1. MA student, Krechuniak Georgiy
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Comparative analysis of Russian foreign policy concepts (1993, 2000, 2008
and 2013).
Introduction
World political situation has changed a lot since collapse of the USSR. As
power balance has also changed many states realized that foreign policy which
they ran before became useless. It was mainly same for Russian Federation which
inherited all matters of the Soviet Union.
Generally the Concept is a systemic description of basic principles,
priorities, goals and objectives of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The
first Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (hereinafter “the
Concept”) was established in 1993. Since that time foreign policy priorities have
changed several times. We are going to talk about main changes that have been
made during four Concepts and modern tendencies of foreign policy of the Russian
Federation.
This document gives us basic information about history of Russian foreign
policy what makes possible to analyze how it changed through 2 decades and make
a conclusion about the way it is going.

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Main part
In early 1992, Russian foreign minister Andrey Kozyrev announced that
country’s foreign policy would differ from foreign policy under Gorbachev's New
Thinking because democratic principles would drive it. These principles would
provide a solid basis for peaceful policies. Kozyrev also stressed that the basis for
the new foreign policy would be Russia's national interests rather than the so-called
international class interests. For two years (1992-93), Russian foreign policy was
generally low key and conciliatory toward the West with endorsement of many
Western foreign policy positions on world conflicts. Pressing domestic problems
were a major determinant of this direction.
1992-1993 period was tricky for Russian foreign policy as government tried
not to declare distinctively its national objects but matched them with objects of
other democratic states. Moscow tried to make western states believe that their
foreign policy matches with western ideas. We can see it from the 1st
Concept of
Russian foreign policy, which says: “Russia agrees with the meaning of the
concept of “new political thinking” which became a trial to overcome total dead-
end confrontation1
”. From one point it’s normal when state changes its policy as
the situation changes. But from another - this new concept was declared by western
states, which started to dominate after USSR collapse so why chosen way of
democratization was dangerous for new not stabile Russia. First concept mostly
speaks about changes that were coming and about plans realization, because
in1993 Russia was only on its way of forming new policy and looking for the
vector of that policy.
In the 2nd
concept, which was adopted in 2000 the idea has changed a lot: in
first several paragraphs it’s written that expectations, which were connected with
forming international relation’s policy based on equality of all states weren’t
approved. Moreover further we can read a declaration about main modern perils –
one of which is forming of singular polar world with US dominance in economic
and military spheres. This issue shows us how important was for Russia not to let
1
1993 Concept of Russian Foreign Policy, signed by the President B.N. Yeltsin

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USA become a world hegemon. We can clearly see how changed the perception of
our Russian policy writers – as the Cold War finished and other challenges
appeared the main focus in the country was turned not only to intellectual,
communicative and informational capabilities but also to civilians’ level of life,
their education, scientific and manufacturing resources and capital concentration.
In next concept we can read that Russia became self-sufficient in foreign
policy and national interests. Words and idea with which that document was
written show us that in 2008, date when 3rd
Concept was adopted, Russia has
become much stronger state. Maybe it hasn’t completely restored authority on
international arena but it was as close as never. There is also a tendency of
changing threats. In that document attention was devoted to global threats which
were also dangerous for Russia: terrorism, drug traffic, weapon trade, mass
destruction weapon proliferation, demographical problems, poverty, regional
conflicts, global warming and illegal migration. There is also a difference in US
role in the world – in a 3rd
Document the idea is that US will soon lose its world
leading positions. In previous one USA was called a main threat. In the same time
new problem of global history interpretation came out. It was necessary to
collaborate in that sphere and discuss historical facts, especially II World War once
and have a consensus about them.
In the last Conception we already see modern changes. First of all world
economic crisis and its influence on IR is mentioned. The world IR system is
transiting into new polycentric one which will be ready for modern challenges. US
declining is still mentioned here and this declining is comparatively stronger now
than earlier. Question of globalization is brought into the picture as a reason of
regional instability in North Africa and Middle East and others. Civilisational
identity question became more recent in globalised world and one the most
important aims is to keep civilizations in peace. There is also a “soft power” term
mentioned for the first time in 2013 Concept. It was called an inherent instrument
of a modern international politics which has to be realized with help of civil
society.

