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GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECT OF THE AFRICAN
INTEGRATION IN THE GLOBAL INFORMATION
                  NETWORK
    Senegal and Mali comparative research




           Jonathan STEBIG, Globalization Essay, UCL
                        - March 2006 -


                                                       1
Nowadays, Africa is still relatively poorly equipped in the field of New Information
and Communication Technology (N.I.C.T). Nevertheless, this sector is developing rapidly.
Indeed, connectivity is increasing at a rate never before seen on this continent for any other
economic activity. In order to broadly understand the place of Africa in the communication
network, I will introduce my essay with some data. This continent gathers twelve percent of
population for only two percent of the global telecommunication network (International
Telecommunication Union), which represent two main lines for one thousand inhabitants on
average compare to Europe, where the ratio is 314 for one thousand. However, to give only
one example, the number of fixed telephone line has doubled between 1996 and 2002
(Chéneau-Loquay, 1999 [b]). Thus, the situation is paradoxical; despite a very low integration
to the information society, the establishment of NICT is increasing quickly.
Furthermore, this technology is even presented by the G7 as the new universal key to
development, and the WB emphasizes somewhat dramatically if African countries do not
succeed in taking advantage of the information revolution and in surfing the mighty wave of
technological change, they will sink below (Chéneau-Loquay, 2003).
We are faced with a situation of domination of the international organisation (World Bank,
International Monetary Fund) and multinational firms on the infrastructure and the services,
which limit the room for manoeuvre of States in Africa.
What I would like to show in this essay is the geographical aspect of the African integration in
the global information networks through the comparison of two countries in Africa: Senegal,
and Mali. In the first part, I will essentially focus on the establishment, use, and development
of the NICT in these two countries. Successively, I will territorial imbalance within each
country, where there is a common inequality between the ICT network in cities and major
town compare to the rural areas. Next, it seems to me important to analyse the collective use
of the NICT in the “telecenter”, which risk to upset the traditional hierarchies in each country.
Next, in the second part, I would like to deal with the question in explaining the geographical
reasons of the different involvement of both, Mali and Senegal in the information society.
Four elements might be noticed: first, the localisation of the country within the continent;
second, the size of the territory which is important in relation to the ICT networking; third, the
high correlation between the health a country produces and the basic telecommunication
services in the country; and fourth, the tremendous role of the Diaspora and international
migration in the ICT integration.




                                                                                                2
The territorial disparity is a phenomenon present in the whole Africa. Broadly
speaking, there is a general imbalance between the capitals, which gather the quasi totality of
telecenter, main lines and connection and the rural areas, which are generally bad served.
Furthermore, this continent is still represented by a rural society, with seventy to eighty
percent of people who reside in rural places (Cheneau-Loquay, 2004 [a]). However, this
problem is more complex, and the situation is sensibly different between Senegal and Mali.
In Senegal, there is Sixty percent of the telecenter for only one quarter of the population.
Moreover, the costs are two to three times higher in Tombacounda (a rural town), than in
Dakar. However, this situation is improving: the "autonomization" of territories giving power
to the rural communities through the decentralization program launched in 2001 by the
government. In the continuity of this program, concessions have been granted to private
individuals; thus, there is a proliferation of telecentre, and forty percent are outside Dakar.
The aim of the communication ministry is to ensure that no citizen is more than five
kilometres away from a communication tool (Guignard, 2003).
The situation in Mali is much more contrasted, with an obsolete communication network, a
frequency of breakdown high. For instance, the capital, Bamako, gathers seventy five percents
of the ICT network for only ten percent of the whole population. Despite the desire of the
president Konaré to link up the 701 communes through an Internet network (“the
technological jump”) in order to avoid the construction of classical infrastructures, the duality
between the capital and the background is still representative in Mali (Dulau C, 2000).
This geographical disparity represents a considerable limit to the integration of these countries
in the information society, especially in Mali, where the rural areas are still isolated. While
the capital is well linked to the communication network, the major part of the population is
still marginalized from this communication tool.
       I would like now to place an emphasis on the role of telecentre, which could be
responsible for many traditional customs disruption within these countries. Before to analyse
these shifts, I would like to notice the collective use of the ICT, which is a general
characteristic in Africa. This tendency results from the high cost of material and
communications. This could be a solution faced with the elitist private use of these tools. To
illustrate that point, only one datum: there is one user for three computers on average in the
telecenter in Africa (Lancry C, 2002).
The traditional hierarchy risk to be disrupted. While the desire to move abroad had occurred
before the establishment of TIC in Africa, the extraversion of the countries is increasing. The


