THE BARBARIAN NAMES ON THE OSTRACA FROM THE EASTERN DESERT (3RD CENTURY CE)
1. ‘Inside
and
Out:
Interactions
between
Rome
and
the
Peoples
on
the
Arabian
and
Egyptian
Frontiers
in
Late
Antiquity
(200-‐800
CE)’,
Ottawa,
10-‐13
October
2012
University
of
Ottawa
THE BARBARIAN NAMES ON THE OSTRACA
FROM THE EASTERN DESERT (3RD CENTURY CE)
Helmut Satzinger
University
of
Vienna
2. When excavating Roman garrisons in the
Eastern Desert of Egypt, the archaeological
team headed by Hélène Cuvigny found inter alia
numerous ostraca of economic content that
mention persons with Barbarian names.
They were written in the middle of the 3rd
century CE, or shortly after. An obvious
question is that of the ethnicity and language of
these persons. Given the period mentioned and
the area in question, the people that first come to
mind are the Blemmyes.
7. There
is
Blemmyan
onomastic
material
extant
from
mainly
two
sources:
•
Epigraphic
material
from
Lower
Nubia,
ca.
5th
century.
When
the
Blemmyes
occupied
the
north
of
Lower
Nubia,
with
Talmis
(el-‐Kalâbsha)
as
an
urban
and
cultic
centre,
they
left
a
number
of
inscriptions
there.
The
script
is
the
Greek
alphabet.
The
Greek
papyrus
letter
which
the
Blemmyan
king
Phōnēn
addressed
to
the
Nobatian
king
Abourni
may
be
of
slightly
later
date.
Dijkstra,
Philae,
pp.
45–46.
SB
XIV
11957.23
=
FHN
III
319.
Dijkstra,
Philae,
p.
52.
For
the
zirst
edition
see
T.C.
Skeat,
‘A
Letter
from
the
King
of
the
Blemmyes
to
the
King
of
the
Noubades’,
JEA
63
(1977)
pp.
159-‐70,
revised
by
J.
Rea,
‘The
Letter
of
Phonen
to
Aburni’,
ZPE
34
(1979)
pp.
147-‐62.
8.
9.
10.
11. Jean Maspero « Notes épigraphiques »
BIFAO 6, 1908, 43-45
εγω
ϊϲεμνε
βα-‐
ταμαλ(αϲ)
βαϲιλ(ευϲ)
ϲιλευϲ
εχαρι-‐
εδεθ(...)
τα(?)
ορ(εα?)
ϲα
τοπον
τη
ϲενταηϲεω-‐
πλουλαν
κα-‐
ϲ
αρχιιερ(εωϲ)
θωϲ
μαρουκ
εχα-‐
...
ριϲεν
τω
δηγου
βα-‐
... j’ai fixé les limites (?),
...
S. étant grand-prêtre ...
12. •
Papyrological
material
from
El-‐Gebelein
(Pathyris
or
Aphroditopolis),
Upper
Egypt,
ca.
6th
cent.
El-‐Gebelein
(Pathyris),
south
of
Thebes,
seems
to
have
been
part
of
the
area
which
the
Blemmyes
controlled,
over
which
they
exerted
curatoria,
and
from
whose
population
the
synetheia
was
to
be
extracted,
if
need
be,
with
the
aid
of
the
phylarchos
or
the
hypotyrannos.
Evidence
for
this
is
from
leather
documents.
All
of
them
are
legal
documents:
nine
debts,
three
of
them
with
pledging;
two
are
releases
of
slaves;
and
two
are
royal
documents
bestowing
curatoria
over
the
“island
called
Tanare,”
or
“island
Temsir
called
Tanare,”
inhabited
by
Rhômeis.
At
Duke
University
Library
there
is
also
a
leather
document
of
like
appearance,
it
is
a
business
text.
http://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/scriptorium/papyrus/records/283.html.
13.
14.
15. Berlin P. 8978
H. Satzinger „Urkunden der Blemmyer“
Chr. d‘Égypte 43, 1968, 129-130
16. H. Satzinger „Urkunden der Blemmyer“
Chr. d‘Égypte 43, 1968, 129-130
τω
ευγενειω
ωϲε
—
—
—
—
—
εχω
.
ϲοι
εν
τη
χειρι
μου
κρματων
νουβαρ[ιτων]
χρυϲου
νομιϲματια
οκτω
γι/
χρ/
ν̊
η
μονα
και
ταυτα
παρεξω
ϲοι
οποταν
βουληθεθηϲ
και
ϲτοιχει
μοι
.
