. • Dronkers, J. & M. de Heus, 2010. "Negative selectivity of Europe's guest- workers immigration? The educational achievement of children of immigrants compared with the educational achievement of native children in their origin countries.” in From Information to Knowledge; from Knowledge to Wisedom: Challenges and Changes facing Higher Education in the Digital Age. London: Portland Press • Dronkers, J. & M. de Heus. 2013. “Immigrant Children’s Academic Performance: the Influence of origin, destination and community” in PISA, Power, and Policy: the emergence of global educational governance. Oxford: Symposium Books. • Dronkers. J. & N. Kornder. 2014. “Can gender differences in educational performance of 15-year-old migrant pupils be explained by societal gender equality in origin and destination countries?” Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education •Merry, M.S. & Driessen, G. 2014. “On the right track? Islamic schools in the Netherlands after an era of turmoil” Race, Ethnicity and Education (on line)