                                                                                               3
proliferation of telecentre represents one larger window toward the “West”, a way of evasion
for people who are still living within the homeland.
The fieldworks in the telecenter of Dakar have shown that the destination of the emails is for
41.5 percent France. Moreover, the most part of the website consulted are about the
international news (84.5 percent). The Internet access in telecentre accentuates the
“Westernisation” of young people, which are looking for jobs, school or both overseas. The
example of the town Touba is even more illustrative, this background rural area is better
connected to a global level than to the local network (Gueye C, 2003). Therefore, there is a
strenghen of international traffic in Senegal, whereas it is weaker within Africa (only one
quarter of the total international communications are within Africa).
The situation in Mali is relatively different. While the average consumption of each mailbox
is constantly increasing (in 1996, the ratio of 3%: 600 electronic mail accounts for 20000
main lines, was double the present ratio in France), this land-locked country is less
characterized by an extraversion toward the western culture, the communications overseas are
for 50 percent within the continent (Lancry C, 2002).
This disruption of traditional hierarchy seems to be a central issue for the future of Africa.
The implementation of the ICT, still badly controlled an appropriated by these countries could
represent a further path for African population to identify themselves through the western
culture, and to escape this situation of marginalization.


       In this second part, I will try t elucidate the geographical reasons which explains the
different integration to the information and communication society between Mali and
Senegal.
First, there is an element that cannot be ignored: it is the localisation of the country within the
continent, and these two states represent situations extremely different.
The Senegal, located on the West coast of Africa is a great deal better linked to the TIC
networks than the Mali, located in the Sahel, and isolated from any communication networks.
To illustrate the constraint for a country to be an enclave within a continent, I will emphasize
only one element which is decisive in the case these two countries. The under sea fibre optic
cable build by ALCATEL in February 2000 around the North West coast of Africa have
permitted to Senegal to be directly connected with countries in South America and Europe.
Moreover, this fibre optic has allowed the country to get a high output internet connection,
especially in the capital, which increases the reliability of the navigation on the web. Instead,


                                                                                                 4
Mali is not near enough to this cable to take advantage of this new technology, an alternative
to the satellite which is less reliable for Internet connection (Chéneau-Loquay, 2004 [b]).
Through this instance, we can understand the crucial role of localisation in the new
information network.
       Second, I would like to place an emphasis on the superficies of the territory, an
important factor in the development of communications technology. While this element is
especially representative for the extreme cases, it seems to play an important role in the two
case studies. Indeed, Mali, a 1 240 000 km² country, is far much larger than Senegal
(196 000km²). This is decisive in the networking of different places within the country, in the
sense that the maintenance of infrastructures of telecommunications, and the linkage between
remote areas is extremely easier in a less extensive space. That is why the establishment of
telecommunication infrastructures is more problematical in Mali, where the network is
dilapidated, and obsolete, which necessitate a number of maintenance faced with the high
frequency of breakdown. This country represents one of the less teledensity in the whole
world, with only 2.5 lines for one thousand inhabitants (Lancry C, 2004).
       The third point I would like to deal with is about the economic situation of the
country. The correlation between the GDP and the level of integration in the
telecommunication networks can also be an element of explanation for the comparison
between Mali and Senegal. I am going to illustrate that with some figures: In Mali, the GDP is
246 $ compare to Senegal where it is more than double (520$); and if we correlate that to the
number of cellular phones for one thousand inhabitant, we notice that it is twenty times less in
Mali (0.4), than in Senegal (8.0). The number of the Internet user is also representative. In
Mali there are three times less users than in Senegal: 9.12/1000 in Mali and 32.46/1000 in
Senegal (table one in Cheneau-Loquay, 2000).
While these differences are not exclusively related to the economic situation in both, Mali and
Senegal, there is an indisputable relation between the GDP and the communication network
integration.
       The last geographical element I would like to deal with is the phenomenon of
international migration. Despite the presence of Diasporas abroad is characteristic of these
two countries, the results are more efficient in Senegal.
The role of these communities who have settled abroad is to involve in the economic situation
in the homeland along with to build a network to keep the contact wit the homeland; the ICT
seems to be the usual way to communicate.