.
.
To
noble
Ose
...
I
have
(from)
you
in
my
hand
of
Nubian
coins
gold
solidi
eight,
making
gold
solidi
8,
netto.
And
these
I
will
put
at
your
disposition
as
soon
as
you
wish,
and
I
agree
.
.
.
Berlin P. 8978
18. BKU III 350 (Berlin P. 22041)
H. Satzinger BKU III, 350
. anok xarawtik pé N. aen eisàai ntamer ma……….
èe eis takayo(n) NtaINts ài ptooy mpatibi sàime
apeàshT aItaas nh àN pemoy àM pevnä nSévpe nh
Nkayon anok de maàanaT eisàaI NsentekàaInis
19. The
number
of
the
personal
names
gained
from
these
sources
is
about
ninety.
It
had
long
been
surmised
that
the
majority
of
them,
namely
those
that
are
not
obviously
Egyptian,
or
Greek,
or
Latin,
are
based
on
a
language
that
is
closely
related
to
modern
Bedauye,
or
the
Beja
language.
Gerald
M.
Browne,
Textus
Blemmyicus
Aetatis
Christianae
(Champaign
Illinois
2003)
24. In
the
following
list,
Greek
and
Coptic
phi,
theta,
khi
are
rendered
by
ph,
th,
kh,
respectively.
F,
h
and
š
render
the
respective
Coptic
signs.
Y
is
the
[j]
sound,
whereas
Ypsilon
is
consequently
rendered
by
u.
Yet
w
is
put
where
omicron
+
ypsilon
are
obviously
consonantal.
Dots
under
letters
signal
that
the
reading
is
uncertain.
Hypothetical
elements
of
compositions
are
separated
by
hyphens,
surmised
grammatical
elements
(feminine
endings
·t,
·s
(rendering
[θ]?);
genitival
endings
·i,
·e)
are
separated
by
a
raised
dot.
27. pōae
pre-‐kna
(cf.
Bedauye
Mir
‘face,’
kena
ʻownerʼ)
NAMES FROM
saltik
INSCRIPTIONS
sebata·t-‐amati
(?)
(amati:
a
goddess)
sentas-‐aō
(Egn.
ʕ3
[ʕá]
ʻbig,
oldʼ)
AND
sentekhayni·s
(fem.)
DOCUMENTS
silbani-‐khēm
(i.e.,
xēm;
Dem.
ḫm,
Copt.
šēm,
ḫēm
ʻsmall,
youngʼ)
skarōou
(NB
Greek
sigma
may
also
render
š)
sle
3
souliēn
(soul·i-‐ēn?)
tamalas
(NB
Greek
sigma
may
also
render
š)
tata
tesemay-‐khēm
(i.e.,
-‐xēm;
Dem.
ḫm,
Copt.
šēm,
ḫēm
ʻsmall,
young’)
tiou·t·i-‐kna
(‑kna:
cf.
Bedauye
kena
ʻownerʼ)
tōdete·s
(fem.)
tous·i-‐kṇa
(‑kna:
cf.
Bedauye
kena
ʻownerʼ)
wanak·t·i-‐kouta
(cf.
Old
Nubian
kouda
‘servant(?)’)
khaias
(cf.
Bedauye
hay
‘say’
?)
khara-‐ftik
(khara
‘god’?
cf.
Bedauye
hada
‘lord’)
khara-‐hie·t
(cf.
Bedauye
hi
‘give’)
khara-‐patkhour
khara-‐khēn
khopan
(a
deity)
ousenen-‐ō
(Egn.
ʕ3
[ʕá]
‘big,
old’)
28. yaha-‐tek
(cf.
Bedauye
tak
ʻmanʼ)
yasa-‐tek
(cf.
Bedauye
yaas
‘dog,’
tak
ʻmanʼ)
NAMES FROM
yawi-‐ze
INSCRIPTIONS
yeni
AND
DOCUMENTS
Egyptian
Names
atre
(i.e.,
hatré)
(=
Egn.
ḥtrj
ʻtwinʼ)
4
hapi
(=
Egn.