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In sphere of regional priorities in the early 1990s Russia had strong ties with
Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) because those countries were part of
USSR not so long time ago. Countries security and development straightly
depended on neighboring countries. That’s why that time it was the number one
priority of Russian foreign policy. We can see from aims which were mentioned in
the Document how universal was policy: make efforts to transform the CIS into
effective organization of sovereign states in IR; make and organization and its
forums a platform of states members cooperation; try to strengthen and improve
organizational agreements, adopt a by-law, create Secretary, Security council and
peacekeeping forces of CIS; work on keeping effective system of domestic issues,
money flows and juridical regulation of economic relation between regions; sign
up agreements which will guarantee Russian citizens’ rights in CIS countries;
keeping and improving bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the sphere of
technological progress; deeper collaboration on crime issues, drug proliferation,
juridical help in civil and criminal cases.
In the 2nd
Document CIS issue is still on the first place but with some
differences. Now the main priority is not to create strong regional organization, but
to keep Russian borders secure through cooperation with former USSR states. And
all other aims are written with idea of boundaries security. Another thing that has
changed is cooperation principle – interests have to be mutual despite previous
Concept where CIS members had just to agree for cooperation. Also Russian-
Belorussian Customs Union is mentioned as an example of multilevel cooperation.
Moreover there was added an issue of saving shared between CIS members
cultural heritage.
In 2008 Concept again we can see the priority to create strong regional
organization which will cover all issues of cooperation. More important became
question of stability in Central Asia and Caucasus and drug traffic from
Afghanistan. Novelty in that document became EUROSEC organisation which was
created in the beginning of 2001 to cover economic issues of CIS states. As it’s
declared in the Concept EUROSEC is an economic organization and its first

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importance aim is to create customs union between state-members. Also Collective
Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) is mentioned for the first time in that
Document as future main security union in CIS territory.
Ideas that were described before are similar in the last 2013 Concept with
some exceptions. Russia declared that will look for solving the situation with
Republic of Moldova and its status as a sovereign state. One more theme is
Nagorno-Karabakh that Russia wants to solve with help of CSTO and in the way
as “it was declared by presidents of Russia”2
, USA and France during 2009-2011.
As Russian priority mentioned question of the Republic of Abkhazia and the
Republic of South Ossetia – main target to sustain security and stabile economic
development of that sovereign states.
As a result priorities of Russian foreign policy haven’t completely changed
during last 20 years. They were modified and added with new threats, but basically
CIS is still Russia number one in the foreign policy as well as Customs Union with
former USSR states. We still can see UN and its organs importance as main
cooperation platform for Russian policy.
In the beginning of 1990s when the 1st
concept was adopted Russia had great
weapons potential but as USSR collapsed there were no chance to sustain it from
economic and political points of view. That’s why one of the main priorities of
foreign policy according to the 1st
Document was decreasing weapon potential.
Also it was necessary to fulfill Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty-2 (START-2). In
this sphere Russia had plans for close cooperation with NATO in 1993.
Next Foreign Policy Concept pays much more attention to NATO. It says
about necessity to cooperate with Organisation because of sustaining global
security and stability. Indeed, it’s possible to understand from the text that situation
has changed and Russia has changed its attitude to NATO. There are many
disagreements on NATO policy which are mostly about proceeding military
operations out of Washington’s treaty zone without UN agreement.
2
2013 Concept of Russian Foreign Policy, signed by the President V.V. Putin on 12
th
February 2013.