                                                                                              5
First, I would like here to speak about the international tax on traffic calls from abroad. This
tax is paid by the operator of origin towards the one of destination; due to the much higher
incoming calls from the communities abroad toward the homeland, the Diaspora’s calls
represent one third of the benefits of the SONATEL in Senegal; and, in a less extent, one
quarter of the SOTELMA in Mali (Chéneau-Loquay, 2001). Unfortunately, the USA, aware
about this important loss of money, has decided to reform this tax in diminishing the rate of
this one, which risk to be damageable for the developing countries in general. Through this
example, we notice how far is important the networking with the communities abroad.
Second, the ICT play a role sensibly paradoxical, in the sense that we witness the
geographical extraversion of one community along wit the cultural refocusing, this
contradiction is well illustrated by the case of Touba, a secondary town in Senegal, located in
a 90 % rural area, in which the community “Mouribe” use the ICT to spread its culture and
religion through the web, but also to organize trade from Touba to every community settled in
overseas countries and reversal. Thus we are faced with a network extraversion and a
reinforcement of social and economic cohesion (Guignard T, 2004).


       In conclusion, I would like to explore the other elements which are related to the ICT
integration in these two countries. Whereas the geographical analysis is appropriate to assess
the involvement of Senegal and Mali in the “information society”, there is also a sociological
explanation in this issue. Indeed, the relations of power, in different scales (family, village,
state) are extremely important to evaluate the ICT integration in the two case studies. The
sentence of the past president of Mali, Alpha Omar Konaré is very significant of these stakes
of power: “Nowadays, the one who can be present on the information auto route has a
considerable manipulation power” (Misse M, 2003).
To analyse these stake of actors, I will focus on three different scales:
First, at the national scale, the governments are not very involved in the ITC development in
their countries. Indeed, the most part of investment in this sector come from the private sector.
Thus, we may conclude that there is a fear from the states compared with the establishment of
ICT, which represent the introduction of transparency, in contradiction with their power
which often rely on control of information and knowledge. Therefore, in Senegal as in Mali,
the government tries to keep a hand over the ITC networks.
Then, in the scale of urban and rural relation, there is a will from the urban elites and the
ruling class to limit the share of information. These actors establish their power over the rural
marginalized classes through the “conservatism system” based on a general control of the

                                                                                               6
information. The development of ICT, which introduce a conception of universal
communication, will call into question this relation of domination.
Finally, the public access to the Internet in telecentre represents an opportunity for young
people and women to free from the traditional hierarchy. Indeed, through the Internet, people
can get round the traditional way to access to knowledge and thus, limit the domination of the
ancestor and parents, in accessing the information through the web.
These three different stakes of power illustrate to which extent the ICT allowed the weakest
actors to free from the domination relationship, characteristic of these societies. Therefore, the
introduction of ICT in these countries is also disrupted by these traditional power
relationships (Misse M, 2003).
There is a last idea I would like to go thoroughly into, it is the loss of control by state. Indeed,
this new digital technology (the Internet) can bypassed the notion of territory, and that put
into question the national regulatory structure on which every nation state was build. This
challenge is especially important in developing countries, where the Structural Adjustment
Program have already undermined the role of states. Hence, the state control over territory is
overwhelmed from both; above, the power of the satellite networks are controlled by the
northern countries and their international institution (WB, WTO); but also from below, due to
the proliferation of bodies isolated in local territories linked up to the outside world (Cheneau-
Loquay, 1999 [b]). As the ICTs ignore the geographical and political constraints of
nationhood, could we not do away with the state altogether in this globalization process where
communication techniques are the driving force?