ḥʕpj,
name
of
the
Nile)
p·ades
(=
Egn.
p3-‐ʾ·dj-‐sw
ʻHe
who
has
given
himʼ?)
pasapip
(=
Egn.
p3-‐s3-‐
ʾpjp
ʻthe
son
of
Apipʼ??)
p·ate-‐bor(
)
(=
Egn.
p3-‐
ʾ·dj-‐…
ʻHe
whom
…
has
givenʼ?))
p·hant
(=
Egn.
p3-‐ḥmntr
[phánt]
ʻthe
priest”)
pi-‐say
(i.e.,
pi-‐šay)
(=
Egn.
p3-‐š3j
ʻthe
fateʼ,
also
a
deity)
(NB
Greek
sigma
may
also
render
š)
pi·son
(=
Egn.
p3-‐sn
[pisón,
sán]
ʻthe
brotherʼ)
p·rēt
(=
Egn.
p3-‐rwḏw
ʻthe
controllerʼ)
psentha-‐ēse,
psentha-‐ēsi[s]
(lege
pšenta-‐?)
(=
Egn.
p3-‐šrj-‐n-‐t3-‐(n.t)-‐3s.t,
ʻthe
son
of
her
who
belongs
to
Isisʼ;
a
name)
t·rəm-‐p·yōh
(fem.)
(=
Egn.
t3-‐rmṯ·t-‐p3-‐
ʾʕḥ
[trəmp(y)óʕḥ]
ʻthe
woman
[=adorer]
of
the
moonʼ)
29. The
names
that
could
be
read
on
the
ostraca
from
the
Roman
garrison
(3rd
cent.)
are
cited
in
the
following,
in
a
Latin
transcription
of
the
Greek
original
as
I
received
it
from
Hélène
Cuvigny.
Note
that
a
dot
under
a
letter
signals
that
the
reading
is
uncertain.
Letters
g
and
t
can
hardly
be
distinguished,
as
can
be
noticed.
These
are
the
conventions
of
the
transcription:
ph,
th,
kh,
ks,
ps;
ypsilon
is
rendered
by
u
in
all
cases.
36. A phonetic analysis of the “Barbarian” material is badly
hampered. One reason is that the reading is uncertain in many
cases. Another one is the presumable discrepancy of the
Greek and “Barbarian” phonetics and phonemics. The few
texts in Coptic script from el-Gebelein prove the existence of
sounds h and š in their language. Greek script, however, is
unable to distinguish these sounds from zero and s,
respectively. Both the Cushitic and the Eastern Sudanic
languages display still more sounds and phonemes that are
alien to Greek (such as retroflex and palatal occlusives). Still,
one can gain the impression that the two corpora of
“Barbarian” names, of the 3rd and the 5th and 6th centuries
respectively, are by and large congruent in respect of their
phoneme or sound inventories. Also, there is a certain
resemblance in the syllable structure.
37. In order to achieve concrete results, however, a statistic
analysis was undertaken, considering the discernable
consonantal phonemes in respect to their employment
in initial, medial, and final position.
41. The
most
conspicuous
result
is
in
the
auslaut
restrictions
which
are
virtually
identical;
in
fact,
an
important
feature:
otherwise,
the
evidence
is
not
really
convincing.
As
was
shortly
mentioned
above,
the
language
of
the
Blemmyan
names
of
the
5th
and
6th
centuries
may
be
regarded
as
some
kind
of
Old
Beja,
as
an
ancester
language
of
modern
Bedauye,
or
at
least
as
one
closely
related
to
it.
Although
already
described
by
Almkvist
and
by
Reinisch
as
early
as
the
1890ies,
the
language
of
these
nomads,
roaming
in
large
areas
of
Egypt,
the
Sudan,
and
Eritrea,
is
yet
imperfectly
documented.
Anyway,
a
scrupulous
analysis
of
the
onomastic
material,
on
the
basis
of
knowledge
of
Beja
rules
and
elements,
has
yielded
some
results.
42. Women’s
names
often
end
in
-‐t
or
-‐s:
apehseµ·t,
mahana·t;
amna·s,
senta·s-‐ao,
sentek-‐hai ‚ni·s,
toµdete·s.
N.B.
A
feminine
ending
–t
is
a
feature
also
found
in
Egyptian,
Semitic,
and
Berber.
The
genitival
noun
(which
precedes
its
referent)
ends
in
-‐i
or
-‐e
(after
a
consonant)
or
y
(after
a
vowel).
N.B.
An
ending
–i
of
the
genitival
noun
is
also
found
in
Semitic.
43. Names of Cent. V to VI — Grammatical Structures
No examples in the names of the ostraca of cent. III.