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In a 3rd
Document North-Atlantic question is shaped by Russia-NATO
Council. Russia will collaborate with Organisation only on principles of equality
and mutual interest. As we can see position has become straightly opposite. In
2008 Russia was strong enough to have its own initiative in foreign policy. Finally
it declared that Russia doesn’t agree with Organisation’s methods of expansion to
the East – to Russian borders. Especially Russia was against plan of joining
Ukraine and Georgia to NATO as these states are too close to it.
In the last Document Russia’s position against NATO hasn’t changed at all
as it still has plans of expansion to the East.
We’ve described a lot of differences but not all of them yet. There are some
important comprehensive comparisons left and they are concentrated in last two
Concepts. 2013 version excluded several prior goals of foreign policy and added
several new ones. For example, the goal of “creating a system of bilateral and
multilateral partnerships to make the country's international position more resistant
to variations in the foreign policy situation” was excluded, and a new one was
added: “to strengthen Russia's trade and economic position within the system of
world economic relations, to provide diplomatic support for the interests of
Russian economic operators abroad, not to allow discrimination against Russian
goods, services or investments, and to use the capabilities of international and
regional economic and financial organizations to these ends”. It is quite obvious
that these changes are to a great extent caused by Russia's entry into the WTO.
The new approaches to the issue of human rights in Russian foreign policy
should also be mentioned. While in Concept 2008 the goal of Russia's foreign
policy was "the protection of the rights and lawful interests of Russian citizens and
compatriots living abroad," Concept 2013 adds "the assertion... of Russian
approaches to the topic of protecting human rights." It must be said that the
Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs evaluated the activities of the UN Council on
Human Rights quite vividly and accurately.
Another important addition to Concept 2013 is a definition of the essence of
today's situation in the world. Russia's choice of foreign policy strategy depends

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on the accuracy of that concept. While Concept 2008 spoke simply of
"fundamental and dynamic changes" and "cardinal transformations in international
relations," Concept 2013 characterizes these changes. It is noted that the essence of
the current transitional period being experienced in international relations is
the formation of a polycentric international system. The new version of the
Concept says that the possibilities for the West to dominate the world economy and
policy are continuing to decrease. Global potential for power and development is
decentralizing and moving to the East, first and foremost to the Asia Pacific region.

8. MA student, Krechuniak Georgiy
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Conclusion
As a result, understanding the new Foreign Policy Concept may help to
overcome misunderstanding of Russian activity. Some observers suggest that
Russian foreign policy is characterized by increasing isolationist tendencies. A
careful reading of the document suggests the contrary and that Russia will be more
active in international affairs.
Priorities of Russian foreign policy haven’t completely changed during last
20 years. They were modified and added with new threats, but basically CIS is still
Russia number one in the foreign policy as well as Customs Union with former
USSR states. We still can see UN and its organs importance as main cooperation
platform for Russian policy and contradictions with NATO and its expansion to
East.
Currently Russia is strong enough to have its own initiative in foreign policy
so why we can see that the main principle of cooperation has changed to “mutual
interests” what characterizes Russia as self sufficient state.
The last Concept offers important insight into how Russia views an
international environment that has changed considerably since 1993, where it fits
in it and how it will seek to act. As the Concept notes, Russia “will work to
anticipate and lead events”. Indeed, this is seen to be necessary as a means of
addressing the challenges. Thus the West should not be surprised to see Russia
being more prominent in international affairs, advocating its interests, using both
more traditional “hard power” instruments (such as deploying the Russian navy to
protect sea lanes that it considers to be important), and developing its international
presence by establishing new embassies and consulates and using more “soft
strength” to protect and assert its interests.

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Sources
1. [Electronic source]:
http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/0/76389FEC168189ED44257B2E0039B16D
2. Russia and Eurasia REP 2013/03, “The New Russian Foreign Policy Concept:
Evolving Continuity”. Andrew Monaghan, Chatham House, April 2013.
3. [Electronic source]: http://www.idsa.in/eurasia/resources
4. 1993 Concept of Russian Foreign Policy, signed by the President B.N. Yeltsin
5. 2000: The Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. Approved by
Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation on June 28, 2000.
6. 2008: The Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. Approved by Dmitry
A. Medvedev, President of the Russian Federation, on 12 July 2008.
7. 2013 Concept of Russian Foreign Policy, signed by the President V.V. Putin on 12
February 2013
8. Article of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov “Russia’s Foreign Policy
Philosophy”, “International Affairs”, March 2013.