                                                                                                  7
Internet references: www.africanti.org

-Chéneau-Loquay     A   (2004)    [a],   “Communication    technology,   globalization   and
development”, in “Globalization and communication technology in Africa”, Paris, Karthala-
MSH, *

-Chéneau-Loquay A (2004) [b], “Shape and dynamic of public access in Africa: toward a
paradoxical globalization?”, in “Globalization and communication technology in Africa”
Paris, Karthala-MSH,*

-Chéneau-Loquay A (2002) “Access and use of the Internet in Africa: the broad tendencies”,
in “Africa e Mediterraneo”, n° 41,*

-Chéneau-Loquay A (2001), “Between local an d global, which role for the African states
faced with the telecommunication development: the example of Mali and Senegal”, in
“Contemporain Africa: the State in Africa: between global and local”,*

-Chéneau-Loquay A (2000), “North and South, which Africa in the worldwide
communication networks“, in the seminar “World and centrality”, MSHA Bordeaux,*

-Chéneau-Loquay (1999) [a], “The insertion challenge of communication and information
technologies in the African economies: The example of the Internet in Senegal“, University
Lille,*

-Chéneau-Loquay (1999) [b], “Africa in global communication networks: from networks to
concrete uses”, CNRS IRD-REGARDS,

-Dulau C (2002), “The Internet in Senegal: different uses and communication networks
developed by NGOs in Dakar”, Thesis,*

-Dulau C (2000), “Communication systems, actors and trade networks in Kayes in Mali”,
thesis,*

-Lancry C (2002), “Networks and communication systems in the region of Sikasso in Mali”,
thesis,*
-Zongo G (2000), “Telecentre in Senegal”, Chapter 11 in “Stakes of communication
technology in Africa” directed by Chéneau-Loquay A.*

                                                                                          8
-N’Diaye Diouf (2000), “Availabilities and uses of communication technology in exchanges
in Senegal”, Chapter 13 in “Stakes of communication technology in Africa” directed by
Chéneau-Loquay A.*

-International seminar from the 23rd to the 28th of February 2003. “The numerical gap
between North and South: Which stakes? Which partnership?”,*

       -Chéneau-Loquay       A:       “Geographical     and    Geopolitical     aspects”,        *
       -Misse M: “Social representation, actors and power in the social appropriation of the
       communication      networks:     research   on   the   Internet   in   Cameroon”      ,*
       -Guignard Thomas: “The public access to the Internet in Senegal: a paradoxical
       emergence”*
       -Blin O: “The growth of new technologies in the areas of culture and art in Dakar”*
       -Gueye C: “ICTs appropriation by the credit and saving bank for women in Senegal”*




Library references:
-“Electronic networking for West African Universities: report from a workshop, Accra,
Ghana, December 15-17”, Washington, D.C.: African Academy of Sciences: American
Association for the Advancement of Science, 1993

-“Electronic networking in Africa: advancing science and technology for development,
Workshop on Science and Technology Communication Networks in Africa, August 27-29,
Nairobi, Kenya”, Washington, D.C.: African Academy of Sciences: American Association for
the Advancement of Science, 1993

-Pfister, Roger (1996), “Internet for Africans and others interested” in “Africa: an
introduction to the Internet and a comprehensive compilation of relevant addresses”, Bern:
Swiss Society of African Studies;

-Ba Abdoul (1999),“The Internet for African journalists“, Paris : Institute Panos, Karthala, *

-Ba Abdoul (2003), “The Internet, cyberspace, and uses in Africa”, Paris: L'Harmattan, *

- Kuntze Marco (1996), “The Internet in Africa: political implications of new information
technology”, London: University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies




                                                                                                 9
- Ntambue Tshimbulu R (2001), “The Internet, its web and its email in Africa“, Paris:
L'Harmattan,*

-Smith M (2003), “Globalizing Africa“, Trenton, NJ, Africa World Press

-Grant R and J. Short (eds) (2002), “Globalization and the margins”, London, Palgrave

-Cheru Fantu (2002), “African renaissance: Roadmaps to the challenge of Globalization”
London Zed

*: translated in English by my self.