44. Can the names from the ostraca be interpreted as Beja language (Bedauye)?
Beja expert Klaus Wedekind passed the names though his parser:
10. Mai 2011 23:32:38 MESZ
Lieber Herr Satzinger,
Heute nachmittag haben Sie die Namensliste geschickt, und ich habe sie durch
meinen Beja-Parser geschickt - mit den Wörtern und den Umschreibungen ..., die
mir gerade so einfielen.
Das Ergebnis - grob wie es ist - hänge ich in zwei Dateien hier an:
(1) Die Liste Ihrer Namen, alle Zeilen numeriert
(2) Die interlinearisierte Liste der Übersetzungen, mit der gleichen Zeilen-
Numerierung
Manche Ergebnisse kann man wirklich nicht ernst nehmen - aber ich schicke
Ihnen mal das Ergebnis ohne weitere Revision. Viel Spass bei Aussortieren.
...
Ihr Klaus Wedekind
45. NO
REASONABLE
RESULTS:
ab-‐ait,
ab-‐er
.
.
ḷi,
aḅ-‐ṃạạ,
abou:
cf.
ab
‘kid‘,
fem.
abat;
ab-‐ou:
ab-‐uu
‘his
kid’
ab-‐ait:
aba-‐yt
river/khor/brook-‐CasGen
=
‘of
a
river’
Αti
.
.:
aat-‐i
milk-‐CasGen
‘of
milk’;
milk-‐PossSg1
‘my
milk’
atiοu
:
aat-‐i-‐yooh
milk-‐CasGen-‐PossSg3
=
‘of
his
milk’
akasa:
aa-‐kass-‐aah
ArtPlMSubj-‐all/total-‐PossSg3
=
‘all
his
(men)’
agiοu:
aa-‐gaw-‐u
ArtPlMSubj-‐house/tent/sheath-‐PossSg1
=
‘my
houses’
auṭēs:
awt-‐ees
honey-‐PossSg3
=
‘his
honey’;
awt-‐ee-‐s
honey-‐CasGen-‐
AdvGen+from
=
‘from
honey’.
bekrạbie:
barguug-‐iit
old+man-‐Adv+like
=
‘like
an
old
man’
betet:
0-‐bit-‐i-‐t
hawk/eagle-‐CasGen
‘of
a
hawk
(or
eagle)’
garap:
garab
‘split’
akοria:
aa-‐khoor
ArtPlMSubj-‐river+bed:
but
khoor
is
Arabic!
Etc.
...
Hardly
anyone
of
these
meanings
is
a
likely
personal
name.
46. Also,
possible
reminiscences
of
the
elements
found
in
the
Blemmyan
names
from
Talmis
and
el-‐Gebelein
are
very
scarce.
Amokourta:
compare
Blemmyan
kouta?
Baratit:
compare
Blemmyan
Barakhia
?
Κοuei
(if
Coptic,
meaning
‘little’):
may
be
identical
with
Blemmyan
Kōy.
Kestek:
compare
the
Blemmyan
names
with
a
second
element
‑tek
or
‑tak.
Theplōkh:
compare
Blemmyan
Ploukh-‐karour?
Mounkha:
compare
Blemmyan
Mounkōk-‐hǝnhiou?
S/Gerekhēm:
compare
the
extension
–khēm
of
several
Blemmyan
names.
47. This
result
is
astonishing.
Although
the
names
from
the
ostraca
have
a
similar
phoneme
inventory
as
the
Blemmyan
names,
have
almost
identical
restrictions
in
respect
of
the
zinal
consonant,
and
have
a
comparable
syllable
structure,
the
material
substance
does
not
show
agreement
in
a
noteworth
measure.
On
account
of
all
this,
an
identity
of
the
languages
of
the
names
in
the
ostraca
of
the
3rd
century
and
those
in
the
texts
of
the
5th
and
6th
centuries
cannot
be
claimed
for
sure
–
unless
further
elucidation
yields
more
positive
results.
As
it
seems
now,
the
names
from
the
ostraca
may
originate
in
a
language
related
to
that
of
the
Blemmyes,
similar
in
structure,
but
seemingly
not
identical.
48. WE MAY HOPE FOR FURTHER ELUCIDATION
ON THE BARBARIAN NAMES ...................
49. WE MAY HOPE FOR FURTHER ELUCIDATION
ON THE BARBARIAN NAMES ...................
Hadendowa, ca. 1960