                                                                                        10

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"Geographical aspect of the African integration in the global information network - Senegal and Mali comparative research", UCL, UTM2, 03.2006

  • 1. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECT OF THE AFRICAN INTEGRATION IN THE GLOBAL INFORMATION NETWORK Senegal and Mali comparative research Jonathan STEBIG, Globalization Essay, UCL - March 2006 - 1
  • 2. Nowadays, Africa is still relatively poorly equipped in the field of New Information and Communication Technology (N.I.C.T). Nevertheless, this sector is developing rapidly. Indeed, connectivity is increasing at a rate never before seen on this continent for any other economic activity. In order to broadly understand the place of Africa in the communication network, I will introduce my essay with some data. This continent gathers twelve percent of population for only two percent of the global telecommunication network (International Telecommunication Union), which represent two main lines for one thousand inhabitants on average compare to Europe, where the ratio is 314 for one thousand. However, to give only one example, the number of fixed telephone line has doubled between 1996 and 2002 (Chéneau-Loquay, 1999 [b]). Thus, the situation is paradoxical; despite a very low integration to the information society, the establishment of NICT is increasing quickly. Furthermore, this technology is even presented by the G7 as the new universal key to development, and the WB emphasizes somewhat dramatically if African countries do not succeed in taking advantage of the information revolution and in surfing the mighty wave of technological change, they will sink below (Chéneau-Loquay, 2003). We are faced with a situation of domination of the international organisation (World Bank, International Monetary Fund) and multinational firms on the infrastructure and the services, which limit the room for manoeuvre of States in Africa. What I would like to show in this essay is the geographical aspect of the African integration in the global information networks through the comparison of two countries in Africa: Senegal, and Mali. In the first part, I will essentially focus on the establishment, use, and development of the NICT in these two countries. Successively, I will territorial imbalance within each country, where there is a common inequality between the ICT network in cities and major town compare to the rural areas. Next, it seems to me important to analyse the collective use of the NICT in the “telecenter”, which risk to upset the traditional hierarchies in each country. Next, in the second part, I would like to deal with the question in explaining the geographical reasons of the different involvement of both, Mali and Senegal in the information society. Four elements might be noticed: first, the localisation of the country within the continent; second, the size of the territory which is important in relation to the ICT networking; third, the high correlation between the health a country produces and the basic telecommunication services in the country; and fourth, the tremendous role of the Diaspora and international migration in the ICT integration. 2
  • 3. The territorial disparity is a phenomenon present in the whole Africa. Broadly speaking, there is a general imbalance between the capitals, which gather the quasi totality of telecenter, main lines and connection and the rural areas, which are generally bad served. Furthermore, this continent is still represented by a rural society, with seventy to eighty percent of people who reside in rural places (Cheneau-Loquay, 2004 [a]). However, this problem is more complex, and the situation is sensibly different between Senegal and Mali. In Senegal, there is Sixty percent of the telecenter for only one quarter of the population. Moreover, the costs are two to three times higher in Tombacounda (a rural town), than in Dakar. However, this situation is improving: the "autonomization" of territories giving power to the rural communities through the decentralization program launched in 2001 by the government. In the continuity of this program, concessions have been granted to private individuals; thus, there is a proliferation of telecentre, and forty percent are outside Dakar. The aim of the communication ministry is to ensure that no citizen is more than five kilometres away from a communication tool (Guignard, 2003). The situation in Mali is much more contrasted, with an obsolete communication network, a frequency of breakdown high. For instance, the capital, Bamako, gathers seventy five percents of the ICT network for only ten percent of the whole population. Despite the desire of the president Konaré to link up the 701 communes through an Internet network (“the technological jump”) in order to avoid the construction of classical infrastructures, the duality between the capital and the background is still representative in Mali (Dulau C, 2000). This geographical disparity represents a considerable limit to the integration of these countries in the information society, especially in Mali, where the rural areas are still isolated. While the capital is well linked to the communication network, the major part of the population is still marginalized from this communication tool. I would like now to place an emphasis on the role of telecentre, which could be responsible for many traditional customs disruption within these countries. Before to analyse these shifts, I would like to notice the collective use of the ICT, which is a general characteristic in Africa. This tendency results from the high cost of material and communications. This could be a solution faced with the elitist private use of these tools. To illustrate that point, only one datum: there is one user for three computers on average in the telecenter in Africa (Lancry C, 2002). The traditional hierarchy risk to be disrupted. While the desire to move abroad had occurred before the establishment of TIC in Africa, the extraversion of the countries is increasing. The 3
  • 4. proliferation of telecentre represents one larger window toward the “West”, a way of evasion for people who are still living within the homeland. The fieldworks in the telecenter of Dakar have shown that the destination of the emails is for 41.5 percent France. Moreover, the most part of the website consulted are about the international news (84.5 percent). The Internet access in telecentre accentuates the “Westernisation” of young people, which are looking for jobs, school or both overseas. The example of the town Touba is even more illustrative, this background rural area is better connected to a global level than to the local network (Gueye C, 2003). Therefore, there is a strenghen of international traffic in Senegal, whereas it is weaker within Africa (only one quarter of the total international communications are within Africa). The situation in Mali is relatively different. While the average consumption of each mailbox is constantly increasing (in 1996, the ratio of 3%: 600 electronic mail accounts for 20000 main lines, was double the present ratio in France), this land-locked country is less characterized by an extraversion toward the western culture, the communications overseas are for 50 percent within the continent (Lancry C, 2002). This disruption of traditional hierarchy seems to be a central issue for the future of Africa. The implementation of the ICT, still badly controlled an appropriated by these countries could represent a further path for African population to identify themselves through the western culture, and to escape this situation of marginalization. In this second part, I will try t elucidate the geographical reasons which explains the different integration to the information and communication society between Mali and Senegal. First, there is an element that cannot be ignored: it is the localisation of the country within the continent, and these two states represent situations extremely different. The Senegal, located on the West coast of Africa is a great deal better linked to the TIC networks than the Mali, located in the Sahel, and isolated from any communication networks. To illustrate the constraint for a country to be an enclave within a continent, I will emphasize only one element which is decisive in the case these two countries. The under sea fibre optic cable build by ALCATEL in February 2000 around the North West coast of Africa have permitted to Senegal to be directly connected with countries in South America and Europe. Moreover, this fibre optic has allowed the country to get a high output internet connection, especially in the capital, which increases the reliability of the navigation on the web. Instead, 4
  • 5. Mali is not near enough to this cable to take advantage of this new technology, an alternative to the satellite which is less reliable for Internet connection (Chéneau-Loquay, 2004 [b]). Through this instance, we can understand the crucial role of localisation in the new information network. Second, I would like to place an emphasis on the superficies of the territory, an important factor in the development of communications technology. While this element is especially representative for the extreme cases, it seems to play an important role in the two case studies. Indeed, Mali, a 1 240 000 km² country, is far much larger than Senegal (196 000km²). This is decisive in the networking of different places within the country, in the sense that the maintenance of infrastructures of telecommunications, and the linkage between remote areas is extremely easier in a less extensive space. That is why the establishment of telecommunication infrastructures is more problematical in Mali, where the network is dilapidated, and obsolete, which necessitate a number of maintenance faced with the high frequency of breakdown. This country represents one of the less teledensity in the whole world, with only 2.5 lines for one thousand inhabitants (Lancry C, 2004). The third point I would like to deal with is about the economic situation of the country. The correlation between the GDP and the level of integration in the telecommunication networks can also be an element of explanation for the comparison between Mali and Senegal. I am going to illustrate that with some figures: In Mali, the GDP is 246 $ compare to Senegal where it is more than double (520$); and if we correlate that to the number of cellular phones for one thousand inhabitant, we notice that it is twenty times less in Mali (0.4), than in Senegal (8.0). The number of the Internet user is also representative. In Mali there are three times less users than in Senegal: 9.12/1000 in Mali and 32.46/1000 in Senegal (table one in Cheneau-Loquay, 2000). While these differences are not exclusively related to the economic situation in both, Mali and Senegal, there is an indisputable relation between the GDP and the communication network integration. The last geographical element I would like to deal with is the phenomenon of international migration. Despite the presence of Diasporas abroad is characteristic of these two countries, the results are more efficient in Senegal. The role of these communities who have settled abroad is to involve in the economic situation in the homeland along with to build a network to keep the contact wit the homeland; the ICT seems to be the usual way to communicate. 5
  • 6. First, I would like here to speak about the international tax on traffic calls from abroad. This tax is paid by the operator of origin towards the one of destination; due to the much higher incoming calls from the communities abroad toward the homeland, the Diaspora’s calls represent one third of the benefits of the SONATEL in Senegal; and, in a less extent, one quarter of the SOTELMA in Mali (Chéneau-Loquay, 2001). Unfortunately, the USA, aware about this important loss of money, has decided to reform this tax in diminishing the rate of this one, which risk to be damageable for the developing countries in general. Through this example, we notice how far is important the networking with the communities abroad. Second, the ICT play a role sensibly paradoxical, in the sense that we witness the geographical extraversion of one community along wit the cultural refocusing, this contradiction is well illustrated by the case of Touba, a secondary town in Senegal, located in a 90 % rural area, in which the community “Mouribe” use the ICT to spread its culture and religion through the web, but also to organize trade from Touba to every community settled in overseas countries and reversal. Thus we are faced with a network extraversion and a reinforcement of social and economic cohesion (Guignard T, 2004). In conclusion, I would like to explore the other elements which are related to the ICT integration in these two countries. Whereas the geographical analysis is appropriate to assess the involvement of Senegal and Mali in the “information society”, there is also a sociological explanation in this issue. Indeed, the relations of power, in different scales (family, village, state) are extremely important to evaluate the ICT integration in the two case studies. The sentence of the past president of Mali, Alpha Omar Konaré is very significant of these stakes of power: “Nowadays, the one who can be present on the information auto route has a considerable manipulation power” (Misse M, 2003). To analyse these stake of actors, I will focus on three different scales: First, at the national scale, the governments are not very involved in the ITC development in their countries. Indeed, the most part of investment in this sector come from the private sector. Thus, we may conclude that there is a fear from the states compared with the establishment of ICT, which represent the introduction of transparency, in contradiction with their power which often rely on control of information and knowledge. Therefore, in Senegal as in Mali, the government tries to keep a hand over the ITC networks. Then, in the scale of urban and rural relation, there is a will from the urban elites and the ruling class to limit the share of information. These actors establish their power over the rural marginalized classes through the “conservatism system” based on a general control of the 6
  • 7. information. The development of ICT, which introduce a conception of universal communication, will call into question this relation of domination. Finally, the public access to the Internet in telecentre represents an opportunity for young people and women to free from the traditional hierarchy. Indeed, through the Internet, people can get round the traditional way to access to knowledge and thus, limit the domination of the ancestor and parents, in accessing the information through the web. These three different stakes of power illustrate to which extent the ICT allowed the weakest actors to free from the domination relationship, characteristic of these societies. Therefore, the introduction of ICT in these countries is also disrupted by these traditional power relationships (Misse M, 2003). There is a last idea I would like to go thoroughly into, it is the loss of control by state. Indeed, this new digital technology (the Internet) can bypassed the notion of territory, and that put into question the national regulatory structure on which every nation state was build. This challenge is especially important in developing countries, where the Structural Adjustment Program have already undermined the role of states. Hence, the state control over territory is overwhelmed from both; above, the power of the satellite networks are controlled by the northern countries and their international institution (WB, WTO); but also from below, due to the proliferation of bodies isolated in local territories linked up to the outside world (Cheneau- Loquay, 1999 [b]). As the ICTs ignore the geographical and political constraints of nationhood, could we not do away with the state altogether in this globalization process where communication techniques are the driving force? 7
  • 8. Internet references: www.africanti.org -Chéneau-Loquay A (2004) [a], “Communication technology, globalization and development”, in “Globalization and communication technology in Africa”, Paris, Karthala- MSH, * -Chéneau-Loquay A (2004) [b], “Shape and dynamic of public access in Africa: toward a paradoxical globalization?”, in “Globalization and communication technology in Africa” Paris, Karthala-MSH,* -Chéneau-Loquay A (2002) “Access and use of the Internet in Africa: the broad tendencies”, in “Africa e Mediterraneo”, n° 41,* -Chéneau-Loquay A (2001), “Between local an d global, which role for the African states faced with the telecommunication development: the example of Mali and Senegal”, in “Contemporain Africa: the State in Africa: between global and local”,* -Chéneau-Loquay A (2000), “North and South, which Africa in the worldwide communication networks“, in the seminar “World and centrality”, MSHA Bordeaux,* -Chéneau-Loquay (1999) [a], “The insertion challenge of communication and information technologies in the African economies: The example of the Internet in Senegal“, University Lille,* -Chéneau-Loquay (1999) [b], “Africa in global communication networks: from networks to concrete uses”, CNRS IRD-REGARDS, -Dulau C (2002), “The Internet in Senegal: different uses and communication networks developed by NGOs in Dakar”, Thesis,* -Dulau C (2000), “Communication systems, actors and trade networks in Kayes in Mali”, thesis,* -Lancry C (2002), “Networks and communication systems in the region of Sikasso in Mali”, thesis,* -Zongo G (2000), “Telecentre in Senegal”, Chapter 11 in “Stakes of communication technology in Africa” directed by Chéneau-Loquay A.* 8
  • 9. -N’Diaye Diouf (2000), “Availabilities and uses of communication technology in exchanges in Senegal”, Chapter 13 in “Stakes of communication technology in Africa” directed by Chéneau-Loquay A.* -International seminar from the 23rd to the 28th of February 2003. “The numerical gap between North and South: Which stakes? Which partnership?”,* -Chéneau-Loquay A: “Geographical and Geopolitical aspects”, * -Misse M: “Social representation, actors and power in the social appropriation of the communication networks: research on the Internet in Cameroon” ,* -Guignard Thomas: “The public access to the Internet in Senegal: a paradoxical emergence”* -Blin O: “The growth of new technologies in the areas of culture and art in Dakar”* -Gueye C: “ICTs appropriation by the credit and saving bank for women in Senegal”* Library references: -“Electronic networking for West African Universities: report from a workshop, Accra, Ghana, December 15-17”, Washington, D.C.: African Academy of Sciences: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1993 -“Electronic networking in Africa: advancing science and technology for development, Workshop on Science and Technology Communication Networks in Africa, August 27-29, Nairobi, Kenya”, Washington, D.C.: African Academy of Sciences: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1993 -Pfister, Roger (1996), “Internet for Africans and others interested” in “Africa: an introduction to the Internet and a comprehensive compilation of relevant addresses”, Bern: Swiss Society of African Studies; -Ba Abdoul (1999),“The Internet for African journalists“, Paris : Institute Panos, Karthala, * -Ba Abdoul (2003), “The Internet, cyberspace, and uses in Africa”, Paris: L'Harmattan, * - Kuntze Marco (1996), “The Internet in Africa: political implications of new information technology”, London: University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies 9
  • 10. - Ntambue Tshimbulu R (2001), “The Internet, its web and its email in Africa“, Paris: L'Harmattan,* -Smith M (2003), “Globalizing Africa“, Trenton, NJ, Africa World Press -Grant R and J. Short (eds) (2002), “Globalization and the margins”, London, Palgrave -Cheru Fantu (2002), “African renaissance: Roadmaps to the challenge of Globalization” London Zed *: translated in English by my self. 10